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Theological Seminary 


PER AS 122 .L72 N.S. v.3 
Royal Asiatic Society of 
Great Britain and Ireland. 
Journal of the Royal Asiati 
Society of Great Britain & 

\ 1) O N A T I O N 


- ? K ' f - - V, W , 



n €3c;‘ 

Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2016 
















Art. I. — Contributions towards a Glossary of the Assyrian 

Language. By H. P. Talbot 1 

Art. II. — Kemarks on the Indo-Chinese Alphabets. By Dr. 

A. Bastian 65 

Art. III. — The Poetry of Mohamed Babadan, Arragonese, By 

the Hon. H. E. J. Stanley ... 81 

Art. IV. — Catalogue of the Oriental Manuscripts in the 
Library of King’s College, Cambridge. By 
Edward Henry Palmer, B.A., Scholar of St. 
John’s College, Cambridge ; Member of the 
Boyal Asiatic Society ; Membre de la Societe 

Asiatique de Paris 105 

Art. V. — Description of the Amravati Tope in Guntur. By 

J. Eeegttsson, Esq., P.E.S 132 

Art. VI. — Bemarks on Professor Brockhaus’ Edition of the 
Kathasarit-sagara, Lambaka ix.-xvm. By Dr. 

H. Kern, Professor of Sanskrit in the University 

of Leyden . 167 

Art. VII. — The Source of Colebrooke’s Essay “ On the Duties 
of a Faithful Hindu Widow.” By Fitzedwaed 

Hall, Esq. M.A., D.C.L. Oxon 183 

Supplement. — Further Detail of Proofs that Colebrooke’s 
Essay “On the Duties of a Faithful Hindu 
"Widow” was not indebted to the Vivadabhan- 

garnava. By Fitzedward Hall, Esq 193 

Art. VIII. — The Sixth Hymn of the First Book of the Big 
Veda. By Professor Max Muller, M.A., Hon. 

M.B.A.S 199 

Art. IX. — Sassanian Inscriptions. By E. Thomas, Esq 241 



Akt. X. — Account of an Embassy from Marocco to Spain in 
1690 and 1691. By the Hon. H. E. J. Stanley 
Aht. XI, — The Poetry of Mohamed Rabadan, of Arragon. By 

the Hon. H. E. J. Stanley 

Akt. XII. — Materials for the History of India for the Six 
Hundred Years of Mohammadan Rule previous 
to the foundation of the British Indian Empire. 

By Major W. Nassau Lees, LL.D., Ph.D 

XIII. — A few words concerning the Hill People inhabiting 
the Forests of the Cochin State. By Capt. G. E. 

Eeyee, Staff Corps, M.R.A.S 

Akt. XIV. — Notes on the Bhojpuri Dialect of Hindi, spoken 
in Western Behar. By John Beames, Esq., B.C.S., 
Magistrate of Chumpamn 










Art. I. — Contributions towards a Glossary of the Assyrian 
Language. By H. F. TalboT. 

1 THINK it may be of some utility to the Students of the 
Assyrian Language to bring together in the form of a 
Glossary a certahi number of words of which the meaning 
appears to be established with a reasonable amount of 
probability. I have here presented to the Society the 
commencement of such a work, to be continued, as I 
hope, on a futm’e occasion. I have not followed any 
alphabetical order, but have numbered the words, so that 
in the event of their becoming sufficiently numerous, an 
alphabetical index referring to these numbers may be 
added. I have been very careful to refer to passages in 
which the words are found, so as to enable any one to 
verify their accuracy. I have used some typographical 
abbreviations, the prmcipal of which are the following : — 

L. . . . . First Vol. of British Museum Inscriptions. Edited by 

Layard, 1851. 

R. . . . . Second Yol. of British Museum Inscriptions. Edited hy 

Eawhnson, 1861. 

2 R Third Vol. of British Museum Inscriptions. Edited by the 

same, 1866. 

R. A. S. . . Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. 

R. S. L. . . Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature, 

Obel Inscription on the Obelisk (L. pi. 87-98). 

TOL. m . — [new SEEtES], 




Tigl. .. 
Annals. . 

Tayl. .. 

B. N. .. 
E. I- H. 

Phill. .. 

Bell. . . 

Botta . » 

P. C. .. 
Sell. . . 
Buxt. . . 

Annals of Tiglath Pileser I. (B.. pi. 9-16), 

Annals of the King who has been called Sardanapalus I. or 
Ashurakhbal (R. pi. 17-26). 

Annals of the first eight years of Sennacherib’s reign, called 
“ Taylor’s Cyhnder (R. pi. 37-42). 

The Birs Nimrud Inscription (R. pi. 51). 

The great Inscription of Nebuchadnezzar, in the East India 
House (R. pi. 59-64). 

Inscription in the possession of Sir T. PhiUipps, Bart. 
(R. pi. 65). 

BeUino’s Cylinder, containing annals of the first two years of 
Sennacherib’s reign. Pubhshed by Grotefend from 
BeUino’s facsimile. 

From Botta’s Monument de Ninive. 1849-50, Paris. 

The Inscription of Behistun. Edited by Sir H. Rawlinson, 
in the Journal of the R. A. S. 

Proto-Chaldaean ; sometimes called Accadian. 

Schindler! Lexicon Pentaglotton. Hanorite, 1612. 

BuxtorPs great Lexicon ; which he describes as “ Opus 
XXX annorum.” 

Ges. or Gesen. Gesenii Lexicon Manuale Hebraicum et Chaldaicum. 
Leipsic, 1833. 

0pp. Khors. Grande Inscription du Palais de Khorsabad. Publiee et 
commentee par J. Oppert et J. Menant. Paris, 1863. 

0pp. Exp. . . Expedition Scientifique en Mesopotamie. Publiee par 
J. Oppert. Paris, 1858. 


1. Ih. ©> a God. — Phill. 1, 11. Ana Marduk ilu bani-ja, 

“ Unto Marduk tbe god my creator (or, my father^.” The 
same as the Hebrew Dens. In 2R31, line 11 of col. 2, 
we find another spelling of the word, viz. m, 

which is explained by the usual symbol for a god. The 

same is repeated in line 20. But No. 754 of the Syllabary 
explains y^Ty Ilu. The plural is sometimes 

Him G*"’ name of King Ashur-resh-IUm 

-T Tf -V tE <k father of Tiglath Pileser I. 

His name signifies “Ashur is the chief of the gods.” — See 
R 15, line 42. 

2. Shamie. *^11 Heaven.— B.N, 1, 13. Agrees 

exactly with the Hebrew 

3. Irtsiti 1? IS. The same as 


4. SarrUi ^ — 2R2, No. 330, where it is 

explained by which is the usual symbol for a king. 

The same spelling and explanation is also found in 2R31, 
line 9 of col. 2. The same is again repeated in line 17. This 
is the Heb. Prince, which is also written In 

Daniel viii. 25, is rendered in the authorised 

version “Prince of princes.” Tbe word was pronounced 
simply Sar. Indeed the single letter Sar expresses 

“King” in R9, line 1, Ashur Sar kushat ilim ; Ashur, King 
of the races of the gods. 



5- Sarrat. ^TT^’ a Queen. — 2 R 48, line 34. Many 

examples in 2R60, viz. lines 3, 14, 17, 24, 25, 26. 

We read on the Tablet 100 — “Ishtar, queen of heaven and 
of the stars.” ^ 

< tc? ^>f Ph- Ishtar sarrat shamami u (....); the 
last word being of doubtful sound. Perhaps however shamami 
is an adjective, meaning “ heavenly.” It occurs also in 
R69, col. 3, line 54 : — “The worship of San, chief of the 
gods, do thou establish in the hearts of the people ” — where 
“ hearts ” have the epithet shamami, meaning 

either “heavenly” or “pious.” 

(I to(-k tribute from) Samsi, queen of the Arabians 

Em -^11 eeH -TP T1 -TT<T t::- 

Inscription of Sargon at Khorsabad. 

6. Sarrut. .^TTI a Kingdom, Royalty. — 2 R 38, 

line 45. Guza sarruti su yyy tiyjyt: 

royal throne. See R59, line 64. 

Sarrut-sin, their Kingdoms, >^IT[ f-tHPff- — 

2R67, line 4, which says “he conquered all the lands and 
ruled their kingdoms ebusu sarrut-sin. 

7. Sarrut. ^Id .^TIT Elementary Instruction. Con- 

cerning this word I formerly wrote as follows:’^ — ^'■Sarrut, in 
this sense, has, I believe, nothing to do with the common word 
sarrut (kingdom). It here means “ elementary instruction,” 
and is derived from the Chaldee inchoavit. However 

different these two meanings of sarrut may seem, yet they 
had a common origin, to which the Latin language offers an 
exact parallel. On the one hand we have princeps, princi- 
patus, &c., implying royal power (the first in rank), while 
on the other hand we have principium, the beginning of a 
thing (the first in time), and principia, the first principles of 
a science, its very elements. So a child’s primer is his 
'•'‘premier livre.” TKese remarks referred to an inscription 


* Transactions of the K.S.L., Vol. 8, p. 107. 



often found on the grammatical tablets in the British Museum, 
saying that “ King Ashurbanipal caused these dippi sarruti 
to be wiatten for the promotion of learning — which no king 
had ever done before him” — dippi sarruti meaning “tablets 
of instruction.” 

In this word as in many others the Chaldee changes 
into J ~\ , having taruta (instruction at school) for 


I have since found a remarkable confirmation of this expla- 
nation on a tablet 2R2, Xo. 370, where 

Dip Sarru is explained to mean Dippi 

Dish, “tablet of the commencement.” In 2 R60, line 34, the god 
Nebo, who was, like Hermes, the god of eloquence apd learning, 
has the title Banu sitri dip sai'ruti y — >^111 >-<y>“<.— 
Author of the writings on the Tablets of Primary Instruction. 

KhS/ YT^’ KIhIi well-known symbols for 

a Fish and a Bird. They are very often coupled together by 
way of contrast. Those were probably^ their names in the 
Proto-Chaldsean language. These words occur together in 
2 R 40, lines 17 and 18 of col. 2, accompanied by an Assyrian 
version, as follows : — 

9- Nuni. V- -TTT- ■> ^ Fish (oblique case), explained by 
yy< Kha. This agrees perfectly with the Heb. pj nun, 
a fish. 

10 . itsuri. ^yy<y, a Bird ; explained by >-y<y Khu. 

This is. the oblique case ; the nominative case or simple form 
of the word is Itsur tic \ Numerous examples occur in 
the inscriptions, ex. gr. 

11- Ini Itsuri. J=y ^yy<y. Bird’s Eye; 

the name of a stone. This name is., found in a long list of 
stones 2, R40. The corresponding Proto-Chaldsean term is 
<P -H --'b of which the first sign means “ Eye," 
the second' “Bird,” and the third is the syllable tia, which I 



take to be a case ending. Modern languages have siniilai 
names for stones, such as Cat’s Eye, <kc. 

ItSUnsh. (adv.). Like a Bird. Ifsurish ipparas “he fled like 
a bird, — R39, 57. For this in other pas- 
sages we find l-ima itsuri (like a 

bird). For instance, in the Annals of Esarhaddon, line 45 of 
col. 1, “ Sanduarri fled to the mountains, but I caught him 
like a bird,” kima itsuri ; which is contrasted with another 
statement in line 17, “ King Abd-Astarte fled over the Sea, 
but I caught him like a fish,” kima nuni. See also 2Rl9, 
line 40 of col. 2, kima itzuri *'11^1’ which 

phrase is accompanied by a Proto-Chaldaean translation, 
^1 <E1!- The last sign is kim (like unto), which 
always follotvs in this language, whereas in Assyrian kima 
always precedes. 

Xunu itsuru. Fish and Birds, R65, 19, where it is said these 
were offered to the gods. Thus written ■7" « Cl] 


j\Iany birds are named on the Tablet 2 R 37, some of 
which I will add here. 

13. Kuku. -H < probably the Cuckoo, 2 R 37, line 4, 

and again line 54. This bird has not changed its note since 
the days of Aristophanes : — 

')^(07ro6’ 6 KOKKv^ enrol kokkv ! &c. 

Opv. 505. 

14. T lO.kIflik. *“^1 stork, 2R37, line 8 j 

rendered in the other column, which is probably in a dififerent 
dialect, laklakku, -jV "jV ^ • This bird was so named 

from the clattering of its bill. It is an onomatopoeia or 
imitation of a natural sound. The Stork has that name in 
many eastern languages, which have been carefully brought 
together by Pott and Rodiger in the Zeitschrift fur die Kunde 
des Morgenlandes, vol. 4, page 31 (Bonn 1841), from which I 
will make the following extract : — 

“ The Stork is called in Kurdish legh legh ; in Bucharian 



and another language lagh lagh (see Bumes’s Travels, II. 148, 
of the German translation), so also in Tartarian (see 
Klaproth’s Tour in Caucasus, II. 275): in Persian legleg : 

Arabic leq leq, ex sono quern rostro crepitante edit. Hindi 
laka laka ; Albanian XeXixe. See Bochart’s Hierozoicon, 
III. 88.” 

15. TJmmi Mie. ^TTT T*" ^=1?’ literally “ Water 

Mother,” probably what we eaU the Water Hen, 2R37, 
line 56. It is also written n h- (Mother 

of Waters), same plate line 6 ; and in the Proto-Chaldaean 
version it stands thus : >^y<y» which has the same 

meaning, since the first sign means mother, the second water, 
and the third bird. 

16 - Itsur Mushi. s^y <^y^ Bird of Night, 

probably the Owl, 2R40, line 29 ; and again 2R37, line 31, 
spelt the same. 

17. Itsur rabi. (Bterally “the Great 

Bird”), 2R37, line 10, explained pazpaz or patch-patch. 
This is unknown, unless it be the Hindi petcha or petscha, an 
Owl, which Pott mentions in the same page of the 

18- Itsur titsi. 5^ ’pyy.— 2R37, Hne40. 

This may mean a Bird of Omen ; for titsu is used for luck, 
lot, fortune. The Proto-Chaldaean translation is 
which means bird, followed by gizL This 

Proto-Chaldaean or Accadian word “ a bird ” 

also occurs in lines 41, 48, and 49, besides lines 32, 33, in 
which the commencement is broken, off. It may therefore 
be considered as well established. 

19. Nashru. s] ^ .^yyy. probably the Eagle. — 2 R 37, line 9» 
Heb. aquila, Arab. id. Syriac iiashra.* This word is 

* The Coptic has nosher (Tattam’s Egyptian. Dictionary, p. 315). Is this an 
ancient Egyptian word? 



translated in the other language by 

or using Hebrew letters r^y (for often replaces 

the Hebrew ^). Now it is very interesting to observe how 
closely this corresponds to the old German Aro, an Eagle 
(see Graffs Alt-hoch-deutsch Dictionary, p. 432). He com- 
pares also the Gothic ara and Nord. ari. But the word Aar 
still exists in modern German, and its compounds Fisch-aar, 
a fishing eagle (falco haliactus) ; Htihner aar, the hen-harrier. 
And it is well known that Adel-ave (the noble eagle) has 
become Adler. 

As regards Eastern languages, Pott says* that the Kurdish 
and two other tongues have A/d, an eagle. 

Since writing the above I have found that 
Eru is a Chaldee word for some kind of Eagle. gryphus ; 
avis rapax. — Schindler, p. 1379. 

20. Agammi. 1} \ f- , Reeds. Also a Marsh where reeds 
grow. — Bell, line 7. Heb. agam> ; palus, arun<lo : plur. 

21- Apparati. ^ tt]] y? , Rushes. — Bell, line 7. 

This is the Chald. aparat, ^ Buxtorf, 

p. 197). 

“ He hid himself kireb agammi u apparati, among the 
reeds and rushes: and his lurking place could not be found.” 
(Account of the escape of Merodach Baladan, on Bellino’s 

22^. Shanat. S\ J=^y , a Year.— ^2Rl2, line 14. Also 

R16, 27, spelt in the same way; where “the hardest- time 
of the year" is spoken of. Another spelling is Nawracr, AT 
a year. Bell, line 49, which passage I have translated “ during 
sixteen years,” &c. The Heb. annm agrees exactly. 

23. Arakh. y? ^::yy , a Month. — 2R12, line 15. 

This word agrees entirely with" the Heb. H"!’’ irakh or yarakh, 
a month. 

* Zeitsehrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes, p. 31. 



Another spelling is Arlchu^ <i“n<i -T<i , 2 R 40, line 41, 
and again 2Rl, No. 8.5, which is rendered * y • usual 
symbol for a “month.” 

24. TatnU. a Day; plur. tami, Days.— 

Phill, 1, 16 Bell. 35. An extremely common word. 

25. Lilati The Night. This word seldom occurs. It is very 

interesting as being exactly the same with the Heb. 

In 2R32, line 18, after certain phrases in which the word 
tamu occurs, such as tamu pani and tamu. makhri (the day 
before, or a former, day), we rea<l : 

Lilatu. yy Night : which is explained 

Sakhar tami, “ the dark part of the 
day,” from Heb. obscurus, niger. 

In 2 R 25, line 25, the word tamu (day) is immediately 
followed by its correlative Lilatu, night (spelt as before). 
And it is observable that tamu is explained by two Hebrew 
words, viz., by immu which is the Heb. dies, 

and by urru iH ^in- which is the Heb. lux. 

In a long list of the gods on the Tablet K 220 the god of 
day and the god of night, tamu and lila, stand next each other, 
-4- H -ET- “ is doubtful whether 

the words >— ’^y'^ Ulatti (R32, 18) 

signify “in the night,” that passage containing mystical praises 
of the god Ninev. 

Observation. — Herodotus says (III. 8) that the Arabians wor- 
shipped only two gods, Dionysus and Urania. These were 
undoubtedly the Sun and Moon (see the notes of Commen- 
tators on the passage). Herodotus adds that the Arabians 
called the moon Alilat. But it is more probable that they 
called her Sarrat ha lilat. Queen of the Night; which would 
easily be mistaken by a foreigner for a proper name. Queen 

There is, however, another explanation possible,, viz., that 
A\d\aT may have meant the planet Venus., The morning 



star is called in Isaiah xiv. 12. Considered as a goddess, 

her name among the Arabians would be which is 

nearly identical in sound with AXtAar. 

Herodotus adds, that the Arabians called the sun Orotal. 
With respect to this important passage I have a conjecture 
to offer, which perhaps is new. I think that Orotal is 
undoubtedly the Chaldee word “a dish of gold " 

(Ezra i. 9). If the G in this word were pronounced gutturally 
it would sound as nearly as possible Orotal. But in order to 
make this clearer I will add, that the Greek Aigkos (whence 
the English dish and A. Sax. disk, and Swedish diskar, dishes) 
meant originally a round plate ; but afterwards came to mean 
anything flat and circular, as a quoit, a disc, the disc of the 
sun. So in Persian the same word (kdsah) signifies a round 
dish, cup, saucer, »kc., and also the disc of the sun or moon. 
The word ta^ht in the same language possesses the same two 
meanings. On this subject I will make a short quotation from 
a former work of mine (English Etymologies, p. 211). “Several 
nations seem to have remarked an analogy between the light 
of the two great luminaries and the colour of the two precious 
metals, gold and silver. This is partly, no doubt, fanciful and 
poetical, but nevertheless it is remarkable enough that it 
should exist at all : such a coincidence being entirely casual 
and fortuitous in its nature. The silvery light of the moon is 
quite proverbial. For this reason the moon in India is 
chandra, from chand, silver. And in Persian poetry she is 
“ the silvery orb,” tasht-i-siniin. The sun is sometimes called 
in Persian Zartushti or tasht-i-zer, the golden orb {zer, gold ; 
tasht, a disk). And in honour of the sun, I conceive, was 
named the celebrated philosopher Zerdusht, whom the Greeks 
have called Zoroaster, retaining the first part of his name, 
but altering the second into Aarpoy, equivalent in their 
language to the Persian tasht, an orb or disk.” 

Supported by these analogies, it does not seem a rash 
supposition that the Arabians may have called the sun 
Orotal, with the meaning of “ the golden disc.” 



It may be added, that the first Zoroaster was evidently 
mythical (probably a mere name for the sun himself). Berosus 
informs us (as quoted by SynceUus) that Zoroaster was the 
first king of the Babylonians (Rawlinson’s Ancient Monarchies, 
Vol. 1, p. 195). And so also the Sun was fabled to have 
been one of the primaeval kings of Egypt. 

26 . Tahu or Tahhu. >^y<y , Darkness. This 

translation is only offered as probable. It rests on the 
following grounds : On the Tablet 2R32, line 19, Lilatu., the 
night, is rendered by the word Tahu (written as above). 
This is further confirmed by the Tablet 2R25, line 25, 
where lilatu is rendered tahatu or takhatu -^y yy< y^ 
which only differs from the former word by the addition of 
the servile p so usual in Hebrew. Xow I think that this 
may possibly be the word qnn» which is found in Gen. i. 2, 
where it is said “ the Earth was tahu and balm’’ or “ tohu 
and bohu." If so, the meaning would be “ the Earth was 
darkness and emptiness.” 

2T. Abnili >^?^y K[>^y> Stone. — Birs N. 20. The other 

cylinder has the variant spelling Abnam T H<T^- 
This word agrees exactly with the Heb. 3- stone. 

28. KB-Spa. ]^y Silver. — 2 R 58, line 67 of col. 2. This 

agrees entirely with the Chald. silver. 

29. Khurassu. ^y<y tJ:yy Gold. This follows the 

preceding word, ibid. The oblique case is Khurassi 
►-y<y ^Jiyy ^^yy? phrase “a sceptre of gold.” — 

2R19, line 27. 

This word is evidently the original of the Greek j^pvaos. 
It also agrees entirely with the Heb. gold. 

30. Zamati yy The name of a stone exceedingly prized 

by the Assyrians. It is mentioned continually, but it is 
very difficult to say what it was. Various conjectures have 
been offered, but I do not see that any proofs have been 



brought forward, and therefore I shall venture to suggest a 
different solution. The first difficulty is found in the trans- 
literation of the word, for the sign has so many different 
values that they cause perplexity. I find a passage in 
2Rl9, line 27, which says “In my right hand I held a 
sceptre of gold and iikni stone while the P. C. translation 
in line 24 has, “ in ray right hand a sceptre of gold and 
yi stone.” Now if we turn to the reverse of the tablet, 
lines 47 and 48, we read “ I took possession of a quarry (or 
minel) of three [specified') sorts of stone." The third is the 



XX in Proto-Chaldrean, which is translated uknie 

in Assyrian, the same as before. There- 
fore I think there is considerable probability that ukni was 
the true Assyrian name of the stone. Now w'e find in 
Hebrew a word not unlike this, namely, or in Syriac 

also (Buxtorfj, which has the signification of 

phiala, crater, scyphus, <fec., according to Schindler and 
others. The LXX render it Kpar-qp ropevros. Now 
supposing for an instant that this may be the same word 
with the Assyrian 2 ikni, let us consider of what kind of stone 
which could be ropevTOSy or shaped by the turner’s art, 
cups, goblets and vases, were ever made by the ancients ? 
The answer will perhaps be — the onyx stone ; for that 
precious stone was much used for the smaller kind of vases, 
insomuch that onyx is used absolutely for a “vase” for that 
reason. Nardi parvus onyx (Hor.), Unguentum quod onyx 
modo parva gerebat (Martial). 

Commentators are agreed that onyx (when large masses 
are spoken of) means alabaster* Pavements were even made 
of it by the wealthy and luxurious Romans : 

Totaque effusus in aula 
Calcabatur onyx.— Lucan. 

Et tua centenis stat porticus alta columnis, 
Calcatusque tuo sub pede lucet onyx . — Mart. 

* The vase of the aucient king Naram Sin, found at Bab}'lon, was of alabaster. 
See the article Alabaster in Smith’s Dictiouarj’ of the Bible, with the figures of Vases. 



This precious material ovv^, unguis^ is said to 

have been so called from its being transparent like the nail. 
This may be so, and yet, perhaps, such a name for the 
stone may have been suggested to the Greeks and Romans 
by the native name %dcni, which is not unlike ungue. Ad- 
mitting, however, that such conjectures are uncertain, let us 
proceed to enquire what was the Hebrew name for the onyx, 
the value and great estimation of which are sufficiently shown 
by the passage in Genesis ii. 12, “ The river Pison compasseth 
the whole land of Havilah. The gold of that land is good ; 
there is bdellium and the onyx stone.” The original Hebrew 
T^niZ/- It is probable that this was pronounced sam, sama ; 
or else sham, shama; and if we add the usual feminine 
ending, the letter it will become samat or shamat. My 
conjecture therefore is, that this was the precious yy 
zamat stone. 

We have seen that the Bible calls Havilah “the land of 
the onyx stone.” There is a passage in the Annals of Esar- 
haddon (R4G, col. iv, 10) which greatly resembles this in 
character : “ The land of Bikni, which is the land of the zamat 
stone!’ This land, according to the same inscription, bordered 
on the further Media. 

31. BuL Life. — Ex. Vallanu-ya as hul sar makhri: 

Before my time, during the 7^e of the late king. — R50, col. i. 7. 
Marduk rahim bul-su; Marduk who loves (or cherishes) the 
king’s life. — .2 R38, col. iv. 53. 

a 2 . Bullut. .,^1^ , Life. — 2 R 1 6, line 44 of last col. 

In this passage, hullut the life (of the king) is opposed to 
mat sarri his death ^ (in line 42). The Proto- 

Chaldsean translation is curious : (king) is rendered 

hel, lord. Death is rendered durga -IIP , and 

Ldfe, tili “T< mu The latter is frequent in 

Bulthut signifies “-alive.” Beh. line 67, in the account of a battle, 
“I captured 4182 of them alive,” bulthut uzzabbit. 



33. Bullua. TJI 4-- (plural), Living. — Used only- 

in the Achaemenian inscriptions. “ Ormuzd made the Earth 
. . . and the lot of all men living therein nisi as libbi 
bullua. See the Art. Tuki^ No. 39. 

3L Bullul. <^1-^ , to Live. — 2 R 38, line 48. 

Bul-su as tuki lu-bullul ; may he live a life of good fortune ! 

35. BuL a Year. — Occurs frequently on the Obelisk. 

Ex. gr. year.” The 

plural of this word seems to be palit, 

“Grant, 0 Sun, lobar palie-ya; that my years may be pro- 
longed!” — R51, col. ii. 20, of the Senkereh Inscription. 

36. Balati — Senk. col. ii. 18. “ Grant me 

halat tami rulcuti, a life of prolonged days !” Birs N. col. ii. 20, 
“ Grant me haladam dara ^y^y *^^yy yT ^ 

life !” Another spelling of this word is Balathu ET -E! M 
Nabonidus says (R68, 22) “Grant me halathu tami rukuti ; 
a life of long days I” From this form of the word the adjective 
hulthut “alive” is easily derived. We also find the participle 
Bal “living,” for .some remarks on which see the end of the 
article Mut. 

37. Napishtu. >^y tTT< Life.— Bell. line 7, Napishtu 

ekhir; he saved his life. It also means the Soul. Bell, line 19, 
Napi.shtu val etzib ; “Not one soul escaped.” On one of 
the bulls this phrase is changed for Edu val etzib” not 
one escaped. Chald. "in 'units. In other passages also I 
think that napishtu signifies one or alone. Napishtu is the 
Hebrew a'nima. 

38. zi. -yy^, Life. — The plural is always written 

Ana suzup zi-su, to save his life. — Obel. 79 and in many other 
passages. There is an inscription (R35) on the statues of 
Nebo, which some great officers of state presented to the 
temple of that god, pro salute domini regis. In line 8 we 



read that they were dedicated '■'■ana ti (for the health) of 
the King ; and ana ti (for the health) of Queen Semiramis his 
wife ; ana ti zi-su I! H I (for the health 

of their lives) the happiness of their years, the tranquillity 
of their House and of their people.’' The word ti I have 
translated “ health,” but perhaps it is the abbreviation of 
some longer word. 

Zi (life) seems a non-Semitic word ; it greatly resembles the 
Doric Greek to live, f?/ he lives. 

. Tuki, <10 , Fortune, Good Luck (in the oblique 

cases ; the nominative case is tukv). — I have already (see 
No. 34) given an example of this word — bul-su as tnH lu- 
bullul ; may he live a life of Good Fortune ! — 2 R38, col. ii. 48. 

So in the Inscription of Nabonidus (R69, col. ii. 50) where 
the King says the long sought-for “foundation stone” of the 
temple was at last found “ partly through my good luck (tiiki), 
and partly through my ardent zeal.” 

But the very important and frequent use of this word in 
the Achaemenian inscriptions induces me to make a short 
extract from a former paper of mine on one of those inscrip- 
tions (R.A.S. Vol. 19, page 264). It begins — “Him rabu 
Ahurmasda, sha shamie u kiti ibnu ; sha nisi ibnu ; sha tuki 
ana nisi iddinnu ; sha ana Dariaus sar sha sarin madut ibnu.” 
Of which I gave the following Latin translation : — “ Deorum 
summus Oromasdes qui caelum et terram creavit ; qui homines 
creavit ; qui fortunam cujusque hominibus dedit ; qui Darium 
regem regum multorum creavit.” And then, in order to justify 
my translation of tuki as "fortunam ctijusquef I added the 
following note : — Tuki. A great many conjectures have been 
offered respecting this unknown word. Some have translated 
“ qui vitam hominibus dedit,” but this differs too little in 
meaning from the preceding phrase “ qui homines creavit.” 
Others render it “who hath given food to men.” And many 
other things might be suggested. 



But if we consider the sequence of ideas we shall see that 
they are : — 

1. Ormuzd is the greatest of the gods. 

2. He created Heaven and Earth. 

3. He created Men. 

4. All their various fortunes are dependent on his will. 

5. And he has willed that Darius should be king of the world. 

Thus there is nothing superfluous in this solemn exordium, 

as the mention of “food” would assuredly be. 

Tuki much resembles the Greek word Tvj(^. I am in 
doubt whether the resemblance is accidental or not. There 
is some difficulty in supposing that this Greek word could 
be adopted into the Assyrian language ; but on the other 
hand, there had been intercourse between the two nations 
long before the age of Darius. 

There is a curious variation of this word in an inscription 
of Xerxes (Westergaard’s C), where the phrases are exactly 
tlie same, but instead oiUtku we find dmiku ^ 

But so also in Greek: compare Tv^rj with Tvy)(^aveiv. 

^Vestergaard’s H has “ Oromasda, who made Heaven and 
Earth and the Waters ; who gave all their various fortunes 
to the men that dwell therein sha tuki gabbi iddinnu nisi 
as libbi l)ullua. 

Westergaard’s E says, “who gave their lot (iuku) to men, 
and gave royalty (sarruli) to^ Xerxes.” 

The inscription of Darius at Hamadan varies from the 
rest, and says “ who gave all proxqierity to men sha gabbi 
nuklisu ana nisi iddinnu. The form duku appears to occur 
R59, line 66, where the king says that he was Marduk’s vice- 
gerent upon earth. “ Thou hast made me ruler of all men, 
to watch over them all, like thy own exalted providence ;” kima 
duku-ka billu, which is written 

40. Nam. It a River. — 2R50, col. iv. 5. It is 

there explained T? which is the usual symbol for a 



river. This word is found in Hebrew, flumerk. Tbe oblique 
case is nari 19, cw nari tabbali, to 

immerse in the river; perhaps from Hebrew immersit. 

Ana naru ; into tbe river. — 2 RIO, line 6, spelt T? £]]l 

«• Idikkur. cE <1^: -V]i Y ( though possibly this should 
he read Idiklat), the River Tigris. — 2R50, col. iv. 7. It 
is there explained It & + , which is the 

usual name of the Tigris. Idikkur (or Idiklat) is the biblical 
Hiddekel, in the original Hebrew ^pin- This was one of the 
four rivers of Paradise. The LXX render it Ttypi';, in which 
almost all commentators have followed them. (See Gen. ii. 14.) 
According to Rawlinson in R.A.S. Vol. 11, page 159, the Tigris 
was called in ancient Persian Tigra, and in the accusative 
case Tigram. He says : “According to the consentaneous 
testimony of the Greek and Latin authors, the term signifying 
in the old Persian language “ an arrow ” was applied to the 
river in consequence of the rapidity of its current .... and 
it is, no doubt, the same term which has been softened in 
modern Persian into tir.” 

He observes further, that the Chaldee name of the river 
is but that Onkelos and Jonathan write 

He justly rejects Gesenius’s opinion, that Hiddekel was a 
Hebrew word unconnected with Tigris. 

In the Behistun Inscription, line 34, -the Tigris has its usual 
name but in the very next line it is called 

the Diklat 

Strabo says that Tigris meant “an arrow” in the Median 
language: MgBoiv Tiypiv KaXovvrcov to ro^evpa.^ Pliny 
says “ qua tardier fluit Diglito ; unde concitatur, a celeritate 
Tigris incipit vocari ; ita appellant Medi sagittam.” 

* I may observe in passing, that this diglat, in tbe sense of “arrow ” 

or “ arrows,” forms the first part of the name of Tiglath Pileser. That monarch’s 
name, in Assyrian, begins with , which is the most usual term 

for “arrows.” 

t Ed. Kramer, Vol. 2, p. 46. 

VOL. III. — [new series]. Z 



42. Burattu. the Euphrates. — 2 R 50, col. iv. 8. 

This name stands next on the tablet to Idikkur, the Tigris, 
It is explained by y^ -^y which is 

the usual name of the Euphrates. But Burattu also occurs 
very often. This is obviously the Heb. whence the 

Greek name Evcpparrjs. 

43. Ha. y? , Water. — Ha abbuslu, Bell, line 49 ; the water was 

dried up by the heat of the Sun ; from Heb. solis 

ardore coctus est (Gesenius). Ti T! & water of the river, 
ex. pr. 2R18, line 35, “Water of the Tigris and water of 
the Euphrates.” 

44. Gratll. Hand. — Birs N. line 14. “He 

placed in my hand the sceptre of justice.” Often written 
Katn, in constr. Kati ■s-T >-<y<, 2R17, col. iv. 68, and 46, 
line 46. In both places it is rendered by the P.C. Hand. 

R50, line 64, the king says, in his prayer to Marduk, “I 
am the creature of thy hand;” binut gati-ka ^ ^1“! 

45. Timm. Right Hand. — So in Heb. 


46. Sumilu. jy y^ the Left Hand. — Agrees exactly 

with the Heb. sinister. 441 -5^ EM- ® 

Imnu, sumilu, pani, u arku : ( they dug ) 
right and left ; before and behind ( in search of the foundation 
stone). — Great Inscription of Nabonidus, col. ii. 54 (R plate 69). 
I am indebted to Dr. Hincks for this translation. I will observe 
that in the preceding line 51 H4flf Tiun seems to mean 
now (Chald. ;y3)- The sense will be “Now I assembled my 
army and commanded them to search and dig.” The next 
letter after Tcun should probably be corrected to 

These two words imnu sumilu occur together in 2 R 1 9, 
' col. ii. 54. I carried (....) in my right hand, in imni-ya 
^y ^^y?’ ^ earned (•••.) in my 

left hand, in sumili-ya ^^yf' 



Zida. £^IT (in P.C.), the Right Hand. — Hence 

Beth Zida ( spelt as above ), a splendid temple (or rather class 
of temples) continually mentioned in the inscriptions. 

The name means literally domus fortunata, because the 
right hand was always esteemed fortunate. Zida is probably 
the Arabic lyo Fortuna bona : felicitas : fatum (and I believe 
the goddess of good fortune had that name). Schindler 
(p. 1231) also gives the adj. which he transcribes 

said, and renders /elix, heatus, fortunatus. 

I now return to the phrases quoted in No. 46, from 2R19. 
“ In my right hand ” is translated in Proto-Chaldman, It zida 
mu and “ In my left hand ” is 

translated, It iibu mu -TII It signifies 

“hand,” as in Assyrian, and in Heb. “Ti manus ; mu is an 
affixed pronoun, '■’■my.” It mu, my hand. See 2R10, line 20, 
where the P.C. it hi (his hand) is rendered in 

Assyrian idi-su I' observed that the 

P.C. word for the “left hand” commences with the sign 
^ therefore read it itbu. But Oppert, 
page 339, line 5, gives the value hip to this sign. If so, the 
“left hand” would be Tcahhu, which may be the word 
infirmus (Sch.), therefore meaning “the weak hand.” 

This new word Zida (the Right) may possibly help to 
explain the obscure Chaldee adverb adar zida i^T5*V7^, 
which occurs in Ezra vii. 23. Gesenius translates it recte. He 
says it is a non-Semitic word, probably borrowed from the 
Persian or some other foreign language. Our authorised trans- 
lation has “ diligently.” “ Whatsoever is commanded by the 
God of heaven, let it be diligently done for the house of the 
God of heaven.” 

If the word comes from Zid/i, I think there are two 
ways in which it may be explained : — 

(1) It may mean “very rightly,’ giving to the 

sense of very or greatly. For, so we find from gazrin 
judges, the compound adar-gazrin chief judges 



(Dan. iii . ; see Gesenius, p. 18) ; and from king, 

“great king,” the god of Sepharvaim. 

(2) Another supposition is that in this word was 

originally , which root signifies ordinare, to set in order ; 
so that adar zida would be “ in right order.” “ Whatsoever is 
■commanded by the Lord, let it be done in right order for the 
house of the Lord.” 

48. A n Ti n, mil.. Treaty of Peace. — 2R65, 4. 

A word formed per metathesin* from the Heb. Amana^ a 
treaty. Gesenius says foedus. The root is , as 

a suhst.fides; veritas ; as an fidus (see the next No.). 

49- Mamitu. , a Promise, Faith. — 2 R 65, 4. 

Mamitu as eli mitsri annama ana akhati iddinu ; they gave a 
promise (or pledged faith) to one another, to make a firm 
treaty of peace. This word mamitu (pledge, promise) is easily 
derived from the Heb. fides. 

In line 7 we read that the above “ promise ” was duly 
perfonned, and that the kings of Assyria and Babylonia (or 
rather their successors) annama uMnu, established a firm treaty 
of peace. 

50. Shabati. V -Itt Conspirators {lit. 

“ sworn men ”). — R 50, col. ii. 8, where it is said that the 
Babylonian conspirators were chained together in gangs. From 
Heb. jurare. (Lat. conjurati, conspirators.) 

51. Akkhar. Foreign. — Alius, alienus. Heb. 

alius. AU the Achaemenian kings style themselves “the 
great king, the king of kings, the king of nations of every 
foreign tongue ;” sha akkhar lishan gabbi. In their inscriptions 
the word is spelt — J or --f }]< 

or in the inscription of Hamadan. 

Such transpositions are common in Hebrew, for instance, fo 

Vestis. — Gesen. 



52 . nu sha akkhari. IgJ V tt} ??< -TT<T’ - 

Idol, a God of the Foreigners. — 2 R 4, No. 729. This is a 
remarkable gloss, inasmuch as it agrees exactly with the 
Hebrew phrase so frequent in the Old Testament 

Elohim akharim. Idols; literally “other gods” or 
“foreign gods.” 

The P.C. translation is Gu ■5Vi^ which, therefore, 

signifies an idol in that language. 

For Ilu see No. 1, where it is spelt in a similar manner. 

53. Kharran. Afe a Road (the full form 

is Kharranu *7^)' — 2 R 38, line 25. Ana mat 

Illipi azzabit kharranu illamu-ya ; I took the road straight 
before me to the land of Illipi. — Bell. 1. 28. This phrase 
‘‘‘‘azhit kharran” I took the road, becomes in the sha or 
causative conjugation ‘■’■ushazhit kharran” I made (another 
person) take the road. Of this I will give an example : 
R 40, 32 — They had fled over the sea to the land of the Susians 
.... I brought back the fugitives in Syrian ships, and I made 
them take the road to Assyria ; ushazhit kharran Ashur-ki. 

54. Darag. ^y ^^yy a Road. — Agrees exactly with 

the Heb. derek, via: iter. — 2 R 38, line 25. I opened 

ways over lofty mountains and amira duruk-sun., I made with 
labour their roads yj ^^yy ^^y ^ J ^yiT' — 

0pp. Khors. plate 1, line 15. I deduce amira from the very 
common word mir “work,” which is found in such phrases as 
“ ana epish miri suati ” to finish this work. 

Another example of the Hebrew words rT^t^ 3. road, and 
TT a road, is the following, from the inscription of Tiglath 
Pileser, Rl2, 56: Arkkd itluti by lofty roads; durgi la pituti 
through patlis- not opened (or not made practicable), ushatik 
I marched. Thus written: K^y*~*^yy^'' arkhi, and 

j^y iH -yyA 

The printed text of the above passage has tapituti, but 
I think this must be a mistake (perhaps of the original scribe) 



for la pituti, since the inscription of Sennacherib (R40, 4) 
has urkhi la pituti. 

55. Urkhu. IH -T<T , a Road. — 2 R 38, line 24, where it 
is made equivalent to Kharran. This word seems to occur 
in R 59, col. ii. 21, where the king says “ I traversed Kharanam, 
namraza, dangerous roads ; and urukh zumami, paths that were 
(...) (perhaps arid or thirsty, from sitihundus, thirsty). 

This word Urukh agrees well with the Heb. 
semita ; which is only nsed in Hebrew poetry. It is remarkable 
to observe how many common Assyrian words are poetical in 
Hebrew. The resemblance is perhaps stiU closer with the 
Chaldee Syriac a way, road, journey. 

I wiU give some additional examples of the word. In 
R 40, 4, urkhi la pittuti roads not opened. 

0pp. Khors. 11, line 110 : The king of Ethiopia fled from 
the battle and took the road to a place of safety. Here “the 
road” is expressed by urukh but the 

verb “betook” is lost by a fractnre. Asharlahari, “a place 
of safety,” occurs also on the Taylor Cylinder (R37, 18). 
Another example is fonnd in 0pp. Khors. 12, line 114, aziahat 
urukh-su, which Oppert translates “secutus sum viam ejus.” 
In the same plate, line 118, is a remarkable passage: “Dalta, 
king of Illipi, my faithful servant, had died,” which is expressed 
by illika urukh muti, “had gone the road of death.” Oppert 
also translates it “iverat viam mortis,” except that he takes 
the verb for a plural. 

5S. ]^isi, ^y*“» Men. — R 59, line 64. Thou hast given 

me sarruti kishat nisi, sovereign power over the races of men, 

# fir tm ^ <h- s-e 

/date, col. ii. 29, in nisi; among men. 

In the great E.I.H. Inscription, col. i. 44, Ana sutishur nisi 
^y »~5 “for the government of men.” 

This word answers, though not very closely, to the Syriac 
homo : filius hominis, i.e. homo. It agrees, 

however, more nearly with the Chald. homines. 



57. Ashat. j:^y, a Wife. — Agrees exactly with the 

Hebrew ashat, uxor, 

Ashat-zu, his wife ITT veTT is renrlered 

in P.C. dam hi Dam signifying “ wife,” and hi 

“his.” — 2 R8, line 28. 

In 2 R 36, line 43, “a wife” is expressed by the usual 
words hhirat khirta 5 

and to these is added ashata ^ ett -m- 

Some tablets contain divine lists, and when the name of 
a god is followed by that of a goddess, dam hi “ his wife ” 
is frequently added (2 R 56 ; 2 R 59, &c.). But sometimes the 
scribe uses the Assyrian form, dam zu ; thus, Zarpanita is said 
to be “ his wife but the name of the god (probably Marduk) 
is effaced. — 2 R 59, line 50. 

58. ShaUut. tVTBy^y , Women. — In 2 R 65, line 42, “men 

and women” are expressed by *=TTT h- !e!T '«^T- 
But in 2 R 38, line 28, and again line 40, by *=!!? T- 

T-<" ^Pv- 

59. Saklat. Women, Wives. — 2 R 38, line 42. Here “men and 

women ” are expressed by ^y|^ >-^y y^ *^*^y< 

SaMati. This word is evidently the Chald. sagla^ 
conjux ; uxor. “ his wives.” — Dan. v. 2. 

60 . Lubusta, ? ^ y t^yyy^ Dress. — Agrees entirely 

with the Heb. vestis, but especially (see Gesen.) vestis 

splendida. In 2 R38, 34, the king says: I gave (addinu) four* 
talents ( tikun ) for a dress for Marduk and Zarpanita. Then with 
a noble dress (hihusta rahita), a dress of gold (luhusta khurassi) 
Marduk and Zarpanita I adorned them (lu-rahhi sunuti). 
He then names a great number of precious stones, which 
cannot easily be identified, such as ini Milukha (eyes of 
Ethiopia), itc. &c. Altogether I think nine kinds are enume- 
rated, and then he adds < m] tTvTTT TTT JT 

The commencement of this passage is somewhat injured. 



>^y ^ u abni il slia mu-su nasliku ; “and other 

stones whose names I have forgot.” The last word is from 
Heb. to forget. The termination in hu is like kaptaku, 

I am strong ; and many other verbs (see Annals). 

After mentioning the precious stones, he says (line 47) : I 
gave them (addinu) for the asArai Marduk and 

Zarpanita. He then says : Lu-zaliiii (I adorned ?) mukkhi 

luhiLsti (with woven dresses) iluti-sun rahiti (their great 
divinities). The verb zahin occurs frequently ; always in the 
sense of adorning a temple : perhaps it is the Arabic 
which Schindler, page 497, renders “extulit laudibus.” Midckhi 
I would derive from weave (Buxtorf, 1186). The rest 

of the passage relates to the crowns the images wore, and is 
of somewhat doubtful construction (line .52). Ayie garni tsirati 
(crowns of lofty. . .); agie hilluti (crowns of royalty); simat ilu 
(crowns of divinity) ; sha salimati maloti (for complete dresses, 
or, to complete their dresses). Salimati is probably the 
Heb. vestis (Ges. 964). Malati, Heb. to com- 


61 - Ashrat. ^ Divine Images, plural of Heb. ashra 

— Gesenius says (j^. 112) Idolo7'um simulacra. The 
word occurs in the preceding article : “ I gave these splendid 
dresses to the ashrat (images) of Marduk and Zarpanita”. 

62. Inii , the Eyes. Singular inu ^4- . — But 

in tablet K, 214, it is written cT? ^ Enu, in the phrase 
emi namirtu., a far-seeing eye. In E.I.H. col. vii. 35, 
Nebuchadnezzar calls Babylon “Ir nish ini-ya sha araniu ; 
the city, the delight of my eyes, which I have made glorious.” 
Here <T-n are eyes. But in same column, line 16, we are 
told that “former kings built palaces in the cities which were 
the delight of their eyes ; nish ini sun.” 

In this second passage ini p^y “ eyes ” shows how 
the Assyrians pronounced the symbol ^y*^? which they bor- 
rowed from the ancient P.C. language, but altered it by adding 



two vertical strokes to signify the two eyes. So also they 
added two strokes to the P.C. signs meaning ears, hands, and 

Nish ini in the above passage is, I believe, “ scopus 
oculorum something on which the eyes are steadfastly fixed. 
It is the Hebi £>3 scopus: also a flag, to draw the eyes: 
vexillum ; signum late conspiciendum (Ges,). There is a curious 
Litany in 2 R 17, prayers for protection against all manner of 
evils, including the “ evil eye,” inu limutta ■Y -£El<T 
; see line 31. Here the P.C. Version renders 
inu hy ^1*“ ^'Hd “evil” by <HhI- Ini agrees exactly 
with the Heb. the eyes. 

63. Elibi ^ Ship. — The full form is Elibbu 

— 2R2, No. 280, where it is explained by 
’ ■which is the usual symbol for a ship. Elibha is 
evidently the Syriac word navis. 

There are several examples of the word in 2 R, plates 46 
and 62. 

Elippi Hi ^^y^ ships of the 

gods (which probably means the Arks of the gods), is rendered 
in P.C. t:y *^yyy which we see that 

EUl was the plural of >^>y- a god, in that language. — 
See 2R46, 16. 

I would call attention to the elih or ark of 

one of these gods in particular (see line 2 of the same plate), 
viz. that of the god -*f ® 4- , whom I believe to be 

a Syrian god, concerning whom there is a very curious tablet 
inscription, showing how his ark, or perhaps his image, was 
found floating down the river Euphrates. 

By siddi elippi JziyT ^y^ S^y^ ^y?: -^y>- , 2 R 62, 57, 
I understand “the side of a ship” (see article In the 

same plate are mentioned the deck, and many other parts of a 
ship as yet uncertain. Also the various sizes of ships, varying 
from 60 gur down to 5 gur^ 



64. #? -+ EtTT. Babylon. — The well-known name of this 

city is introduced here in order to attempt to explain the con- 
struction of the name as it is given in the Cuneiform writing. 
It is admitted very generally that Bab-ilu signifies “ the gate 
of god, or of the gods but it has been a great stumbling 
block to the Assyrian students to find the syllable 
Ra in the name, which is inconsistent with any reading of 
the word “ Babylon.” 

Now we see from the preceding article (Elih) that the 
old Accadian or Proto-Chakhean plural of a god, was 

gods ; consequently “ the gate of the gods ” was 
written in that language #? , which the Semitic 

Babylonians pronounced Bah-ilu. 

65. Suanna. ^>y- ,^y , the name of one of the 

principal parts of the City of Babylon. — E.I.H. col. vii. 25. 
In 2 R50 there is a list of the towers (ziggurat) of Babylonia. 
Suanna is named first ; Borsippa second. In the same plate 
there is a list of the duru (fortresses, fine huildings, royal 
residences, &c.). Suanna is again named first, and explained to 
. be the same with Imgur Bel, a well-known fortress or fortified 
quarter of the city of Babylon. N ext comes the often mentioned 
building Nihit Bel, which is explained to be the Shalkhu of 
Suanna: the word shalkhu often occurs In those inscriptions 
which treat of the king’s great public works. In the third 
j)lace comes the Bur, or palace, of the city of Borsippa. Now 
Babylon is not mentioned at all, which shows that it was 
identical with the preceding. 

In Bell, line 14, Belibus is said to be the son of the (high 
priest?) of the temple of the seven planets in Suanna city. 

66. Immu. Day. — This is the Heb. dies. 

In 2R25, 25, it is explained by the more common word 
^y tam\i, a day. The word occurs again in a very 

important passage concerning the Sacred Bulls, carved in stone, 
which stood at the gates of the palaces (0pp. Khors. 21, 



line 190): “May the guardian bull, the protecting deity (ilu 
musallimu ) watch over them by day and night ! ” Immu u 
musha kireh-sun lishtapru, ^ ' 

This is said of the palaces, which were thus supernaturally 
protected. Or it may be thus translated : “ May they keep 
guard within them day and night ! ” Other copies of this 
passage, instead of “ day and night,” have darish, “for ever,” 
or “continually.” 

Lishtapru is the optative of the T conjugation of the verb 
to watch, ex. gr. Psalm cxlv. “ The eyes of all 
watch thee, and thou givest them their food.” Nehem. ii. 13, 
“And I was looking intently, at the walls of Jerusalem.” 

MusM. >^<r- Night. — This important word was dis- 
covered by Dr’ Hincks in a very curious little tablet K, 15, 
which some palace functionary, perhaps the chief astronomer, 
sent to the king to inform him of the exact day of the Equinox. 
It runs as follows: — “On the sixth day of the first month, the 
day and night are equally balanced : twelve hours of day, and 
twelve hours of night. May Nebo and Marduk be propitious 
to my lord the king ! ” Thus written : ^ <T-ET 

tamw u mushi., the day and night, 
meshkulu, are balanced (Heb. ^p';27). 

TTT 6 kashu tamu. 

^y*~’ ® kasbu mushi. 

In the Annals of Ashurakbal we read (see E. 21, 48): 
“ Hence I departed, and I marched past the city of Nispi. 
I rode all night ^f*^*^yy^y 

mushi artedi., and reached a fortress far beyond the city of 
Nispi, which the man called Zab-Yem had made his strong- 
hold.” In the next plate (R 22, 104) there is a very similar 
passage : “ I crossed the river Tigris — I rode all night kal 
musit artedi Jip I reached the fortress 

of Pitura.” And R21, 53, gives an account of the nocturnal 
surprise of the fortress of king Arastu. Musu adi namari 



artedi, I rode all night, until the dawn of day ; naru Thurnat 
etihir, I crossed the river Thurnat ; as hikhar sahati, with the 
early dawu, I reached the city Amraali, the stronghold of 
Arastu, &c. &c. 

68- IVEusishi adv. by Night. — In the war 

between Sargina and Merodach Baladan, the latter monarch, 
struck with a sudden terror, fled bi/ night from Babylon to the 
city of Ikbi-Bel, like a zudinna bird. What bird that is we are 
left to conjecture. The words are “Kima zudinni ipparas musish.” 

The verb ipparas will be found in a former article, No. 12, 
“itsurish ipparas,” he fled like a bird. It comes from 
expandit (sc. alas.). The plural ipparsu occurs on the Taylor 
Glylinder, col. i. 18, where the chiefs defeated in battle are. 
compared to the same kind of birds : ‘‘ Kima zudinni khu 
nigitsi,” like frightened zudinni birds, ipparsu they flew away, 
ashar la hari to a place that was undisturbed. 

The word nigitsi ^ tk'nk, a 

niphal form from the Arabic root to be much frightened, 
of which Schindler gives a good many examples, anima 
mea tui'bata est valde ; Psahn vi., “ I heard thy voice 

walking in the garden and I was afraid,’ 

69. the Stars (pronunciation uncertain). — In the 

old Hieratic character this is written This fact was 

communicated to me by Mr. Norris. The nation who invented 
cuneiform writing appear to have worshij^ped the stars as their 
gods. Hence the symbol for “a god,” which is nothing else 
than the primitive image of a star simplified. In R24, 43, 
we read “ I captured such vast flocks of sheep that, like the 
stars of heaven, no one could count their number ; sha kima 
>^>y- i R19, 88. On 

tablet 100, “ Ishtar, queen of the stars,” sarrat f:t:y 



70. ArdSji ^^yy^ ^ servant. — 2 .Rio, col. ii. 15, 

71. Ardut. Ky’^’^yy^y ^y ^^^y’ prostration.— 

This and the preceding word are jjrobahly derived from the 
Heh to fall down. Epish arduti-ya >^^*~| f:yyyt: >^y< 
to do homage to me. — R45, 36. Imisu ardut, he refused to do 
homage. — 0pp. Khors. 8, 73. This is from the Chaldee verb 
rejecit, repulit, sprevit, contemsit. — Schindler, 969. 

72. Malku. S^y 0’ a King. — Malku banu-sun, the king 

their builder. — 0pp. Khors. 21, 191. This word agrees entirely 
with the Heh. Rex. 

73. Malkat. ^y ^IH, a Queen. — This word occurs very 

seldom. On tablet 1 00, line 5, the goddess t>^y tyyy, who 
was one of the greatest in the Assyrian Pantheon, has the 
titles Khirat Ashur (wife of Ashur) ^^yy*^ 
queen of all the gods, malkat .4- p.. The last 

syllable is not unfrequent; it occurs in R20, 6, 

where the other copy reads ka at. Malkat is the 

Chaldee (Esther i.). In 2R66, 4, the goddess Beltis 

is called Shurhut malikat of the gods, spelt £T -EI<J 
which corresponds to the title of Nebo in tablet 142, last line, 
Shurhu malik Hi rabi, spelt ETIfcl . Also in R 1 7, 2, the 
god Ninev is called malik Hi, king of the gods (spelt In the 
same way). 

74. Niramti >^f- ^>^yy ^ *^y<5 Assistance. — A very com- 

mon word. Ana niraruti-su allik ; I went to his assistance. — 
0pp. Khors. 8, 71. 

75. Astli *“ >^y<? n, Throne. — R18, 44. “ In my first year 

I sat proudly on a royal throne as asti sarti. The other 
copy reads as guza sarti, which is the usual word for “ throne.” 
Also in 2R46, 52, a tablet explains VI asti by the same 
word guza. AU these words have the sign for “wooden 
object ” prefixed. 



76. Minuta. >i- s^iyi- Number. — From Cbaltl. Syr. 

numeravit. Minuta la isu ; tliey bad no number (or were 
innumerable). — R24, 43. Mu-anna niinut ^ a 

fixed number of years (or a term of years counted before- 
hand). — Black Stone of Esarbaddon, R50, col. ii. 12. 

77. Salanii ^ , Salvation, Peace. — Agrees with the 

Heb. The inscription found on the bricks of a temple, 

given by Oppert (Exp. en M. p. 330) says, “Sargina the king 
built this temple of the Sun and Moon in the city of Dur- 
Sargina, from its foundations to its summit, ana ti-m (]>ro salute 
sua), Hii pali-su (for the firmness, or security, of bis years 

(or life) ; and for the ( ) of the city ; and for the salvation 

(salam) of As.syria.” See several examples of the phrase 
ana ti su | >-<y< J pro salute stid, in the article Zi, No. 38. 

In an inscription of Asburbanipal, K, 228, we read : “At 
that time be resolved to implore Peace from me ; and be sent 
an ambassador to me.” “ He resolved ” is expressed by 
emuru - 1 ? sm-’ so that the Assyrians appear to 

have said in:? for the Heb. statuit, constituit, voluit 

(Scb. p. 94). “ To implore ” is expressed by ana shahal 

This is the Heb. petiit, rogavit ; 

so that the ^ in this Hebrew word was pronounced ha, and 
not simply a. And “ my peace,” or “ peace from me,” is 
expressed by sulmi-ya or salmi-ya y»- S^^yy- 

Since writing the above (which I translated from a photo- 
graph, the inscrij>tion itself being as yet unpublished) I have 
found my opinion fully confirmed by Oppert’s translation of 
a similar passage in his Khors. inscription, pi. 11, line 111 : 
“In former days his fathers never sent envoys ( rahlm-sun 
la ishhuru ) to my fathers, ana shahal sulmi-sun, ad petendam 
pacem,” so Ojipert translates the last phrase ; which fully 
agrees with my version. 

78. Salmish, ?=!!!’ adv. Safely. — R16, 30. May the 

gods guard me safely in war and battle ! Salmish lattarruni. 



The verb is the optative . of tlie Hebrew natar 

79. Ishbur. t-TT , He commanded. — He sent a 

messenger with orders, or with a letter. This important 
verb is the Syriac nuntiavit. Chald. id. Castelli renders 
I’y nuntius, a^yeXos. 

R39, 41 : Hezekiah sent an envoy to Sennacherib with 
tribute and homage ; ishbura rakbu-su. 

Rakbu-sun la ishburu ; they never sent envoys. — 0pp. 
Khors. pi. 11. 

The king of the Moschi sent his envoy to do homage and 
pay tribute to me, when I was on the shores (sidie) of the 
Eastern Sea. — 0pp. Khors. 18, 153. Here “he sent” is 
expressed by ishbur. 

80. Urumi. >^111 Chesnut Trees. — In Hebrew 

my, which word occurs in Gen. xxx. 37. Gesenius prefers 
to render it “the plane tree.” At any rate it was some large 
and useful forest tree — see the next article. 

81. Titarrati. ^::yy y? ^y<, Bridges .— r 12, 69 . 

“Where the mountain roads were difficult, I cleared a way 
with axes of bronze ; Urumi trees of the mountain I hew’d 
down and made bridges for the onward passage of my army.” 
Here “trees of the mountain” are expressed by f:y 

< ►S:* 

In the narrative of the defence of the city of Dur-Yakina, 
in 0pp. Khors. 14, 129, Merodach Baladan dug a wide moat 
round his city, filled it with water, and then cut doivn the 
bridges which traversed it, ubattilca titarri >“<y< ^^yy^y* 

82. Irsi. <T Cedars. — Gusuri irsi rabi ; great beams 

of cedar wood. — 0pp. Khors. 18, 160. Timmi irsi sutakhuti 
(same meaning). — Khors. 19, 163. This is the Heb. a 
cedar tree; plur. In Syriac It is the cedar 

of Lebanon, frequently mentioned in the Psalms. Gusuri irsi 
agrees with a Chaldee phrase in Schindler 



83. Ent, ^*~r^ y ■. wood. — I have not found an 

example of the nominative case, which I presume to be as 
above written. In 0pp. Khors. 16, 143, “Cedars and cypress 
trees all cut down in the mountains of Hamana, whose woods 
are excellent;" sha erit-zxm dahu fry^ *^yy<y ^^yy ^yiT ’ 
This word was first explained by Oppert. It is the Hel). 
sylva^ which the Assyrians appear to have shortened into 
The formative T is added, as in irtsit, from earth.” 

The phrase is a common one, and is sometimes written sha 
erit-zun Jchiya, using the P.C. word “good” instead of 

the Assyrian dahu. 

84. Ashlish. Tree.— 

From ashal, a tree. Agrees with the Heb. ^12?^ arbor. In 
0pp. Khors. 14, 131, we read of the destruction of the king’s 
enemies, ashlish miahhish, I cut them down like trees. This 
resembles the curse in Tiglath Pileser’s inscription, R16, 75, 
“ May the gods itzish likilmu su ! cut him down like a tree ! 
(yy arbor)” J.y . 

-85. Nabatsi. ^y ^y *^yy, Logs of Wood, Broken Sticks, 
or anything broken with violence. — This is the Heb. YD2 , to 
break and smite a thing. To dash in pieces (like a potter’s 
vessel). Psalm ii. 9, &c. 

R12, 21: (matti or pagri), the dead bodies, 

Icuradi-sun of their soldiers, kima nahatsi like logs of wood, 
lu-ashrtip I burnt. 

We read in 0pp. Kjiors. 14, 130, a somewhat different 
passage. 11 1- the w<aters ; nari-su, of his rivers ; izrubu 
>^y '"’ere choked ; pagri hiradi-su, -with. i\\e hoAi&a 

of his soldiers ; nahatsish, as if they were logs of wood (floating 
on the water). Oppert has trunci arhoruni. Jzruhu appears to 
be the Hebrew zereh coarctavit, and also 'passive coarctatus 
fait. In the book of Job this verb is also applied to rivers, 
which get choked and narrow 'during the summer season, 
“at what time;” izrubu “they get narrow.” — 

Job. vi. 17. Hence it is probable that when Sargina uses the 



same verb izruhu concerning rivers^ it means that “ they grew 
choked or narrow.” The Annals of Asliurakhhal, R18, 53, 
and again R 20, 17, use the form napatsi -IT- 

The passage is, >— < h- their bodies, kima napatsi like 
logs or fragments, shadu (a great heap of them), lu-ashrup 
I burnt. The parenthesis -Til- occurs in other passages 
where the multitude of the enemy’s slain is spoken of. R 24, 41, their bodies, "X*" (aheap 

of them) I flung into the river Euphrates. 

86. SoloniUD. ^y The name of the great 

King of Israel has not yet been found on the tablets. But 
the same name was borne by a king of Moab, who was con- 
temporary with Tiglath Pileser II, and paid tribute to him. 
This was about 750 n.c., and, consequently, two centuries after 
the death of the great Solomon. See the interesting list of 
tributary kings in 2R67. The name of Solomon occurs at 
line 60. 

87. Moab. ^y ^>!7y . — 2 R 67, 60; see the preceding 

article. The Hebrew spelling is in which name the ^ 

appears to have sounded lia (Mohab). Since writing the above 
I have found that Oppert (Traite Babylonien, p. 5) has already 
pointed out that the name of Moab occurs R38, 53, in the 
inscription of Sennacherib ; at which time Kammuzu-natbi was 
king of the country. And, as he judiciously remarks, the first 
portion of this name contains the name of Camus, the god of 
the Moabites. He has not explained the second part ; but I 
think the name certainly means “ Camus spoke a prophecy,” 
from the Hebrew verb to prophecy. — Sch. 1115. Gesen. 
gives several examples from Amos, Ezekiel, <tc. Such a name 
may mean that Camiis uttered a divine oracle at the time of 
this prince’s birth ;• for we find similar names in Chaldma, 
such as Ikbi-Bel, “Bel spoke;” Nebo-titsu-ikbi, “Nebo spoke 
good luck ” (gave a lucky oracle), &c. 

Moreover, Oppert has found the interesting name 
von. III. — [new skbies.] 




Camiisu-sar-uasur J “ Camusa 

protect the king ! ” on a brick which he has pnbli Aed. — (Traite 
Babylonien sur brique. Extrait cle la Revue Archtologique ; 
Paris, 1866.) 

I had, on my side, observed the name of this deity on 
another document (see the next article, Udumaia). I should 
observe that the name Moab is spelt exactly in the same way 
in the inscriptions of Sennacherib and Tiglath Pileser. The 
name of King Kammuzu-natbi proves, I think, that the 
Moabites spoke the Hebrew language. At least, it renders 
it probable. Has this argument been previously brought for- 
ward ? In Smith’s Dictionary of the Bible, art. Moab, I find 
the following : “ Of the language of the Moabites we know 
nothing, or next to nothing. In the few communications 
recorded as taking place between them and the Israelites, no 
interpreter is mentioned. And from the origin of the nation 
and other considerations we may, perhaps, conjecture that 
their language was more a dialect of Hebrew than a dilTerent 

88. Udumaia. It Tt’ Idummans, or 

People of Edom. — In 2R67, 61, the king of this nation pays 
tribute to Tiglath Pileser. His name is a remarkable one, 
^yy^ y ^y ^^y Cavus-malaka. Does not this 

mean “Cavus is king?” Caviis being probably their great 
deity Camos (in the authorized Tension Cliemosh). In 
Numbers xxi. 29, we read: “Woe to thee, Moab! thou art 
undone, O people of Cliemosh ! ” where the Targum has 
“ People who worship Camos.” LXX, ■y^apcoi;, Vulg. Charaos. 

Modem researches into the Pluenician language have shown 
that malka often means “ a god ” in that language. Hence the 
name Caviis-malka may mean “ Cavus is the trae god.” Or 
perhaps it may be composed of two separate divine names, 
Cavus and Malka, the latter being identical with the Malkam 
(sometimes called Milcom) of the neighbouring Ammonites. 



Abdumilik. (A proper name.) — 

0pp. Traite Bab. line 24. may mean “serv’ant 

of the king but more probably “ servant of the god,” 
according to the Phoenician use of And since this man 

named his own son Abd-Hammon, it is likely that by 
he understood Hammon. This fact is not without importance, 
since it makes it probable that the Ammonites, whose great 
idol was Moloch (always with the article took their 

name from Hamjnon, the great deity of the Egyptians. I have 
not found the Hebrew “servant” in Ass 3 rrian, except 

in proper names. The Ass 3 rrian verb is 

00 . Abdi milkutti. tcUfst <ee JEJ 

the name of a King of Sidon. — R 45, line 50, and also line 40 
in the margin. servant of the queen.” By 

the “ queen ” is meant the great goddess of the Sidonians. 
• The name is differently given in the other copy, and I have 
given reasons elsewhere for the conjecture that this second name 
of the king was Abd-Ishtarti, “servant of Astarte.” The 
Greek author Menander mentions a king of Tyre of that name. 
See p. 14 of my translation of the Inscription of Esarhaddon, 
in R.S.L., and the articles mallcu, malkat, in this Glossary, 
Nos. 72 and 73. 

Subibulti, , a Necklace. — Subibulti 

sha tzuri-sha, the necklace of her neck (tablet 162).* Derived 
from the Hebrew subdb to encircle. For example, in 

Gen. ii. 1 3, the river Gihon is said “ to cow.pass the whole 
land of Ethiopia,” while in line 1 1 the river Pison “ compasseth 
(^^D) the whole land of Havilah.” Gesenius renders 
by circumdedit : cinxit. The same sentence of the tablet 
contains the next word, tzuri. 

• Wlien I made my translation of this curious tablet in the Transaction 
of the K.S.L., 1 was not acquainted with this word. 



^2. Tzurii ^yyyy *~yy^y’ Neck. — Tins is the 

Hebrew tzur, collnm ; also written I will add 

another example from the Micliaux inscription (R, plate 70): 
“ May the gods impose grievous burdens upon his neck ! ” 
tzuri-su y *~yy<y y* Here the second letter is 

rendered uv by Rawlinson (No. 70) and by Oppert (No. 57). 
It is often, however, a simple u. Anotlier example is found in 
2 R 18, col. ii. 4.5. As tzuri-su, around his neck, let him hang holy 
images ; (last part doubtful) written >- riw I- 

W'e also find 2 R 51, 6, ana tzuri-su, upon his neck (spelt the 

93. Gadu. Good Fortune. — Although this word 

is at present doubtful, yet it is worth while to propose it as 
an explanation of the passage R64, col. x. 4, where the king 
says ; “ In thy name, O supreme Marduk, I h.ave built this 
temjde; may its Good Fortune never grow old! Bit ebugu ; 
gadu val lulibur ! ” Tlie last word is in other passages written 
lilhur ; it is the optative of the verb lahar, to grow old. 
Gesenius says : “ Gad, fortuna ; Fortunm numen a Bahyloniis 
cultum ; i.e., Jovis sidus in toto Oriente pro fortunae auctore 
habitum. — Isaiah Ixv. 11.” Which verse of Isaiah is to this 
effect: “Ye have forsaken the true religion of Jehovah, and 
have prepared a table for Gad (l^^) and a drink offering 
for Minni (i^^^).” There is also another well-known passage 
in Gen. xxx. 11 : i:a or The LXX follow the first 

reading, and render it ev TV)rr}. Gesenius says “ bene 
LXX Tvxv" 

94. LcllOii *^^y *^^y yy » sometimes »-ty *-^y, Splen- 

dour, or perhaps Good Fortune. — In Neriglissar’s inscription, 
R 67, col. ii. 33 : “ In thy name, O Marduk ! I have built this 
temple ; may its .splendour endure ! Bit ebusu : lala-su lusbu ! ” 
Perhaps from the Hebrew splenduit. But considering 

the similar passage quoted in the last number from Nebuchad- 
nezzar’s great inscription, R 64, col. x. “Gadu val lulibur! 



lala-sha lushim, ” these two phrases, put in apposition, would 
rather incline me to translate lala as “ good fortune," and as 
connected with morning star (inil? p 7 son of 

the dawn, Isaiah xir. 12), which was emblematic of good 
fortune, and is itself to be derived from hhri splenduit. — Ges. 

JVtuti ^ Man, a Husband. — This word was first 

detected by Dr. Hincks (Grammar, jj. 519). The whole of his 
remarks in this part of his grammar are important. It is a pity 
that he did not give a complete translation of all that remains of 
this “ fragment of the ancient laws of Assyria,” as he terms 
it. I will attempt, however, to explain a portion of it. See 
2R10, the first twelve lines of col. ii. : — 


Ashata mut-zu iziru 

V al mut-i atta ” iktabi. 

Ana naru inaddu-su. 


Mut ana ashati-su 

“ Val ashat-i atta ” iktabi, 

>~y mana kaspa ishaggal. 

A Penalty. 

If a woman shall repudiate 
her husband 

And shall say to him, “ Thou 
art not my husband," 

He shall drown her in the 

A Penalty. 

If a husband to his wife 

Shall say, “ Thou art not my 

He shall pay half a mina of 

Some of these words require explanation. Iziru., repudiavit, 
is here written *^iy^ ^ fortunately able 

to give another example of this word, from Oppert Khors. 
10, 95. “I deposed Hazor, King of Ashdod, who refused to 
pay tribute, and I raised his younger brother, Akhimiti, to the 



throne. But the Syrian people rose in insurrection and 
repudiated his dominion.” The verb in this passage is izh'U 
<Vf. Oppert translates it repudiavit. This 
agreement is very satisfactory. Iktahi is the T conjugation of 
ikbi dixit ; locutus est. Ishaggal from Heb. to pay 


The spelling is rmiti, my husband. 

mutzu^ her husband. The former 
of these is of special importance, since the pronoun is 
contained, or hidden, in the last syllable, and does not, 
as usual, form a separate syllable (the vowel t). Con- 
cerning this. Dr. Hincks says (p. 518), “ the affix of the first 
person attached to a theme which ends in a consonant is 
generally i. This affix is not represented by a separate 
character but by a change of the last character of the tlienie, 
which with this affix is the same as the second or third case. 
Examples are very numerous, but they appear to have been 
overlooked or set down as mistakes by others.” 

I will now give another example of the wmrd Mvi, from 
2R10, col. iv. 4. Ana matima mut libbi-su ikhutzu ; if any 
man shall think in his heart 

Concerning ana in the sense of “ if" see that article. 

Mut agrees well with the Heb. which Gesenius 

explains Vir, peculiariter Maritus. Example : Deut. ii. 34, 
viri et mulieres. I think that this word 
originally meant a mortal, as in Greek and Latin we have 
fipoTOs a mortal ; ap^poros an immortal. And Callimachus 
says, eBeipapev aarea poproi “we mortals built cities.” 
In fact, as Buttmann has shown, popro<; became /Sporos 
because pporo<; would have been unpronounceable to a 

Now signihes mortalis in Arabic (Sch. p. 987), but in 

Hebrew and 'mors, mortuus. Something similar 

is seen in the connection between the old Persian martiya, homo, 
afterwards mard, and the Latin maritus = vir. 



Should the above remarks be correct they afford an expla- 
nation of a very obscure passage in the inscriptions, which is 
repeated several times, in which one of the principal gods is 
described as “living in heaven like a mortal” which can only 
mean, I think, possessing the human shape ; as the Greeks 
figured to themselves the Homeric gods the inhabitants of 
Olympus. I wUl annex some of these passages. 

In R35, No. 2, line 2, Nebo is described as Bal annu Idma 
mut 2R67, 67, 

some god Is described as “ chief of one hundred gods ” (a 
common title), and also riTIT annu kima mut ; spelt exactly 
the same as before, except the first sign rilTl instead of bal, 
which I cannot explaim 

In Rl7, 2, the god Ninev is described as 
<ai bulat annu kima mut, Bulat means “ living 

see Nos. 31 to 36 for other similar words compounded of 

I will now give a rather doubtful example of the word 
Mut^ from 0pp. Khors. 14, 131. The king having taken the 
city of Dur Yakina and put many people to death, says, 
“imat muti aslukha.” If imat is an erroneous 

reading for mat (land), the sense may be “ I despoiled or 
stripped the land of all its inhabitants.” Aslukha is Ch. 
spoliavit, denudavit, ex. gr. Targnm on Gen. xxxra., “ they 
stripped Joseph of his tunic,” islukhu 

Takma. a Sentence or Penalty. — This word 

occurs four times in 2R, pi. 10, and has evidently been broken 
off in three other places. It seems to be always followed by 
the mention of some punishment inflicted. I therefore think 
it is derived from the root hakim, in the sense given by 

Schindler, p. 571, judicavit ; dixit sententiam : condemnavit : 
multaHt. And as a substantive, judicium : condemnatio : 

The social offences for which these penalties are inflicted 



appear to be the following ; but it is probable that many 
others followed, and of a more varied nature : — 

1. If a wife should repudiate her husband (line 4 on the 

2. Or a husband his wife (line 10 on the left). 

3. Or a son his father (line 23 on the right). 

4. Or a son his mother (line 29 on the right). 

5. Or a father his son" (line 34 on the right). 

6. Or a mother her son (line 41 on the right). 

The latter ones are much mutilated ; but their meaning 
may be inferred from the analogy of the rest. The following 
one is, however, different : — 

7. If a master shall maltreat his hired servant (line 13 on 
the left). 

97. Barn. a Son. — I propose this word with some 

hesitation, because I have only met with it once ; but that is 
in so clear a passage that I think I can hardly be mistaken. 
Besides, the word Bar^ a son, is so very common a word in 
Syriac that it may reasonably be looked for in the Assyrian 
language, as likely to occur under certain circumstances. 
Now it will be seen by reference to the preceding article 
Takma, that Sec. 3 inflicts a penalty, “ If a son shall say 
to his father (atta) 

Atta-^iu nu (min ?) thou art not my father.” This is the 
P. C. version, and I have corrected the last sign to make it 
agree with the other texts. The Assyrian version is slightly 
fractured, but can be easily restored as follows : Takma 
(penalty). Baru ana abu-su, “ Val ab-i atta” iktabi ; “ If 

a son shall say to his father, ‘ Thou art not my father.’ ” 

(TJie next lines are fractured and illegible). 2RlO, col. iv. 23. 

In this passage the important word is ET .£in Baru, 
which admits of no other meaning than “ Son.” In line 36 
we find the corresponding penalty (though in a fractured 



state), “ If a father (atta) shall say to his son 
y>- ‘ thou art not my son,’ ” &C. &c. 

98. Elmi, or Ilmi. an Eclipse. — This interesting 

woid is probably derived from the Chald. rhv elma^ 
occultatus fuit : absconditus fuit (Schindler, p. 1328). The 
character *->^ frequently has the value El or /Z, as in 
Babel. Arba-el (the city of Arbela), 

R45, 6. yy Hazael King of Syria, R46, 19. I 

have found some unpublished tablets in the British Museum 
which throw some light upon this word. The first of these 
which I will mention is marked as 88, and also as 67a. It 
bears an inscription of only two lines, very clearly written : 
>->^ Sin elmi itsakan, “ The 

moon is eclipsed.” I conjecture that this was a notice sent 
by the chief astronomer to be delivered to the king imme- 
diately, while there was yet time for his majesty to witness 
the phenomenon himself. King Ashurbanipal seems to have 
felt interest and curiosity in all matters of science and 
literature ; witness the tablet which Dr. Hincks discovered, 
and which I have referred to under the article 2Iushi, in which 
the astronomer informs the king, with courteous compliments, 
on what day of the month the vernal equinox wUI fall. 
(These two tablets are, I think, from the same hand.) 

The next evidence which I will produce is the inscription 
published by Rawlinson, 2R52, 7, which he describes as “date 
of solar eclipse.” 

In the third month of the year, “ the sun was eclipsed.” 
^4" ^>3f- Shemesh elmi ishkan. The 

sign V represents the syllable ashk or ishk (but I believe only 
in this verb). Examples of this usage are very numerous. 

My third example shall be from the unpublished British 
Museum tablet 154, also marked 1226 (it formerly bore the 
mark K 131) : 

“To the King of the World, my lord! Thy servant 


Kukuru (sends this). May Aslinr, the Sun, and Marduk 
be propitious to my lord the kiug (in his journey) from his 
kingdom unto the land of Egypt ! I inform his majesty that 
in the month of Su there was an eclipse.” ->f <c:: 

elmi ishkunnu. (It will be observed 
that the same verb is employed in all the three inscriptions. 
It therefore requires examination. My opinion is that it 
expresses the Chald. pD mgrotavit valde, vel periculose. 
Periclitatus est). 

I now proceed to the remaining part of this last tablet. 
The writing becomes indistinct ; but after the words “ there 
was an eclipse,” follows “ Five portions of the full orb ” . . . . 
(perhaps “ lost their light ”). 

(five parts were obscured) ana malathu-sha., “ upon its fulness,” 
i.e. “ upon the full orb,” from Heb. to be full. I 

cannot make out the two next lines, but then comes Sar 
lishalumi : sha elmi sha arahhi Su hishar ana pani Sar . ... ” 
“ Let the king be at peace (i. e. of tranquil mind) since the 
eclipse of the month of Su poi’tends good fortune to the king !” 
where I read hishar, and compare the Heb. 

words in Gesenius, p. 508, bene cessit : prosperavit, 

prosperitas. Psalm Ixviii. 7- Syriac successus 

prosper. A more comj)lete study of this curious tablet is 
desirable. It is in one sense, however, very defective, since it 
does not state the day of the month. Nor does it say whether 
the eclipse was solar or lunar. There is a slight probability, 
however, that it was solar, because the writer invokes the sun to 
be propitious to his sovereign. 

The month Su was, according to my reckoning, the 
fourth month of the year. I now come to the three lunar 
eclipses, which were first noticed by Dr. Hincks in 2R39, 
col. iv. 43, 52, 58, and upon which he wrote a short memoir, 
printed in the Proceedings of the Royal Academy of Berlin. I 
do not think that much can be deduced from them. In each 
case the eclipse is expressed by >^>y- There is no 



indication of the year in which the events happened, and there 
is no reason to snppose that it was during the reign of 
Ashurhanipal. The account is evidently copied from a more 
ancient record, as we see by the occurrenee of the sign ^ 
meaning “ it is illegible,” which the scribe often used when 
he found the ancient tablets injured or effaced. Moreover the 
notice of the eclipses is interspersed with ’ irrelevant matter, 
apparently copied from other tablets, and inserted here without 
any fixed intention. Certain unusual verbs occur, and if their 
meaning could he established it would give some help. Among 
these I notice S/uikanu, in line 56, which we 

have seen to he often employed in accounts of eclipses, and 
probably to mean po cegrotavit ; in periculo fuit, &c. <tc. 
“ In dim eclipse disastrous twilight sheds.” — Milton. And so 
the Latins say, Deliquium solis, &c. Cicero has, lunce 
defectibus, “during eclipses.” Virgil says, Befechis solis 
varios, hmceque labores. 

If this is the meaning, it seems likely that the other verbs 
in line 56 are synonyms of it. These are 
ikhmu, and -V < shumi or shui'ruhu, to which 

in line 54 is added ! 1 < El ® hamatJm ; and there were, 
it seems, two more in line 54, which the original scribe found 
illegible. I would, therefore, suggest that ikhmu may be the 
Chald. occultavit, abscondit : see Sch. 595, where we 

see that a-nd were used as synonyms. This verb, he 

says, is also written in Chaldee, and is related to the 

root mn niger. The verb shurruhu may be related to 
Heb. nrriy obscurus vel niger fuit. As to the verb hamaihiL, 
it seems only a cognate form of Should these 

synonymous verbs have this meaning, line 53 may possibly be 
translated “ Eclipse of the moon. At sunrise it was hidden in 
that eclipse ” {as ellim sitata) >- <V I If ^1 . The 

expression “ sunrise ” is used very vaguely in these tablets. 
It only means that the morning light was visible, and does not 
indicate the time more precisely. The sense may be, “ After 



daybreak, or shortly before sunrise, the moon was quite 
darkened by that eclipse.” But I understand that this passage 
is inaccurately printed in the lithograph ; so that it must remain 
doubtful for the present. In the large tablet, 2296, otherwise 
K 270, the word <i:j: occurs so often that it cannot 

mean “ an eclipse,” but some other kind of darkness. 

99. Zunah. ^TT Cold. — This is the Heb. frigus. 

We read in Prov. xxv. 13, “as the cold of snow 

in the time of harvest, so ... . refresheth the soul.” 

This word is found but rarely in the inscriptions. An 
example occurs in the Taylor inscription of Sennacherib, 
col. iii. 76 and following lines. The king is at war with the 
Tochari’i, and marching through rugged mountain paths. He 
says : “In places that were dangerous for my palanquin (ashar 
ana giiza rusukii), I alighted on my feet, and then like a monntain 
goat I clambered up the lofty cliffs. Where my knees inclined 
to rest, I sat down upon some mountain rock ; and waters, cold 
even unto freezing, I drank to quench my thirst.” This graphic 
description stands thus in the original (line 78): “Ashar 
birka-ya manakhtu ishaha, tsir abni shadi usibu. Mie, zun adi 
kassuti, ana zumi-ya lu-ashti.” A few observations on these 
words may be requisite : — 

Ashar, locus : but here it is an adverb (quo loco = ubi ) ; 
hirkaya my knees ; ishaha declined or sunk do%vn ; manakhtu 
for repose. The verb ishaJm is “ se inclinavit.” 

Manakhtu is “ repose,” from Heb. pirH-Q quies, which is from 
the root requiescere. Tsir “ upon,” is a frequent prepo- 
sition. Mie “ waters,’ •Tf P- in the original. Zun adi 

.assut: en S] T? --Id --T<- 

“ Cold, even unto freezing.” The last word conies from the 
Chald. durus fuit : rigidus fuit. Schindler gives a great 

number of examples of this word. The Jirst part of this 

explanation I have taken from a paper of Dr. Hiucks in the. 
Atlantis, which he kindly communicated to me. The king says 



he shared all the hardships of the common soldier. Cold water 
was his beverage, a rock his seat. He fared like an Alpine 
traveller in the present day, when thirsty and tired with climbing. 
Buxtorf, p. 1927, gives good examples of the word Zunnu. 

100- ShalgU. Snow. — R40, 77, and R 43, 4-3. 

Heb. nix. This word was pointed out by Mr. Norris. 

101 . Parna. ^ <T— TT<T a Median word, apparently 

signifying a Chief. — The Behistun inscription speaks of a 
Median general whose name was Vinta-parna (or Intaphemes). 
The Persian text has Yidafrana (Norris, R.A.S. Vol. xv. p. 192). 
Now the inscription of Esarhaddon, col. iv. 13, names two 
chiefs “ of the distant Medians," Sirep-parna and E-parna. 
This coincidence renders it probable that the so-called Scythian 
text at Behistun is really written in the Median language. The 
names Pharnabazus and Tissaphernes probably contain the 
same word ; to which we may add Artapliemes, son of 
Hystaspes, and another of the same name, who fought at 

102. pphSiTi "^y? Dust. — Heb. p\dvis. In 2R67, 27, 

the king conquers the tribes inhabiting the coasts of the 
Persian Gulf, who, he says, had never submitted to any of his 
predecessors. They now submit, and ofler tribute of precious 
articles, the produce of their own land J. First and most 
precious was the gold dust of their country, <i? -TT4 
-1? I- Such I believe to be a probable rendering of 

this passage. " Then they make an offering of their Pearls., for 
which the Persian Gulf has always been famous. These are 
called nisikti stones ; and that pearls are meant is evident from 
the epithet added of hinut parti, “ productions of the sea ” 

* Is it certain that when gold of Ophir is mentioned in the Bible, Ophir is 
always the name of a country? May it not somet'mes at least have meant gold du.a 
Job xxviii. G, says “the Earth has ”13^ of gold” (dust of gold). 



103. Ashmari a Spear. — In R, plate 7, the 

king slays a lion. “ With my ashmar in my hand I deprived 
him of life {aslikul zukhar-su).” The verb ashlad is doubtfnl ; 
if correct it may be the Heb. privavit. The word 

Ashmar occurs again in the Nakshi Rustam inscription, line 28 : 
“ Then learn ! that the sjiear of the Persian soldier reaches far I” 

V T?pm ^ -TgSEiinji 

f^yyy^^ ^~^^yy amUu Parsaya 

ashmar-su ruku illik I 

104. Eu. ..illT, a Sword. — R7, inscription C. Here the king 

says ; “ I killed another lion >- .ilP -Jr + with a 
sword of iron y>- ^ ^^y? ^^'7 hand ? Compare 

this with the account of the death of Ursa, King of Urarda, 
0pp. Khors. 9, 77 : “ When Ursa heard that his city was 

captured, and that the image of Mazdia his god was carried 
off, “ with a sword of iron in his hand he destroyed his own 
life ” (^napishta-su tisuti). The words and the spelling here 
employed are exactly the same as those I have quoted from 
R, plate 7. 

In Rl8, 49, we read: “The mountain rose up like a 
sharp-pointed upright sword of iron ; even a bird of heaven 
could not have flown so high.” In this passage, zikip 
Heb. 2 pf *^yy^ ^ sharp-pointed stake fixed 

uj)right in the ground. The next word is ^ ^•*^y TT-+ + 
“ a sword of iron,” which completes the similitude. A modern 
traveller gives a not very different account of perhaps the same 
range of mountains. Compare this with the much earlier 
inscription of Tiglath Pileser (Rll, 43): “Great mountains 

(VP- shakutC) which rose straight up like pointed swords ” 
sha kima zikip ru uthu urr- 1®- 

Here the letter kip is the same as before, but with a 
different disposition of the wedges, instead of 

The verb uthu is interesting : it appears to come from a 
root whence Heb. Stylus, and acuminatus. 



Ezek. xxi. 15, where it is an epithet of a sword. Nearly the 
same passage is repeated in R 1 2, 14. 

105. IVTl tgRT. ►-< Luck. — Tamu mitgari, 

on a lucky day. 0pp. Khors. 19, 167, and very frequently 
in other inscriptions. I deduce this word from the Chald. and 
Syr. verb tagar lucnfecit: lucratus est negociando, &c. 

Sch. 1962. N.B. The word ‘•‘‘luck" is probably related to 

106. LOibBiDi ^y ^ Plain, a Flat or Level 

District. — Rll, 45. The king says, “I advanced through an 

arduous country. Lofty mountains rose up before me, through 
which no chariots could pass. So I left my chariots in the 
plain, and then marched up the mountains.” In lahani lu-emid, 
I left them in the plain, frly emid is the 

Heb. Hiphil of stetit., and signifies stare fecit 

or statuit (see Gesen.). This word labaii “ flat ” seems very 
important, as showing us the true etymology of the Hebrew 
lahan a tile or brick. It has hitherto been most unsatis- 
factorily derived by Gesenius and others from “ white,” 
as if bricks and tiles were always white ! It may be said they 
are sometimes “ light coloured but it may be replied that a 
thing could not reasonably have received its name from lahan 
unless it were conspicuouslg white, and that were one of its 
principal qualities. The Moon is well named Labnak 712^^ 
“ the white,” and the epithet is often applied by Hebrew 
writers to “ milk ” and “ snow,” and they use the comparison 
“ whiter than snow.” But since, as I think, no writer ever 
said “ whiter than a brick,” I think we must reject tliat 
etymology of 

I am of opinion then that “ a brick or tile,” was so 
called from its flatness. 

Babylonian bricks are described and figured in Rawlinson’s 
Ancient Monarchies, Vol. iii. page 393 : “ The finest quality of 
brick was yellow. Another very hard kind was blue. 



approaching to hlach ; the commoner and coarser sorts were 
pinli or red. The shape was always square, and the dimensions 
varied between twelve and fourteen inches for the length and 
breadth, and between three and four for the thickness.” Hence 
we see that their thickness was only about a quarter of their 
length and breadth. They were broad and flat, like the stone 
flags of a modern pavement. Such a form the French would 
call une plaque, which is the same word as the English flag 
( = pavdng stone) and the German flach (flat), whence 
Oherfldclie, a surface (viz. extension with little thickness). 

These are only two or three of a wdiole host of words which 
in Greek, Latin, and modern languages express more or less the 
mixed idea of broadness and flatness, such as latus, ifKaTVS, 
flat, platform ; Germ, platt, &c. 

I now proceed to inquire furtlier whether we cannot, hy 
analogy from this word arrive at the true etymology of the 

Latiu later, a tile ? ” 

It appears to me to come from Idtus and TrXctTVS, being 
intermediate between them. Latus and TrXarvs are the same 
word ; a similar change is seen in plamts, Spanish llano, old 
provincial Latin lanus (whence the city Mediolanum, “ Middle 
of the plain,” now Milano). Also pluvia. Span. Hover, and 
many other words. 

107. Shabu. the Foot, plur. Shapi. — This 

meaning is quite clear from the passage in 2R17, col. iv. 69, 
which says : “ their heads unto his head : their hand unto his 
hand : their feet unto his foot.” Here the P.C. is 

rendered by the Assyrian *-<y< Icati. Both are well 

known to signify the hands. Aud the P.C. (the feet) is 

rendered by the Assyrian shapi, which, therefore, 

must signify “ feet.” 

This is fully confirmed by a phrase which frequently 
occurs : iknusu shabu-a “ they fell down at my feet ;” 
“ they did homage to me, by prostration at my feet written 



Tf . — R38, 44. Ushahiis skabu-a “ I caused 
them to fall down at my feet.” As to the origin and affinities 
of the word shabu, it seems evidently to come from the 
Chald. calcavit, also written 

108. Hakkada. Head.— This is a word of 

considerable obscurity ; but I think that it is too important to 
be omitted, for several reasons, and therefore I propose it for 
consideration. In 2Rl9, col. ii. 14, some mythological 
creature, probably a serpent, is spoken of as having seven 
heads, siba hakkada. In the P. C. translation the numeral is 
expressed by and hakkada is translated ^ 11 !?= Shak, 

which signifies “ head m that language. 

The same sign is employed for “ head ” in the Assyrian, 
and consequently assumes the phonetic power of resh or 
risk, Heb. The creature spoken of is called 

yflf< -t£ll 4 fsir makkhi in both languages, except 
that the P. C. omits the final 4 ^. The last word signifies 
“great,” “ finely grown,” or “powerful,” in Assyrian, where it is 
frequently employed as an epithet of hulls and timber trees, 
ga makkhi., shar makkhi, and ur makkhi “ lions ” (for I suppose 
a lion was sinqjly ur, as in Hebrew leo). Omitting 

the epithet makkhi, the name of the mythological creature will 
be (probably Tsir) ; but I am not aware what 

it is. Returning now to the consideration of the word 
hakkad, I find a strong confirmation in 2R17, col. iv. 66 , 
where the P. C. column has “ their heads ” 
reshdu or sakdu, and the Assyrian column has (the 

last sign being broken off). Again, in 2R17, col. ii. 24, we 
find hakkadi ^ answering to the P. C. 

shak or “ head.” Another very clear example of this word is 
found in 2R46, 45, where reshdu (head) is explained hakkadu 
^y M^y. Now with respect to the origin of this word 
hakkad, it seems that the Hebrew anciently possessed the 
word kad “the head,” but at present we only find the 
voi. III. — [new seeies]. 4 



derived fonn ^p^p Icad-kad “ top of the head ” vertex capitis. 
Gesenius gives the following texts: Job ii. 7; Ps. vii. 17 ; 
Gen. xlix. 26 ; Dent, xxxiii. 16 ; Ps. Ixviii. 22. But the verb 
*T 7 p to bow the head, occurs frequently, and is reduced to "qp 
in the tenses ; ■qp'i he bowed his head : ex. gr. 1 Sam. xxiv'. 
David ^pi bowed down with his face to the earth. 

I now find that Oppert also (Commentary, page 188, ttc.) 
gives kakkadi as the Assyrian for “ heads,” expressing by 
kal\ with a point under each k. The sound is likely to have 
been hak. 

We have not proved Tsir (which means “ long ”) to have in 
this passage the meaning of “seiqient;” but should we 
eventually be able to prove that point, we should see that the 
Assyrian m}T.hology contained “ a serpent with seven heads.” 
It is very remarkable that a seven-headed serpent is the ruling 
symbol of the great ruined temple lately discovered in 
CaTiibodia, whose folds extend over the roofs and pillars, and 
]>rove him to have been the Genius Loci ; but in what age was 
that temple erected ? 

109. TTrlggnP. Earth. — I have placed this 

article next to the last on account of their both beginning with 
the unusual syllable ^y ak or hak. Oppert agrees with me 
in giving this value to it in some words. It is No. 49 of his 
list. Nakshi Rustam, line 5 : “I am Darius, sar haggar 
rukta rahita., king of the vast and wide world. ”j 

Bell. 61 : “ My aqueduct extended kashu hakkaru over 

a league of land ” ^y „ Midiakti hakkari 

^ *^yy^y- — 2R67, 69. The word is very common. 

110- Ishazzu. V ^Jiyy* call it (or call 

them). — On I’appelle : on les appelle. “ Are called.” An 
impersonal verb of great importance, very commonly used as a 
parenthesis. “ I built before the gates Bit Appati like those of 
a Syrian palace, and which, in the language of Phoenicia, they 
call Bit Khilanni : Sha in lishan Martu-ki Bit Khilanni 



ishazzu-su.” 0pp. Khors. 19, 162. I was the first who gave a 
translation of this remarkable passage (Journal of Sacred 
Literature for 1856, Vol. iii. page 190). 

111. Diklat. . This word means, in the first 

place, the river Tigris (see No. 41). But it also appears to 
mean a kind of boat peculiar to that river, and so named after 
it. We read in the Behistun inscription, Ifne 34, that on the 
advance of Darius the enemy crossed the Tigris : “ as eli diklat 
usuzzu anakullua nari Mastiggar mali,” i.e. “ they fled on 
diklat (as people call them) to the other side of the river 
Tigris. “ Upon which,” says Darius, “ we crossed (nitibir) the 
river Tigris, and defeated the enemy in a great battle, fought on 
the 26th day of the month Kan.” This passage requires a 
few observations. Mali is the Heb. verb elapsus est : 

aufugit. — Ges. 5T7. The parenthesis v.siuzu “ they call them,” 

or “ men call them,” Lat. (ut vocant) is very frequent. It only 
occurs when a foreign, or at least unusual, word is employed. 
I have treated of it in the last article (110). It is here written 
tryyyt: ^y ^^*^y<y ^yy* Anakullua is contracted from 
ana aku idlua “ to — bank — opposite.” The two latter words 
are not unfrequent, and is very frequently wa, though 
often confounded with wiu, which has nearly the same form, and 
the scribes were not very careful to distinguish them. \^^ith 
the phrase ana aku ullu compare that used in R40, 31 
yy j^y ly yy< >->y- ,~^y yy ana akka anna “ to the 

other side” (of the sea, I carried them). Compare also the 
seventeenth line of the Nakshi Rustam inscription. The 
Cimmerians who dwelt on the other side of the sea, “sha akhi 
ullua sha marrata,” written ffi 1? 1! , pronounced 

probably akhullua. Rawlinson also translates this phrase by 
“ ultra mare.” 

112. Nu. Not. — A Proto-Chaldman word, exceedingly 

common in that language, but very rare in the Assyrian. — The 



following are, however, a few instances of it : Sargina’s Palace 
had the name “ Gabri nu isha,” “ has not a rival equivalent 
to the modern name Sanspareil or Nonpareil. 0pp. 
Khors. 18, 159. In the invocation to Ninev, Rl7, 1, it is 
said, “ Sha as takhazi 7iu ishananu tibu-su,” “ whom in battle 
none could resist his onset.” Here the other copy changes 
nu into the usual Assyrian negative la H? “ not.” 
In the Michaux inscription, R70, col. iii. 13, we read “Marduk 
bel rahu, aga nu hila,” which may mean king without end, or, 
king everlasting. Agu is “a crown” (plur. agie) ; hence aga 
may be “ a king.” 

113. Uilli One. — Annals of Esarhaddon, R47, 34. 

“ A great building .... which among the kings my fathers who 
went before me no?ie had ever made, I accomplished;” sha as 
sarrin alikut makhri abi-ya 7ii7i la ebusu, anaku ebus. And in 
the tablet given by Oppert (Exp. en Mes. page 360), “ sha as 
sarrin alik makhrl-ya Tiin miru suatu ikhutzu,” “ which among 
the kings who went before me, no7ie showed solicitude for this 
useful work” (See my translation in the Transactions of 
the R.S.L.). This word 7ii)i, nullus, and the preceding word mi, 
non (see No. 112), appear to have been borrowed from some 
ludo-Germanic language. 

114. Tansil. Resembling. — This 

word occurs R36, 54. Bit Khilanni tansil haikal Khatti ; 
“ I constructed hit-khilanni resembling those of a Syrian 
palace.” Other texts repeat this passage with some variations, 
having -^y instead of tansil. 0pp. Khors. 19, 161, 

reads tam-sil, which is probably correct, for I think 

•^y sometimes sounded tarn (for instance, when it meant 
“a day”). Tamsil is evidently the Arabic tamsil “a 
resemblance."' It is a verbal substantive from the root 
to resemble, which is of common occurrence in Heb. and Chald. 
as well as the substantive similitudo. 



115. Ishbi. 2TT * Herbs. — There is an interesting passage 
in the inscriptions of Kliorsabad, where Sargina receives tribute 
from Ithainar, King of the Sabteans. The first article presented 
to him is gold. The second, Ishbi hitra. Oppert translates 
ishbi, in my opinion correctly, by “ herbs,” regarding it as the 
Heb. Jierba. Chald. (Khors. 3, 27, and Com- 

mentary, page 78). But of the next word 
says “groupe difiicile a dechiffrer.” My conjecture is, that 
we should read frankincense ; for I find that 

frequent mistakes have been made between otherwise 

which is kut, and the much commoner letter kur. 
Kutra may be compared with the Heb. incense offered to 
the gods. Gesenius and Schindler translate the verb by suffivit : 
adolevit : and the substantive by suffimentum : thymiama. The 
same verb in Arabic means “ to be fragrant.” — Ges. 

This offering of “ gold and frankincense ” reminds us of that 
which the Magi offered at Bethlehem, “ gold, and frankincense, 
and myrrh.” — Matthew ii. 11. The tribute of the King of the 
Sabmans, which he brought to the King of Assyria, is most 
appropriate and consonant to the testimony of history — 
India mittit ebur : molles sua tJmra Sabcei (Virgil). 

So, thi-ee centuries earlier, the Queen of the Sabaeans, 
commonly called the Queen of Sheba, brought a great tribute to 
Solomon. 1 Kings x. 1 ; “And she came to Jerusalem with a 
very great train, with camels that bare spices and very much 
gold and precious stones.” And again : “ She gave the king 
one hundred and twenty talents of gold, and of spices very great 
store : there came no more such abundance of spices as these 
which the Queen of Sheba gave to King Solomon.” 

Nearly related to this word is the Assyrian kutar, the 
smoke of something burning, which is the Heb. 

If, however, the present reading of the text kurra 

should eventually prove to be correct, I still think that it may 
be the same word as kutra For we see that the 

letter T is absorbed and disappears before E, in innumerable 
instances, as pater, pere : mater, mere : frater, frere, Ac. &c. 



116. S3;rnit: 1^5 111® Foundations of a Building. — 

Probably of same origin with No. 7 of this Glossary, sari'ut 
“commencement.” All from the Chald. to begin. In 

R69, 20, Nabonidus dedicates several temples with the prayer 
“ JMay their foundations H 1-^ I't" last as long as 
Heaven itself!” “kima Shamie sarrut-sun likun !” where the 
meaning of the word sarrut is determined by other passages 
which use the common word isMa “foundation,” Heb. 

For example, in same plate, col. iii. 53, “kima shamie 
ishda-sun likuiinu 1” which also occurs on the previous 
plate G8, col. ii. 17. 

11~- ShurrUi Beginning. — This word seems 

to be another derivative from the same root inchoavit. 

R9, 62. “In shurru sarti-yti,” in the beginning of my reign. 

118. Sirikta. *^yy<y ’^y<y-‘^' ’^y'^’ ^ Recom- 
pense. — From an Assyrian verb to give,” whence we 

have the very common words ishruku, he gave : ishrukuni, 
they gave. 

The word sirikta is found several times in the Babylonian 
inscrij)tions. R69, col. iii. 39 : The king Nabonidus, having 

constructed many temples, prays thus : Aim shatti (on this 
account) may the gods grant me abundant years “ ana 
sirikta ” as a recompense. Here “ years ” are expressed by 

^ ^4- s] y^. 

In R68, 23: Surkam, grant me; halaihu tamu rukuti, a 
life of long days ; ana sirikti, as a recompense. Again, in 
R52, col. ii. of Rich’s cylinder: As sTiatta (on that account) 
surkam, grant me ; haladam dara, long life ; lahar palie, and 
prolonged years of reign ; ana sirikti, as a recompense. Again, 
in a short inscription of Nebuchadnezzar, published by 
Oppert, page 274, which is very like the last example. 

119- Sapari. ^ '^yy^y’ shavings.— From Chald. 

to shave or clip. “ The tribe of the Bukudu I swept away 
like shavings,” kima sapari ashkimp. — 2R67, 13. He goes on 



to say, Hue 15, “I swept the whole land of Chaldea” khukarish 
>~y<y *wyy* y~ , which seems to mean “very closely,” 

or “in a searching manner,” from Chald. "^pH- 

120. DilillQ,, ^y^ ^ Front: also adv. in Front of : 

“ I cut down {akush) y|[ / <<< the fine trees which grew in 
front of his palace, dikh dur-su. Not one of them was left!” 

HI . 

Valtu tami tsiri dikhi haikali ibakhu “from extreme old 
age the front wall of the palace was split and rent.” — 
Bellino, line 48. In the remarkable escape of Merodach 
Baladan (which was probably in the night time) from the 
besieged city of Dur Yakina, we read (0pp. Khors. 15, 132): 
Edish ijoparsidu, he escaped alone ; dikhi dur-su izbatu, 
clinging to the front wall of his palace ; kima suratsa, like a 
lizard (or reptile); eruha misussu, and reached a place of 

A few remarks on some of these words. — Dikhi is spelt 
A- Izhatu^ this verb is frequently used in the sense of 
clinging closely, or embracing ; as “ they embraced my feet 
“ I embraced, or clung to, the knees (?) of the statue of 
Marduk," <kc. Misussu for misu-su “ his refuge su (his) 
being an enclitic without any accent, which is thrown on the 
preceding word. or means discessit : remotns fuit 

(Sch. 984). Eruha pervenit : a frequent verb. Pervenit 
locum remotum. 

121. Suratsa. ^y ^ , a ReptUe.— in 0pp. Khors. 

15, 132, it is probably a lizard ; which runs up and down walls 
with amazing agility. See the preceding article. Heb. 
saratsa, a reptile. 

122. Sh.UrilSi ^^ y. the foundation-tablet of a Palace 

or City. — To carry off this as a trophy was considered a great 
exploit of a conqueror. The meaning of the word seems 
identical with timin, as Oppert was the first to point out 



(Commentaire, page 194). When Sargina took the city of 
Dur-Yakina, he says (0pp. Khors. 15, 134) : Timin-su assuJcha, 
I carried off the foundation-tablet. But where the same event 
is alluded to in the inscription on one of the hulls, Sargina 
is called Nasihh shuriis ir Dttr-YaHni, he who dug up the 
foundation-tablet of the city of Dur-Yakina. The verb nasikh 
^11 as Oppert has well pointed out, is the 

Ohald. HD3 eruit, extirpavit (Sch. 1128): and assukha is the 
first person of the preterite of the same verb. Tlie same phrase 
is used on another occasion, namely, in the barrel inscription, 
R36, 25, where Sargina is called Nasikh shurus Uamatti, 
he who dug up the tablet of the city of Hamath. It was, 
therefore, probably his usual jiractice when he conquered a city 
of celebrity. Oppert thinks shiirtis is the Heb. radix. 

It may, however, be a word derived from shurru 

“the beginning” (See No. 117). In that case, shurus will 
stand for shuru-su, “the first stone of itf by a very common 
abbreviation, and the syntax will be as usual, “I carried off 
its first stone (of) the city Dur-Yakina.” 

123 . Dahututi. ^y<T 

Ai>purtenances of a thing ; all that belongs to it. — 0pp. 
Khors. 5, 39. Vallutzun, King of Manna, made a treaty with 
Ursa, King of Urarda, and ceded to him twenty-two cities, 
ki dahututi, “ with all that belonged to them.” Another 
spelling appears to he tihuti. On a very ancient stone in the 
British Museum, one hundred pieces of silver are named as the 
price of a chariot “with all its apjmrtenances,” adi tihuti. 
The origin of the word may be seen in Schindler, page 352 : 
etiam •n, vel n “ habeas ; possidens rem aliquam, et 
ea prteditus j)lur. fern. “ habentes.” Hence we may 

translate “ cities ki dahututi (with their possessions),” Oppert 
has “ cum omni possessione,” which a]>pears to me correct. 
And hence also dahut is a “ gift,” being something offered to a 
person for his own possession, as in the following example : 



“ He cut off the gold and silver from the temples, and sent 
it to the King of the Susians as a gift,” ushahilu’s dahut 

£E|<T 1^41, 22. 

124. AtH IT’. Iy y»- *~yy^I’ Envoy, or a Spokesman. — 

“ Ishbur amiri-su,” he sent his envoy to me. — 0pp. Khors. 4, 31. 
Apparently from the Heb. amar, to speak. This, 

however, is uncertain. It may perhaps be the word mentioned 
by Buxtorf, page 1178, "Y'^n ^ substitute, vicegerent, or 
representative. Schindler omits the word. Perhaps the verb 
emiru (see the article No. 77) may be derived from Amir. 
Emiru ana shahal salmi, “ he sent a message to implore 

125. simta. ^^yy ^^^y , the End. — This word is somewhat 

uncertain. There is a passage in 0pp. Khors. 4, which says : 
“ Sanzu, King of Manna, died at that time, and I placed on the 
throne his son Aza.” “ He died ” is expressed by the words 
“ simta uhilu-su,” which Oppert renders “ sors abstulit eum.” 
But I see no evidence that shnta means “ sors ” or “ fatum,” 
and the verb uhilu means “ attulit ” and not “ abstulit,” as 
when the king says “ attulerunt mihi dona,” uhiluni. There is 
a very similar passage in the Annals of Esarhaddon, R46, 19, 
which says “ Arka Hazael simta ubil-su,” after the death of 
Hazael (I placed lahu-luhu his son on the throne). I think we 
have here, in both passages, the Chaldee word .Unis. 

Schindler, page 1204, says: terminavit ; finivit. Ex. 

from the Rabbinic Chaldee, “ This Psalm begins with the word 

and ends with the same word.” And again : 

“Where Moses erecZs (D^D) David begins.” We find also the 
substantive QYD dnis. We may translate literally “ When 
Hazael his end came to him.” In the text concerning Hazael, 
ubil-su is written fz^^jEny J. 

126. Ifislli tpf- ^yy? Work. — “May the gods exalt (or 

perhaps ‘ love ’) the work of my hands !” viz. the temple which 



I have made for them : nisli kati-ya Uramu ! — R16, 25. The 
Hebrew word corresponding is jtiisha in Exodus v. 4 ; 

“ ^^^herefore do ye hinder the people from their works t' and in 
Ezek. xlvi. 1, “ The six days of work’’ as opposed to the 
Sabbath. □”Ti^ ''T’ work of men’s hands.” Both 

mish and nish are legitimate derivations from make. 

In R63, 35, Nebuchadnezzar calls Babylon ‘‘‘“nish ini-ya sha 
aramu.” Conshlering that the same verb, rama, is employed 
in both passages [aramu and liramii), I think that nish 
<yy must have the same meaning in both, and, therefore, 
“ nish ini-ya ” (the work of my eyes) must be a phrase^ 
meaning the work in which my eyes delight : or, which I 
cherish as my eyes ; or, doat upon : or some equivalent phrase. 
Sometimes ^yy. <yy means “ carved work,” or “ sculptured 
images,” as in R70, 21, “He carved on this stone tablet the 
images of the great gods.” Perhaps, however, this is the 
Syriac nisha Heb. signum. 

127. Lodlllii ■> Residence. — In Latin, commoratio; 

as when one dwells for a time in a city not his own. This 
obscure word occurs in 0pp. Khors. 15, 135, and I will attempt 
an explanation of it. It appears that certain inhabitants 
(probably merchants) of Babylon, Borsippa, etc., were dwelling 
in Dur-Yakina, the capital of Merodach Baladan’s kingdom, 
when that city was taken and burnt by Sargina, who treated 
these foreigners with kindness. The passage is : Sha in 
lanni-sun in girhi-su kamu tsibitta-sim, who in dwellings (or 
offices, hostels, places of business, lodgings, <tc.), within that 
city, had placed their affairs. 

Lanni is from the Heb. Imi to reside, generally for a 
short time ; but in other passages, for an indefinite time : Isaiah i. “Justice will dwell in it” p^''. Job. xli. “ In 
collo ejus manehit robur” p^^. Psalm xlix. 13, “Homo in 
honore non permanehit ” p^^ . Hence also p^D an inn : a 
lodging, a lodge (in a garden of cucumbers). 



The remainder of the phrase, Tiartiu tsibitta-sun, merits 
attention. Kamu “ they had placed,” from the same root as 
the Arabic makam “ locus tsihitta-sun their affairs. This is 
the Chald. and Syriac •word tsibut res, negoeiuni 

(Schindler, 1513). 

128. Kabali. {jplur. of Nabala), a kind of 

Harp. — Greek Na^Xa. Lat. nablium. Heb. nabla, 

which occurs frequently in the Psalms and other parts of 
Scripture, conjoined with the lyre ? lute ? It seems to 

have had ten strings (decachordon), but Josephus says twelve. 

This interesting word occurs in the list of tribute received 
by Tiglath Pileser II. from the Kings of Syria and Palestine. — 
2R67, 63. The words are nabali tsibutat mati-sun •, Xabali, 
which are the musical instruments of their country.” 

129. Tsibutat. ^TTT {jplur. of Tsibut), 

IMusical Instruments : see the last article. — This word is given 
by Schindler, page 1517, thus : 11122 tsibut, omne genus 
instrument! musici. 

130. Tila. — y*~II libbi-sun tila val etzib. 

Not one of them escaped alive. — R19, 108. 

131. Dimaski. ^ Damascus.— R 35, 16. “I 

besieged Mariah, King of Syria, in Damascus his capital city.” 
The name of this monarch appears to be simply the Syriac JIar 
“ dominus ;” unless it be Mar-iah, “ lah is Lord.” Compare 
the Syrian king lahu-luhu, “ lahu is with him,” in Esarhaddon’s 

Damascus is named again in line 21. No city in the world 
has preserved its ancient name without inttrruption for a 
longer time than Damascus. 

132. Palasta. j3[= ’-B] Palestine.— R 35, 12, where 

it stands next to Udumu, the land of 



Edom, on one side ; and to the “great sea of the setting sun” 
on the other side. 

133. Mimfi. Memphis, the capital of Egypt. — 

“ He quitted Memphis his royal city and escaped in a boat ” 
(tablet in the British Museum). 

134. Gimirraya. Tt’ Cimmerians. 

Unpublished inscription of Ashurbanipal, K228, “He sent to me 
as his Envoy a certain Cimmerian, who was a Nobleman in his 
own country, and whom he had taken prisoner in a battle.” 
The name of the country itself is Gimirri 

Nakshi Rustam, lines 14 and 17, or in the 

Behist. inscription, line G, where it was first observed and 
explained by Sir H. Rawliuson. 

135. lahu-khazi. Almz, King 

of Judah. The name lahu-khazi signifies “ lahu is my possession 
(or my treasure),” from Hebrew possession.” The 

final vowel i should not be overlooked, since it is the pronoun 
'■‘•my!’ lahu = Jaw of the Greeks,* which is the same as Jah 
or Jehovah. In 2RG7, Gl, this King lahu-khazi (who is 
there called the King of Judah), is named as one of those 
who paid tribute to Tiglath Pileser II. But we know from 
2 Chronicles, xxviii. 20, that Ahaz was the king who paid tribute 
to Tiglath Pileser : therefore lahu-khazi was Ahaz. No doubt 
the name Jeho-ahaz (who was a difl’erent king) corresponds 
more nearly to the Assyrian name. Indeed it agrees with it 
exactly. But I am disposed to conjecture that Ahaz was 
originally named Jeho-ahaz, and that the Assyrians knew him 
by that name only ; but that when Ahaz lapsed into idolatry, 
and no longer worshipped Jehovah, he dropped that holy name, 
being reluctant to bear it “ while making molten images for 

• See Diodorus, Clemens Alexandrinus, and Hesycliius. The name laut 
is very oommoij on the Gnostic geujs and amulets. 



Baalim, burning incense in the valley of Hinnom, and while he 
sacrificed and burnt incense on the high places, and in the hills, 
and under every green tree.” — See the Second Book of 
Chronicles, xxviii. 4. 

136. BOiSili >->^y the name of a great deity of the 

Syrians. — He is distinguished from the Bel >-JJ of the Assyrian 
mythology by the aspirate which always occurs in 

his name. So the Hebrews have both and Examples 

of the name: In 2R67, 56, the king elevates a man named 
Idi B;ial to be nigab (sovereign ? or perhaps high priest ?) over 
the land of Egypt. The name means “ Baal is with me.” 
Idi is “ my hand,” but Gesenius has explained that 

(in manu mea) is merely a Hebraism for “mecum.” In 
this name Baal is written ’ 

In the next line to the above-named Idi-Baal we have 
Sibitti-Baal the King of Gubal (the BgMos of the Greeks). The 
latter part of his name is written ^ '’f' 

meaning of Sibitti-Baal is perhaps “ Host of Baal,” i.e. the 
starry firmament, or the heavenly host, or perhaps the angels. 
Heb. exercitus, n'lIT' or meaning the 

sun, moon, and stars. — See Gesen. 851, for a copious account of 
this subject. Sibitti is spelt *J^|y 1° 

E. 38, 44, we have a King of Sidon named Tn-Baal »-^ty , 

IS!- In R 48, 2, we have a King of Tyre called 
simply or Baal. In line 6 of the same 

plate a King of Arvad called Kilu-Baal <Iej lEir -+ -.=1 
4-+ -Kf which may also mean “ Host of Baal,” or 
“ Army of Baal ;” Heb. exercitus. Here it is important 
to observe that the name of Baal has the sign for “ divinity ” 
-4- prefixed to it. So it has also in 2R67, 60, where a 
King of Arvad bears a name which is possibly Nidinta-Baal 
(gift of Baal), but the first two syllables are broken off. The 
name of the god is written -4 K A-4 . The 

name of Baal was very ancient ; for we find in the Annals of 



Ashurakhbal, two hundred years earlier than Sennacherib, the 
name of a certain prince called Ammi-Baal, or “ Baal is with 
me” — See R 20, 12. PI ere the name of Baal is 

written in one copy, hut in the other the 

last letter is 'ESI <i- 

137. Ishtar. J:^yy the name of the great goddess of the 

Assyrians. — It has also the general meaning of “ a goddess.” 
The plural is ishtarat “goddesses.” 0pp. Khors. 20, 176, 
»^>f- y*<^ the gods, and, Jl^iy 5:^y 

the goddesses, asibut Ashur-hi who dwell in Assyria. This 
word ishtarat is plainly the Heb. eshtarot or 

ashtaroth, “goddesses;” as in Judges x. 6, “And the Children 
of Israel did evil again in the sight of the Lord, and served 
Baalim (false gods) and Ashtaroth 

goddesses), and forsook the Lord and served not Him.” 

But when was used in the singular, it meant the 

great goddess of the Phoenicians anil Philistines, Astarte, in 
Greek AcnapTr], Her statue had horns, to signify that she 
was the moon. From hence a city received its name and was 
called Ashtaroth Karnaim “the horned Astarte." — Gen. xiv. 5. 
But she had also the simpler name of Ashtara 
whence the city called “the temple of Ashtara” 
contracted into took its name (see Gesenius) ; it 

was a city of the Levites in the tribe of Manasseh beyond 
Jordan, and is named in Josh. xxi. 27, which in 1 Chron. vi. 71, 
is changed for the more usual Ashtaroth. This circumstanco 
proves that Ashtaroth is the same goddess with Ashtara 
and the latter name is clearly identical with the 
Assyrian Ishtar. In Belllno 35, Nineveh is called “the city 
beloved by Ishtar ;” and in the very same line, ishtar with a 
plural sign ^11 — 1^- (to he read ishtarat) means 
“goddesses ” in general. 

138. Assurita. ^jy-yy<y^iB, a Ship of Assyria. — The 
word has this meaning in 2 R 46, col. iv. 2. The symbol for 



“ a ship ” *^yyy is adJed. In the same passage, ships of 
other nations are mentioned in the same way, for instance, 
Miluhhita, explained “ a ship of IMilukha = Ethiopia.” 

Secondly. Assuriti means “the Assyrian goddess.” This 
can hardly be doubtful when it is considered that the word is 
written the same as the “ship ” above mentioned (see the 
passage from K 223, at the end of this article). Lucian has a 
treatise “ de dea Syria •” and it is probable that he so called 
the goddess, not merely because the Syrians worshipped her, 
but because he had heard her invoked by the name of Assuriti 
(Syria and Assyria being often viewed as the same name by the 
ancients). This interesting name of a goddess, Assuriti., occurs 
in the very ancient inscription of Tiglath Pileser I. — R12, 36. 
The king relates how he captured twenty-five foreign idols, and 
then he says : “ I gave {ashruh) these deities to various 

temples of the gods in my own country ;” naming, among others, 
the temple of Ishtar Asuriti li 

or “ Ishtar of Assyria.” This goddess is named once more in 
the inscriptions of Tiglath Pileser, R14, 86, where the king 
relates how he built and dedicated several new temples in the 
city of Ashur Vi -T which was his capital. The first he 
names is the temple of “ Ishtar Assuriti, my lady ;” the 
spelling is somewhat difiierent from the former passage, being 

^i^y ^ jy ^yy<y -^y. a slight doubt 

remains whether the name means “ Ishtar of Assyria,” or 
“Ishtar of Ashur” (that is, of Ashur city). For we know from 
other inscriptions that there was an “ Ishtar of Nineveh ” and 
an “ Ishtar of Arbela,” who were not viewed as absolutely the 
same divine persons, but rather as rivals. 

On the tablet K 223, we read : V '+ I “ of 

his go<l Ashur,” <Vr' I “ and his goddess,” 

Assurita (the last sign being almost effaced). 
Here <’,V is used in the general sense of “goddess.” 

13!). Dimu. <y^ Repose, Tranquillity. — “They dedicate 

this statue to Nebo, for the health of the king and queen, the 



happiness of their days, the length of their years, and the 

people. — R35, No. 2, line 11. The Assyrians make a very im- 
portant use of this word, having chosen it to express “sunset.” 

setting-sun,” and “sunset” is expressed by dimu shemsi 
<y^ ^ <r- “ the repose of the sun ” or “ his 

rest.” It was the popular belief that when the Sun set, he 
reposed during the night, and awoke in the morning “like a 
giant refreshed.” The deities of Olympus also required sleep : 

“■Th’ immortals slumbered on their thrones above; 

All, but the ever-wakeful eyes of Jove.” 

A conclusion of great importance seems to follow from this 
Assyrian ])hraso dimu slieinsi, namely, that we have the same 
verb in the famous passage of Joshua x. 12, QYl 
Shemesh dum ! Sun, stand thou still ! a phrase of which the 
Hebrew lexicons give but an imperfect account, because the 
verb is nearly lost in Hebrew except in the sense of 

silence ; insomuch that certain modern commentators have 
proposed to translate “ Sun, be silent !” that is (as they main- 
tain), the oracle of the Sun on Mount Gibeon was commanded 
to be silent ; an explanation quite untenable, and opposed 
to the author of the hook of dasher, who, writing about the 
time the hook of Joshua w^as written, understood that “the 
Sun stood still in the midst of heaven.” But we now see that 
the verb was applied to the Sun by the Assyrian writers 
with the sense of rest or repose. 

dimu “tranquillity” of their house and of their 

The Mediterranean Sea is called by them “ the great sea of the 



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in CamioiLia . 

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Shan Alfihahfl 

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(i85 yen y infflSKWgs a au ci icDt)? 


Art. II . — Remarks on the Indo-Chinese Alphabets. 

By Dr. A. Bastian. 

In the Ultra-Indian peninsula different layers of nationali- 
ties may be distinguished, being successive arrivalsfrom dif- 
ferent quarters. In most cases it is difficult to determine 
with exactitude the time of their respective settlements ; but, 
as a general rule, the later conquerors have driven the former 
possessors of the soil into the hills, appropriating to them- 
selves the more fertile lands on the banks of the rivers ; and 
it may be readily assumed that the inhabitants we now find 
in the valleys of the Menam and Irawaddi are the most re- 
cent immigrants. History shows this to be the case. "When- 
ever, in the course of events, the empires stretching along the 
great rivers became weakened by luxury or broken up by 
internal dissensions, the rude and warlike tribes of the sur- 
rounding mountains, watchful of the growing weakness of 
their former masters, and the decay of their defences, have 
burst from their forests and made slaves of the populations 
of the towns. This phenomenon, not unknown in other 
parts of the world, has been frequently repeated in the his- 
tories of Assam and Burmah, of Siam and of Kambodia ; and 
it is by keeping before our eyes these continual revolutions 
that we may collect the disjecta membra of arts and sciences 
from the different quarters to which they have been scattered, 
and arrange them under one comprehensive aspect, where 
each of them occupies its natural position. 

Apart from the people of the mountains, among whom 
savage aborigines are mixed up with refugees from oppressed 
kingdoms, we may divide the Indo-Chinese nations, accord- 
ing to the languages spoken by them, into four or five main 
branches — the Thai (Siamese), the Myammas (Burmese), the 
Annamese(Tunquineseand Cochin- Chinese), the Mon (Talaing 
and Peguan), and the Khmer (Kambodian). 

1. The Thai race constitute the most important stock in 

VOL. III. — [new seeies.] 5 


the very heart of the peninsula. All the different tribes, 
known as Shans by the Burmese, or as Laos by the Siamese, 
belong to it ; and they have, through the Ahom, extended their 
influence as far as Assam. The Siamese themselves are only 
a sub-division of the Laos, their nearest relations ; and dur- 
ing the reign of the old, princes of Mogoung, the Shans were 
rulers in many of those provinces which afterwards formed 
the nucleus of the Burmese empire. 

2. The Burmese and Arracanese, the chief representatives 
of the Myamma race, are allied to the Singpho, the Kachars, 
the Manipuris, and the majority of those tribes which inhabit 
the countries extending to Bengal and North-western India. 

3. The Tunquinese and Cochin- Chinese, in their geogra- 
phically secluded country, stand in a nearer connexion with 
the Chinese than with the other nations of the peninsula, from 
whom they are separated by the mountainous barrier which is 
washed by the Mekhong, and filled with an unknown multi- 
tude of various tribes, designated by the general name of Kha 
in Siamese and of Prom in Kambodian. 

4. The Mens or Talains, wLo line the coast opposite to 
Kalinga and Telingana, formed the ancient channel by which 
Indian arts and institutions found their way into Pegu. 

5. The Kambodians (the Khmer, Khom or Khamen) are 
stiU considered by the surrounding nations as their original 
teachers in religion and science. 

With the exception of the people of Annam, who follow 
the Chinese, all the other Indo-Chinese nations have received 
their alphabets from India, and have adapted them to their 
monosyllabic tongues by the introduction of the tones or 
accents, which ai'e so remarkable a characteristic of the 
Chinese language. Most of these alphabets have adopted in 
their arrangement the Sanskrit divisions into the several 
classes of gutturals, palatals, cerebrals, dentals, and labials. 
In the forms of the letters they have adopted a cursive and 
more flowing character, which imparts an external resemblance 
to the alphabets of Southern India, the Tamil and the Telinga, 
and more especially the Singhalese. 

The PaH alphabet of the Trai-Pidok is used everywhere in 



the peninsula in writing the sacred books ; and the variations 
which the letters have undergone among the ditferent nations 
who have adopted them, do not deviate much from their pri- 
mary form. The Mon possess only this one alphabet in their 
literature ; but among the Thai tribes, another class of alpha- 
bets has been formed for ordinary use, which is traceable 
more directly to Sanskrit than to Pali influence. The pro- 
totype of these alphabets is that of the Siamese, who use it 
for all the common purposes of their vernacular idioms, and 
make use of the Pali letters only in their religious books. 
The Shans, although they speak a dialect cognate to the 
Siamese, have given preference to the Burmese alphabet, 
which is the only one they use ; but they experience much dif- 
ficulty in its application, because of its unfitness for expressing 
the sounds of the language. The Southern Laos have there- 
fore imitated the Siamese in adopting, together with their 
sacred alphabet, another for common use ; and this common 
alphabet has been brought to greater perfection b}'’ the Laos 
Pung-dam (the black-bellied Laos), than among the white 
Laos (the Laos Pung-khao). But in Zimmay or Xiengmai, 
from its proximity to the Burmese frontier the Pali alpha- 
bet is chiefly used, even for ordinary purposes. In Vieng- 
chan the letters of the vulgar alphabet are called Akson 
(Akshara) Lao-xai (letters for missives), to distinguish them 
from the Akson Lao-khom. The Kambodian alphabet claims 
to be the common source from which all the diflPerent forms 
in the peninsula took their origin ; and in Siam, as well as 
through the whole of Laos, the religious books are mostly 
known by the name of Nongsii-khom (Khamen or Khmer), 
as having been brought by the earliest missionaries who 
issued from the convents of ancient Kambodia. But even 
among the Kambodians there are traces of another alphabet, 
which at present has nearly become obsolete, giving way 
to Pali forms, or supplanted by the alphabet now used in 
Siam. The alphabets of the Burmese and Peguans are nearly 
identical, and differ only in the methods of spelling. The 
Peguan alphabet appears to be anterior to that of the Burmese, 
and is based on that of the Toungthoo (or at least on that of 



the former possessors of Tathung). According to the Rev. 
Dr. Mason, the Toungthoo speak at present a dialect nearly 
allied to that of the Pwo-karen. In an old book which I saw 
at Bangkok, and which pretended to give the veritable Xieng 
of King Phra Ruang, the Peguan letters had even at that 
early date attained very nearly their present shape, whereas 
the Burmese alphabet bore a greater resemblance to the so- 
called Khom alphabets, which (according to Leyden) recall 
the Sinhala Pushpakshara of Ceylon. These have preserved 
(even in writing the vernacular) the reduplication and sub- 
scription of consonants, to teach the rules of which the Pali 
letters are represented in the primers under two aspects — 
first as unconnected, and then as joined with the abbreviated 
forms. On the decline of learning, the illiterate readers, 
forgetting the right application of these consonants, jumbled 
them together, and many Pali words, which at first sight are 
unintelligible, become quite clear when the consonants and 
vowels are placed in their right positions. 

A peculiar alphabet was in use among the Tsiampa before 
their once flourishing kingdom was destroyed by the Cochin- 
Chinese. The race is now almost extinct ; and as European 
travellers had never previously visited the country, nothing 
of their literature has become known. I happened to fall in 
with a colony of fugitives, settled near Lawek, the former 
capital of Lower Kambodia, and I had the good fortune to 
see their vernacular alphabet, of which they gave me a copy 
at my request. As they have been converted to Islam, all 
their productions on religious subjects are written, as a matter 
of course, in the Arabic character ; and this is the case 
generally with their ordinary writings. These people have 
been often mistaken for Siamese (both being called Siem by 
the Chinese, although their names are written with different 
characters), and this error has given rise to much confusion 
in the conclusions drawn by European writers from the 
Tonquinese records. The Arabic letters of their sacred books 
they call Akson Chwea or Xava, because they have received 
them from the Malays or Khek. Their vernacular books are 
sometimes written on palm-leaves, but the more modern ones 



on a rough, kind of paper. The Cham, settled at Battabong, 
showed me printed books in their peculiar alphabet, purchased 
from Cochin-Chinese traders, who bring them for sale, although 
they themselves do not understand them. An alphabet given 
to me by a Shan of the Yuns, who live at Kiintun, near the 
frontier of Yunan, may probably resemble that of the Quan- 
to, the ancestors of the Tunquinese, before the wild Yiaochi 
were civilized by the Chinese colonists. The old Ahom cha- 
racter, which has been supplanted by the Burmese alphabet, 
is now intelligible only to Pandits. 

During my stay in Further India, I took from the very 
first a particular interest in the Brahmans, who are frequently 
met with in Burmah as well as in Siam and Kambodia, partly 
wandering about as cowherds or begging alms, partly em- 
ployed as astrologers and diviners in the royal courts. In 
visiting their houses, I soon got sight of books peculiar to 
them, and easily obtained copies of the alphabets in which 
they are written. Of the different Laos alphabets, some were 
collected by missionaries, who allowed me to copy them ; and 
others I bad written down for me by Laos priests, who, for 
the benefit of their travelling countrymen, live in convents 
at Bangkok and other towns of Siam and Kambodia. 

The Kambodians pretend to have received their alphabet 
by direct importation from Langka, on the arrival of Buddha- 
ghosa ; but the same claim is raised by the Arracanese or 
Bakhaing, who allege that the famous apostle brought it to 
their shores. Another candidate for that honour is the 
ancient town of Thatung, in the country afterwards called 
Pegu, when Hongsavadi was built by the Talaings or Raman. 
The rock inscription at Ramree mentions not only the arrival 
of Buddhaghosa, but also of still earlier missionaries ; and the 
Burmese themselves acknowledge that they built the pagodas 
in Pagan after the model of those they saw at the conquest of 

The Indo-Chinese nations have mostly borrowed philoso- 
phical and scientific expressions from the Pali, with which 
language the era of their civilization commenced ; but for 
such terms the Siamese frequently possess two words, one of 



which appears to have been directly taken from the Sanskrit, 
and the other to be derived through the medium of Pali, in 
the same way as in the modern languages of Europe we find 
technical terms still retaining distinctly their Greek origin, 
and others which came to us after passing through the Latin. 
As it is not so easy for monosyllable languages to assimilate 
the complex Sanskrit words as the simplified forms of the 
Pali, these are naturally preferred in speaking Siamese ; but 
the Sanskrit root will be recognised in writing, as those words 
are generally encumbered bj’ a long tail of mute letters, which 
have been “ killed” by the sign of Thanthakhath written over 
them, but which, if pronounced, would give the sound as it 
exists in Sanskrit. 

The common numeral figures are called Lek-vat by the 
Siamese, to distinguish them from the more elegant forms 
of the Lek-pachong. "When used in calculations, the tua-lek 
(full-bodied numerals) are shortened to the hong-lek (the 
tail of the numerals), in which nothing remains of the full 
body (tua) but the extreme lines, drawn in different direc- 
tions. The principal arithmetical rules are contained in the 
book Sut-lek (the accomplishment of numbers), which boasts 
of an august origin, having been composed by Phrom 
(Brahma) in the Pathomma-klab (the first or Lotus-kalpa). 
The mathematical. work of Tamrah-lek or Chot-lek, which 
treats of land-measuring, is jealously kept from the common 
people bj" those magistrates who have got possession of a 
copy. The Burmese have borrowed all their ordinal numbers 
from the Pali, whereas the Siamese have formed their ordi- 
nals from their own cardinals. But in some cases, when 
a ceremonial language is employed, the latter also use the 
Pall terms, not only for the ordinals but also for the cardinals. 
It is always observed among the Siamese, that men of any 
education affect to have forgotten the terms of the vulgar 
tongue, and employ Pali expressions in preference ; and in 
course of time words really get quite lost by this fondness 
for pedantic phraseology. The language of the present 
Kambodians is so rapidly getting intermixed with Siamese 
words by the people affecting to imitate the speech of their 



Siamese masters, that it has often been mistaken for a dialect 
of Siamese. 

The Indo-Chinese people, in writing out their alphabets, 
usually begin by the well-known invocation, “ Namo Phut- 
thaya,” “Namo tassa bhagavato,” etc. etc., followed by an 
enumeration of the short and long vowels. The latter are, 
therefore, styled the Namo, whereas the series of consonants 
is called the Ka-kha after the first letters of the alphabet. 
The alphabetical arrangement of the letters is followed by 
the combinations of consonant and vowel, as in Devanagari 
alphabets. In Siamese the different combinations of vowels 
and consonants are di.stributed over nine tables, the last of 
which is the longest, and rather difficult for beginners. In 
the Khyoungs a separate spelling-book is added for those 
who vtdsh to study Pali. 

The peculiar Siamese mode of denoting the vowels has 
been developed gradually ; in the oldest rock inscription, 
that of Sukkhothay, the vowels are still written in a line with 
the consonants on the same level. The accentuation also 
can be shown to have passed through different phases, till it 
arrived at its present complicated arrangement, which is due 
to grammarians of the last century. In the Kamphi-hon 
(the text-books of astrologers), the vowels are converted into 
a kind of diacritical signs, being no longer written as distinct 
letters on a line with the consonants. The chief? and almost 
the only difference, between the spoken tongues of the Laos 
and of the Siamese consists in the circumstance that the 
former know nothing of the tones, — the artificial display of 
which constitutes the delight of a Siamese speaker. The 
number of influential Chinamen in Siam may have con- 
tributed to bring them into fashion. Next to the Chinese, 
the Siamese language is richest in tones ; whereas they are 
more sparingly used by the other Indo-Chinese nations, the 
Burmese, for instance, having only two tones, — the light and 
the heavy. In the native Hokkeen (Fo-kien) pronouncing 
dictionaries, the Chinese characters are classed under eight 
sections, in accordance with the number of tones. Of the Kam- 
bodian language, neither grammar nor dictionary has ever been 



published, but in a manuscript grammar which I found at 
the house of a missionary in Battabong, it was said : “ Lingua 
Camboica sat facilis est ad loquendum, utpote plane est carens 
tonis, ut sunt in Sinica, Annamitica et Siamitica, attamen 
paullisper dura videtur et agrestis in pronunciatione.” In 
a Siamese book, which celebrates the discovery of the holy 
Phrabat on the rock near Naphaburi, and which was probably 
written about that time (1601), accents very seldom occur, 
and my moonshee, who pointed out the fact, stated the same 
to be the rule in the works of that period. 

A natural consequence of the elaborate system of accentua- 
tion is the accumulation of euphonic and expletive particles, 
because our oratorical or emphatical intonation must neces- 
sarily be inadmissible in the speech of a Siamese or a Bur- 
mese, where the modulation of voice will at once change the 
meaning of any particular word, instead of giving a colouring 
to the spirit of the entire sentence. In a lucid treatise on 
the tones, which circulates in manuscript at Bangkok, the 
late Rev. Mr. Caswell says in regard to this : — “ In Siamese, 
difference of orthography without change of sense occurs more 
frequently than change of tones without change of sense.” We, 
on the contrary, often intentionally, change the orthography 
to distinguish to the eye two words of like sound (such as beech 
and beach), but we leave the tone entirely at the option of the 
speaker. In Siamese the emphasis influences the prosody. 

There is a great variety of secret modes of writing both 
among the Burmese and the Siamese. Some of these may 
have been employed for political purposes or in the mysteries 
of religion ; but most of them are nothing more than an idle 
game with letters and ciphers, without use or meaning. A 
Burmese savant gave me a list of sixty-six of these ciphers 
with long names attached to them. Sometimes the rounded 
forms of the Burmese letters have been made angular to give 
them a strange look, after the manner of the kyouk-tsa or the 
so-called square Pali, which is, in fact, merely a graphic 
variation of the ordinary writing. This square alphabet is 
employed in writing the Kammavacha, and it may be seen 
in Lassen and Burnouf’s “ Essai sur le Pali,” and in Latter’s 


Grammar. The square form of the letters arose, no doubt, 
from attempts made to engrave the Burmese letters on 
stone, when it was found more easy to cut them in straight 
lines than in circles. In this way the character would get 
its name of kyouk-tsa (stone- writing) ; but now, being found 
only in the ancient inscriptions of ruined pagodas, it has 
acquired an odour of sanctity, and is looked upon by the 
people as something peculiarly sacred and mysterious. In 
like manner the alphabet of the Siamese stone-inscriptions, 
which are supposed to embody the mysteries of the Sinla- 
prasat (various sciences) has an aspect of stiffness, which is 
naturally lost when the characters are traced on a softer 

The Sanskrit is at the head of a long array of occult lan- 
guages in Burmah, and the first who spoke to me about it 
(a young scholar in Prome, just returned from the high 
school of Mandalay,) assured me that any one who was well 
versed in this wonderful tongue would have no difficulty 
whatever in understanding the language of birds. The 
specimens which he gave me were composed in a corrupt 
style of Sanskrit, and full of orthographical blunders. 

The favourite and the simplest method of secret writing 
consists in replacing the letters by numerals, of which kind a 
specimen is found in Latter’s Grammar, under the name of 
I)u:-ganan, where the consonants, with the exception of the 
third or fourth class, are represented by the first nine numerals. 
The substitution of vowels by numerals, instead of their usual 
symbols, occurs not only in the Kyouktsa-ganan, but also in 
other modes of occult writing. The Paliganan, which is used 
in Burmese, also means a numerical figure, and it occurs in 
Siamese in the form ganan, “ to keep accounts.” My inform- 
ant, in giving me copies of these alphabets, added, that the 
Du:-ganan was used in correspondence by persons who wished 
to conceal their meaning ; and that the Kyouktsa-ganan was 
placed on the foundation-stones of pagodas to indicate in what 
direction the treasure lay buried. A more complicated illus- 
tration of the Ganan-myo is that called Punna:-yeik-ganan 
(the arithmetical writing of Brahmans), in which not only the 



twenty principal letters, but all the thirty-three which compose 
the Burmese alphabet were represented by different combina- 
tions of numerals. Of the other sixty kinds, I will only men- 
tion two species of the Thinghya-ganan, one of which was said 
to represent the letters of the Ka-du: and the other was the 
Tsun-katha-ganan, or the supposititious alphabet of the Ka- 
khyens, north of Burmah. 

In Siamese, the occult modes of writing, called Kho-lahliik 
(profound objects) are mostly based on the same principles of 
replacing the letters by numerals, and the knowledge of them 
may become useful in deciphering inscriptions, because the 
dates, when written with letters (as is also frequently the case 
in Java) do not always possess their usual numeral powers, but 
sometimes those which they have acquired by the artificial 
arrangement of their substitutes. In the writing called Fon- 
sen-ha (rains in great abundance), the consonants are replaced 
by regular combinations of numerals, but the vowels retain 
their usual form. The Sala-lek, on the contrary, replaces the 
vowels by certain combinations of numerals, leaving the con- 
sonants untouched. In the Busi-pleng-san (the mutations in 
the epistles of hermits), the writer transposes the letters of 
words according to a regulated system, which can only be 
read by one possessed of the key. A similar modification of 
the alphabet is that called Ko-kho-phalat-kan (the alternate 
changes of the letters in the alphabet) ; but the Thai-nabsam 
and the Thai-long follow a method of their own, which consists 
in multiplying the arithmetical powers of the letters by a 
number previously agreed upon. To this class belongs a vast 
variety of riddles, puns, rebuses, and anagrams, which form 
an inexhaustible source of amusement for the Siamese youths. 
A punster is highly valued among them, and still more by 
the Burmese girls, who are in the habit of putting their lovers 
to very severe tests of witticism. Another fund of equivoques 
exists in the different modes of accentuation ; and the Siamese 
find a rich store of jokes and quibbles by intermixing the 
rude dialects of the peasantry with the polished pronunciation 
of the townspeople. The Siamese never lose an opportunity 
for a laugh at the people of Ligor (Nakhon Srithammarat or 


Myang Laklion), wlio speak the Siamese language with an 
even delivery, without any regard to the tonic accents. Never- 
theless, it is Ligor that produces most of the actors in thea- 
trical representations at Bangkok ; but the intonation in the 
Lakhon (dramas) is in itself so peculiar that the irregularities 
of the provincial idiom become indifferent. In Burmah, also, 
the language of the stage is a language of its own, changing 
frequently the meaning of words and employing high-sound- 
ing and far-fetched synonyms, although not to the same extent 
as the language of poetry, or the Linga-tsaga. Whimsical 
vagaries, which it would he difficult to reduce to a system, 
are found in the style of books professing to teach the art 
of gold-making, which are mostly ascribed in Siam to a 
great adept in that science named Maha-thay. In Burmese 
translations of the Pitakat-thon-pon, sentences in Pali are 
regularly followed by the Anet or explanation in the vulgar 
tongue. Most of the Siamese translations have likewise a 
copious sprinkling of Pali ; but Pali forms are carefully 
avoided in the Mon or Mantras, which consist of prayers for 
the use of women, because it would be a great sin (bab) if a 
female eye should fall upon the sacred character of the 
Nongsii-khom. They might even be injured and die by the 
innate power (Rith) of these holy symbols. 

Those Kambodian priests who occupied themselves with 
reading (of whom, it is true, there are only a few) told me 
that originally letters had been divided into three kinds, — 
the Akson-xieng or xrieng, Akson-mul, and Akson-ming. 
Xieng means inclined, and the Akson-xieng were described 
as angular letters, in contradistinction to the Akson-mul or 
khlom of the present day, — khlom being the Siamese, and 
mul the Kambodian word for “ round the Akson-ming are 
the large-headed letters, which are now extant in the inscrip- 
tions of Lalai and Yat-ek. In the Siamese history of the 
Phongsavadan-myang-nya, it is related that Phra Ruang, or 
Phra Lung, the mythical king of Sukkhothay, invented the 
Xieng-phama, Xieng-mon, Xieng-khamen, Xieng-thay, etc. ; 
and characters formed of straight lines were used in several 
parts of the Archipelago, among the Rejang, the Wugi (Bugis), 



the Batta, etc. etc. The authentic forms of these ancient letters 
have been lost, and are of course unknown to the Siamese ; 
but the Siamese still give the value of “ ancient” to the word 
Xieng, and employ it to denote several kinds of antiquated 
alphabets. Most of these are supposed to have been devised 
by Maharaxakhru, which name, however, is no patronymic, 
and only means the King’s great Guru, or teacher. In Kam- 
bodia, the word Chieng serves to distinguish the letters in 
ordinary use from the sacred letters. The Laos allude directly 
to Phra-m aha- anon (Bahanda or Ananda) as the inventor of 
their modes of writing ; and they place Phra-phuttha-khosa- 
chan (Buddhaghosa) only in a second line among the later 
reformers and improvers of the Akson-lao-xai. Some in- 
novations are attributed to Nagasena, known as Nagar- 
juna in his discussions with Milinda, king of the Yonas or 
Janaka ; and the Laos claim for themselves the name of 
Janaka, in accordance with their fancy of transferring the 
names of Western India to the transgangetic peninsula. 

On entering the convent, the Laos boys are first taught the 
invocation of Buddha, the so-called Kamo. After having 
learned the ten Sila, or precepts, they begin to read the Akson- 
lao-khom, and when these are mastered the Akson-lao-xai. 
The last finish is given by instruction in some cursive kinds 
of writing and by lessons in arithmetic, unless they prefer, 
by assuming the yellow robe, to enter upon the long and 
dreary road of Buddhistic theology. 

In the Temple-court of the royal palace at Bangkok, three 
stone-inscriptions have been placed, which had been discovered 
on the sites of ancient cities. These have recently been copied 
by order of the king. They have not yet been translated. 
The oldest of them is that of Sukkhothay, which celebrates 
the auspicious reign of king Ramkhamheng, his deeds and 
institutions, with many details relative to the description 
of the capital and the extent of the kingdom. In my endea- 
vours to decipher it, I applied to all those natives who were 
pointed out to me as particularly sagacious ; and although my 
questions were often asked in vain, I received from some of 
them valuable aid, and was able to avail myself of their sug- 


gestions and corrections. Among the missionaries residing 
at Bangkok, I am greatly indebted to Mr. Chandler and his 
learned lady for the identification of the alphabet. The letters 
bear a more ancient type than that of the other two inscriptions, 
which have rather a religious than a political purport. 

According to the inscription brought from Labong, in 
Laos, Somdet-bophit-maha-raxa-chao, king of Xiengmai, 
buried many relics enclosed in an iron chest, which was to 
last the 5000 years of the Phuttha-sasana (Buddha’s religion), 
invoking Phra-In (Indra) and Phrahm (Brahma), and found- 
ing the holy period. He made his parents partakers of the 
merits distributed, and accumulated thereby merits in such 
abundance that even oxen, elephants, and horses could profit 
by the opportunity, and proceed direct to Niruphan (Nibban). 

The inscription found at Kampheng-phet (the city of the 
diamond-wall), near Rahaing, contains many details, which 
I hope may be useful in bringing some order into Siamese 
chronology, but I have not yet Succeeded in making out the 
whole reading to my satisfaction ; I therefore limit myself to 
a short summary. Phra-liithai-rat, who, on his coronation 
in the town of Srisatxanalai-sukkhothay, received the title of 
Sri Suriya Phra Maha Thammaraxathirat, buries in several 
places some holy relics which had been brought from Langka- 
thavib (the island of Ceylon), together with the seeds of the 
Phra-sri-maha-phot (the great Bodhi tree of felicitous blessed- 
ness). At the time of Phra-phutth (Phra-pen-chao, or the 
lord, who is the master), the life of man reached a hundred 
years ; the king enters into a calculation how many years had 
elapsed to shorten it to the seventy years of the period of the 
inscription ; and then being continually importuned, as he 
says, by questions about the duration of the religion of 
Phra-phutth on earth, he tries to satisfy the inquirers : he 
tells them that, after ninety-nine years, the knowledge of the 
Phra-pidok-trai will become imperfect ; after a thousand years 
the observance of the precepts will be discontinued ; in an- 
other thousand years there will be nobody left wearing yellow 
garments (not so much yellow cloth will be found as would 
suffice to be placed behind the ear), and after a thousand 
years more all the holy relics will fly through the air to 



Langka, and having been collected there, will be burnt in 
the flames which rise up to Phrohmalok. Thenceforth all 
beings will go to Naraka until the arrival of Phra-sri-arima- 
theia, the believers in the Phra-phuttha-sasana having died 
already after the second thousand. But the precise time of 
these events cannot be flxed, because nobody can compute the 
exact amount of merits accumulated by the pious actions 
of king Phra Maha Thammaraxathirat. These continual 
changes of the era make all historical events in ultra-India 
matters of much doubt and uncertainty unless they can be 
subjected to a certain control by counting them both ways, 
forwards and backwards. 

King Ramkamheng, who records on the stone-pillars of 
Sukkhothay the invention of the letters now called Nongsii- 
teh-boran (writings of old) by the Siamese, is often identified 
with one of the representatives of Phra Huang, a favourite 
name of frequent recurrence in Siamese history. Phra Huang 
is to the Siamese the founder of their nationality, to him all 
their proud romances are referred, when the name of Thay, 
the “ freemen,” was acquired, and the yoke of the Kambodians 
was broken ; but there are also some obscure traditions, con- 
sidered as the most ancient, which are never written, but only 
handed down orally ; and in these it is said that Phra Huang 
belonged to the Khot Phrahmana, was of Brahminical descent, 
and that he reigned over the Lava. I must leave the recon- 
ciliation of these conflicting statements for another oppor- 
tunity, and will only remark that the Siamese critics them- 
selves distinguish generally two different personages as bear- 
iug the title of Phra Huang. The first of these resided at 
Savankhalok, and abolished the era, introducing in its stead 
the Chunlo-sakkharat. lie was the son of a Kaga or Nakh 
(a subterraneous serpent in dragon-like form), an expression 
which in further India, as once in Attica, expresses relation- 
ship to the aborigines of the soil. The second Phra Huang 
is known also in Peguan history as the father-in-law of Chao- 
farua, who expelled the Burmese governor of Martaban, and 
founded an independent kingdom in that town. The date of 
Hamkhamheng must be assigned to a period anterior to the 
time of the latter king, so that his reign falls between the 



two Phra Euangs. The true history of the Siamese race in 
the valley of the Menam commences with the building of 
Ayuthia, and the modern part of the annals is therefore called 
the history of Ayuthia. Between this city and Pechaburi is 
situated the most ancient pagoda of Siam, the Pathomma- 
chedi, which the Siamese themselves acknowledge to have 
been erected before their arrival in that country. On its 
restoration by the now reigning king, some curious inscrip- 
tions were found in an old kind of Devanagari, resembling 
the stone records which exist in the province of Ligor and in 
other parts of the Malayan peninsula. At present the kings 
do not go so far as to record their actions on stone. They 
follow the general practice, and are satisfied with writing 
them on paper, at least in Siam, where the first king has be- 
come an author, and has composed books on Buddhism, his- 
tory, and grammar. In Mandalay I saw one of the court- 
yards in the palace converted to a dwelling for stonemasons, 
some dozen of whom were engaged in cutting the Prajna- 
paramita of the Abhidhamma on massive stone-posts, which 
the king intended to place in lines along the highways of his 
kingdom. As it is not unusual, however, in those parts of 
the world to see many things begun with much parade which 
are never expected to come to an end, I fear that such has 
been the fate of this project also, which woidd have threatened 
Asoka’s fame with a rival. The King of Siam has invented 
an alphabet, the letters of which he thinks adapted to the 
Indo-Chinese languages as well as to those of the Arian 
family : he has called it therefore Aryaka (Arekyamatthu). 
Some books have been printed in this character at Bangkok at 
the King’s own press, and it was at one time studied eagerly 
by all those who wished to court royal favour. This same 
king, who holds the first rank in his kingdom, not only by 
his birth but by his learning, has composed a Pali Grammar, 
in which he abandons Kachchayana for the system of Latin 
Grammar, which he has been taught by the French mis- 
sionaries. It is written in usum Delphini for the princes 
entering the priesthood. 

The alphabets collected in my travels are the following : — 

1. Alphabet of the Thoungthoo or Pa-au. 



2 . Alphabet of the Shans. 

3. „ „ Shans, as used in Mone. 

4. „ „ Yuns (near Kiintun). 

5. ,, „ Talains. 

6. An older form of the Talain alphabet. 

7. An antiquated form of the Burmese alphabet. 

8. Xieng Khom. 

9. Xieng Khriin (of Lakhon). [(Xiengmai). 

10. Alphabet used by the Shans (or Laos) at Zimmay 

11. Sacred alphabet of the Kambodians. 

12. Vulgar alphabet of the Kambodians. 

13. Pali alphabet of the Nongsii Khom (at TJdong). 

14. Sacred alphabet of the Western Laos. 

15. Vulgar alphabet of the Western Laos. 

16. Sacred alphabet of the Eastern Laos. 

17. Vulgar alphabet of the Eastern Laos. 

18. Akson Lao Khom (used in Viengchan). 

19. Akson Lao Xai (used in Viengchan). 

20. Alphabet of the Brahmans in Siam. 

21. Alphabet of the Brahmans in Kambodia. 

22. Alphabet of the Cham or Tsiampa. 

23. Alphabet extracted from the stone-inscription of Sukkho- 

thay. [vacha. 

24. Alphabet of the Kyouk-tsa in the Burmese Kamma- 

25. Letters of the alphabet invented by the first king of 

Siam under the name of Aryaka. 

For comparison are added — 1. The Burmese alphabet. 2. 
The Siamese alphabet of the present da}\ 3. A Siamese 
alphabet of the 17th century, as gh^en by Loubere. 4. The 
Pali alphabet of the 17th century, as given by Loubere. 5. 
The Pali alphabet of the Siamese (Burnouf and Lassen). 6. 
The Singhalese alphabet. 7. The Javanese alphabet. 8. The 
Khamti alphabet, according to Brown. 9. The alphabet of 
the Ahom. 

Three kinds of secret writing used by the Burmese (Punna:- 
yeik-ganan, Thinghya-ganan, and Tsun-katha-ganan) 
Two kinds of sacred writing used by the Siamese (Fonsinha 
and Salalek). 

The Siamese numerals in three different forms. 

A kind of musical notes found in a book of chants at Bangkok. 
Siamese verses with the metre marked by accents. 

Specimen of the inscription at Labong. 

„ „ „ Kampheng-phet. 

Stone-inscription of Sukkhothay. 

For comparison’s sake is added the commencement of the 
stone-inscription of Ramree. 


Art. III . — The Poetry of Mohamed Rabadan, Arragonese, 
By the Hon. H. E. J. Stanley. 

[Read January 9th, 1866.] 

Mohamed Rabadan was a native of Rueda on the river 
Xalon, one of those Moriscoes who were driven out of Spain, 
chiefly on the ground that they would not and could not 
amalgamate with the Spaniards, and that they clung to the 
Arabic language and customs, and were, and always would 
remain Arabs, foreigners in Spain and enemies of its people. 
It is possible that at the time of the expulsion some of the 
Moriscoes did not know Spanish, but it is yet more probable 
that the great majority of them knew nothing of Arabic ; 
and the best proof of this is the volume written by Rabadan. 

The Manuscript upon which these remarks are written is 
in the collection of the British Museum. It was brought to 
England by Mr. Morgan, H. M. Consul at Tunis, who wrote 
on the MS., “ I bought this MS. in the town of Tessatore, 
about fifteen leagues westwards from the city of Tunis, sold me 
' by Hamooda Bussesa Tabib. Septr. 27, 1719.” Mr. Morgan 

j says that there were twelve villages or towns in the province 

I of Tunis where the people spoke Spanish, and in one of them 
I Catalan, and that there were two old men who could read it. 

He says that these people knew by heart, and were in the 
' habit of reciting, the poems of Rabadan. He also mentions 

: another Spanish MS., dated 1615, by Abdul Kerim bin Aly 

' Perez, which he had in his hands for a few days, and of 

<1 which, unfortunately, he preserved no copy. However, he 

" translated a portion of it, a most eloquent invective against 
I the Inquisition. Mohamed Rabadan wrote in 1603 in Sp anish 
for the instruction of the Moriscoes, who understood no other 
language. This fact, and the pertinacity with which the 
Moriscoes continued to use the Spanish language a hundred 
and twenty years after arriving in Africa, in the midst of an 
Arab population, show how ill-founded was one of the pleas 
for their expulsion. 

Mr. Morgan published a translation of all of Rabadan’s 
' poems in two volumes in 1723, under the title of “ Mohamed- 

VOL. 111. - [new sfkies]. 





anism Unveiled ; or, Discourse of the Light and Lineage of 
the Prophet Muhammad.” His translation is not good ; for 
besides shirking all the difficult passages, he is a very un- 
faithful translator, constantly adding words not in his text, 
and giving too English a form to the ideas of his author : he 
has, however, added some very good notes and interesting 
anecdotes in various parts of the work. He was the author 
of other works, one of which, on Barbary, deserves especial 
mention and praise. It is singular that these two books of 
Morgan’s should have so completely fallen out of sight : it is 
owing probably to the smallness of the edition. Babadan’s 
poems were published by subscription, and most of the names 
in the list of subscribers seem to be extinct. 

Though Babadan describes himself as a cultivator, one who 
himself had followed the plough, his verse is pronounced by 
a most competent judge, Don P. Gayangos, to be composed 
in very elegant Spanish ; and he frequently uses classical 
metaphors, and occasionally Latin terms, which show that 
he must have been familiar with good Spanish authors. 
Some of these, not common at the present time, are fre- 
quently used by Alonzo Azevedo in his poem on the 
“ Creation,” printed at Borne in 1615. At the same 
time the Arabic words, of which several are used which are 
now lost from the Spanish language, are so defaced that it 
is difficult to recognize them : the letter jim seems to have 
lost its pronunciation, and is never represented by 7 or g, but 
by the softer ch, as, for instance, alchana for aljannat, chaha- 
nama for jelienum. Nearly all the Arabic substantives are 
employed with the Arabic article prefixed to them, and in 
addition to that the Spanish article cl. In two places a frag- 
ment of Arabic construction has been preserved in the phrases, 
conseguid lalchanesa, instead of conseguid al alchanesa, “ follow 
the funeral procession;” and obedeced lalhalifa, instead of 
ohedeced al alhalifa, “ obey the khalif.” In these two instances, 
the Arabic preposition J to has been preserved instead of 
using the Spanish preposition ; the fathah of the article has 
not, however, been changed as it should have been to kesrah, 
which seems to show a great disuse of Arabic as a spoken 



language. These poems are not only interesting to the philo- 
logist on account of the Arabic words scattered over them, 
but also on account of some old Spanish words now obsolete, 
and some words from Catalan, such as vegada for vez, “ a time.” 
The correctness of the relation of Mohamed Eabadan is very 
remarkable, considering the difficulties under which he la- 
boured, and his complaint that he had “to seek for MSS. and 
papers in different parts of the kingdom, where from fear of 
the Inquisition, they were already lost and dispersed.” 

The principal portion of these poems is a history of the 
prophets, beginning with the Creation of the World, and 
going on to describe the Deluge. The cantos describing the 
Creation have an additional interest from the passages in it 
which are parallel to Milton ; some of these are necessarily 
similar, from the subject matter, such as the explanation of 
Man’s Free Will ; in other cases there may be a common 
Rabbinical origin of the ideas of both poets. Rabadan fre- 
quently refers to the Hebrew commentary. In his descrip- 
tion of the Universal Deluge, Rabadan sometimes uses the 
same words and phrases as in his description of the laying 
waste of the world before the Great Judgment, and he appears 
to draw a parallel between the two. A very large space is 
devoted to the history of Abraham, to vindicating “his purity 
and chastity,” and to setting right the genealogies of Ishmael 
and of Isaac, which Rabadan says had become confused and 
intermingled in the minds of the Moriscoes, “ on account of 
the common voice and opinion of the Christians, which with 
such certainty and assurance represented the just Ishmael, and 
all his family and lineage as null, depriving him of the palm 
of the sacrifice and giving it to Isaac, and making an imputa- 
tion against the good Abraham and our leader by saying that 
on account of his lineage being bastard he could not be a 
prophet.” The lives of the other prophets are then slightly 
sketched, and the poet enters more into detail in the history 
of Hashim, Abdul Muttalib, and the Prophet. One of the 
best cantos in the book is one describing the death of 
Muhammad, and the last time he appeared before the com- 
panions in the mosque at Medina : the scene in which 



Muhammad asked if he owed any man anything, or had done 
any one an injury, in order that he might make restitution 
for it, so touchingly described by M. de Lamartine, is here 
related a little dilferently ; but it is a proof how closely Raba- 
dan has adhered to the texts or to the tradition, that the 
Newab of Oude, Ikbal ed-Dowlah, related the story of Uquexar 
to me, and to another member of the Society, almost in the 
very words of the Spanish poet. 

There is a MS. copy of Rabadan in the Bibliotheque 
Imperiale of Paris, which does not appear to be as old as that 
in the British Museum. Many words in the Paris MS. are 
spelt in a more modern way than in the London MS., such as 
perfecto for perfeto, Gibril for Chebril, lanzadle for lanzalde, 
etc. etc. It is in some cases more correct, and contains some 
passages which are wanting in the London MS. ; also Spanish 
words have in some cases been substituted for the Arabic 
words used in the London MS. The Paris copy does not con- 
tain the poem on the months of the year. 

Nearly all the Arabic words to be found in this MS., and 
which are no longer used in Spanish, are either religious or 
legal terms, such as almalaqiie, “an angel;” alciirsi and alarx, 
“the Divine throne;” alcafara, “expiation ;” acir/firg'Me, “dowry;” 
alguali, “ a woman’s legal deputy.” These words supply a 
further proof that amongst the Moriscoes the Spanish grammar 
and idiom had taken the place of the Arabic, for we find 
halecar, “ to create,” and instead of makhluk, “ a creature,” 
halecado, and “creation,” halccamiento ; so also azachdado, 
“prostrated;” “ purified;” alhijantes, “pilgrims.” 

Here follows the “ History of the Day of Judgment;” or, 
as it may be called, a Morisco Divina Commedia : and a canto 
containing an account of the death of the Prophet. The 
account of the Creation and of the Deluge may appear in the 
next number of the Journal. It will hardly be necessary to 
give a translation of Rabadan’s prose Introduction in the 
Journal, since the substance has in part been stated here, 
and the translation is to be found in Morgan, whilst the 
original is printed in the Spanish translation of Ticknor’s 
History of Spanish Literature by D. P. Gayangos, vol. iv. 



IsTOEiA del espanto del dia del juicio segun las aleyas’ y profesias 
del hoiirado alcoran ; eontiene dos cantos. 


Quando el sol pierde su lumbre 

Y el color perfeto y claro, 

Con quel suelo luze y dora 
Vuelve ceniciento y pardo; 
Quando aquellas hebras de oro 
Que tanto tiempo asomaron, 

Por el oriente no asomen 

A los que estan aguardando ; 
Quando trocara su curso 
El beUo oriente dejando, 

Y asome por el Poniente 
Triste, perezoso y tarduo. 
Quando la luna esouresca 
Aquel claror plateado, 

Y el color de las estrellas 
Se ponga amarillo y lacio ; 
Quando el cielo azul y alegre 
Tome fiero y Colorado ; 

Quando la tierra tremole 
Desde sus centros mas bajos ; 
Estas protentosas muestras, 
Estos senales tan claros, 

Que hard la tierra y cielo 
Tan fuera de su ordinario ? 

Sera quando estan las gentes 
En el mas pesimo paso, 

* Yerso del alcoran. 

Quando a su Dios desconozcan 
Por conocer al pecado, 

Quando los j ueces que asisten 
En lugar deidoso y santo 
Imiten al axaitan 
En sus juicios y tratos ; 

Quando los deudos se arriedren 
A sus deudos mas cercanos, 

Y de sus hermanos huigan 
Como si fuesen estranos ; 
Quando los ricios se aumenten 

Y suban de grado en grado ; 
Quando la virtud se pierda 
Que no se le halle ya rastro : ■ 
Quando la verdad enferme 
Por no hallar en su rastro 
Ninguno que la sustente 

En desierto, ni en poblado ; 
Quando reine la mentira 

Y gobiernen los enganos ; 
Quando la traicion conciba 
Sus hijos de quatro en quatro ; 
Quando el logro permanezca 

Y eche brotos de lozano : 
Quando la luxuria estienda 
Su semilla a todas manos : 

2 Variante— Que no se halla deUa su bando. 



Quando la invidia se ponga 
Entre el hermano y hermano 

Y entre los hijos y el padi’e 
Como si fueran contrarios ; 
Quando el hijo no respete 

A1 padre que lo ha engendrado, 

Y el padre al hijo permita 
Un vicio y otro pecado ; 

Quando los soberbios ricos 
Se arinconen con sus algos, 

Y la pobreza produzga 

Sus hijos, hombres ingratos. 
Quando la avaricia tenga 
Sujetos los hombres sabios ; 
Quando los viejos desmientan 
El madurez de sus anos ; 

Quando a los buenos persigan, 
Quando apremien a los ilacos ; 
Quando a los traidores honren 

Y sigan a los tiranos ; 

Los malos seran jueces, 

Los buenos menospreciados, 

Los alimes' perseguidos, 

Los pobres desamparados, 

Las gentes envejecidas 

En los servicios mundanos, 

Como si en la tierra fuese 
Su vivir perpetuado, 

Unos fabricando torres, 

Y edificios fuertes y altos, 

Casas de fuertes cimientos 

Y muros costosos y anchos. 
Quando la malicia humana 
No quepa en cuestas ni llanos, 

Y los vicios se amontonen 
Por no caber de ancho y largo, 
Entonces quando estos males 
Lleguen al punto contado, 

Sera senal dehnido 

Del juicio que aguardamos, 

Y mas de los antedichos 
Indultos que seran tantos, 

Que los mesmos, que lo vean 
Aun no podran senblanzarlos ; 
Iran viendo cada dia 

Un espanto y otro espanto, 

Que los propios maleficios 

* Sabios jJlc. ^ Divulgue, MS 
‘ TJsos, MS. Paris. ‘ 1 

Los traeran paso ante paso. 
Quando dexe su caverna 
Aquel perro antecriado, 

Cuyos ahullidos asombran 
Al mundo de cabo a cabo. 
Quando a la gente dilubie’ 

Sus jeneticos ^ mandados, 

Para que por Dios le adoren 
Por voluntad 6 forzados, 

Quando con el poderio 
Del que le dio tanto espacio 
Contra su proprio hacedor 
Haga tan grandes milagros ; 
Digo que este mal nacido 
Por tanto mal engendrado, 

Hara que los cursos truequen 
Sus ojos‘ a lo contrario. 

Las aguas hacia su cunbre, 

Los rios, fuentes y raudos 
Hard correr hacia arriba : 

Las fuentes contra sus canos. 
Kesucitaran los muertos. 

Hard Hover sin nublados. 

Hard que los aires paren, 

Y corran por su mandado. 

A los ciegos dara vista, 

Sanidad a los baldados, 

A los sordos el oir 
Los mudos que hablen claro ; 
Sanard qualquiera herida, 
Tocandola con sus manos, 
Imitando al santo Ise, 

Por donde serd llamado 
Este Almasih adacheU 
Amahador® con enganos, 

Seran tantos y tan grandes, 

Sus diabolicos milagros, 

Sus castigos tan enormes. 

Con que vendra amenazando 
Con aquel false cridante 
Llamando al siniestro lado : 
Venid gentes adorad 
A vuestro Dios soberano : 

Que le adoraran las gentes 
De sus hechos embriagos. 

Digo los de poca fe 

Los torpes de pechos flacos, 

S. Paris. Ilereticos, MS. Paris. 

Dajal el ante-Cristo. ® El que alivia. 



No los creyentes perfetos 
En la fe santa asentados ; 
Aquellos que en todo tiempo 
La unidad testificandod 
No podra entrar en Maca 
Por que le fue devedado : 

Tan poco en el al Medina, 

Ni la ensantecida Elbaitud 
Allah nos guarde y defiende 
De tan prodigos escandalos 
Como los que entonces vivan 
Veran deste infernal rayo. 

T quando este enganador 
Este en su trono mas alto, 

Y quando tenga a las gentes 
Mas ciegos y embaucados, 
Dezendera el Santo Ise 

Por su Senor inviado, 

Y matara a este enemigo, 

Y acabara sus engahos, 

Despues morira el buen Ise 

Y quedara sepultado 
En lalcoba de Mubamad 
Junto con el lado al lado. 

No hard en esto parada, 

Que aun esta amenazando 
Otro escandalo, otro fuego 
Tan fuerte como el pasado 
Quando se rompa el coUegio,® 
Con que encarcelo Alexandra 
Los de Cud y Magud,^ 

Y salgan a suelto bando. 
Saldran tan grandes y feos, 
Negros y desemejados 

Con tan diversos visajes, 

Tan langostados y tantos 
Que haran apocar las aguas, 
Fuentes, estancos y lagos, 

Y las demas provisiones 
De los demas halacados ; ® 
Espantaran a las gentes 
La multitud destos tragos 

Y encerrarse-han en los fuertes 
De miedo de sus espantos, 

Hasta que las cataratas 
Desciendan del cielo abajo. 

Y acaben estos Machuches 
Sin que dellos quede rastro. 

; 0 criaturas del suelo 
Nacidas de padre humano, 
Engendrados en tal signo 
Que llegareis a este paso 
Kecordad vuestros sentidos 
No vivais tan descuidados, 
Mirad que es malo el descuido 
Do el peligro esta tan claro ; 

No os pinteis por ignorantes 
Procurad ser avisados, 

Mirad que los incuruehos 
Van a par de los yerrados, 
Mirad que si esas sehales 
Topan vuestros pesos faltos 
La pena sera Chahana® 

Con que sereis castigados. 

Volvamos pues al principio, 
Que no es bien que tan de paso 
La sehal del sol toquemos, 

Sino atento y muy despacio ; 
Que haran los hijos de Edam 
Quando mas desacordados 
Este espetaculo vean ; 

Y luego tras este tantos 
Que turbacion dara en ellos, 
Que tribulacion y que pasmo, 
Que haran unos con otros, 

Que caras iran mostrando, 

Que clamores, que gemidos 
Que gritos tan destenplados, 
Que vivir tan desabrido, 

Que inquietud, que sobresalto, 
Que Uagas sin medecinas 
Que suenos tan quebrantados 
Que enfermedades tan solas, 
Que dolores sin amahos,’ 

Que haran los incuruenos 
Los torpes despreceptados, 

Los que pasaron sus vidas 

* TestifiearoD, MS. Paris. ^ Elbaitu, Jerusalem. ® Coloso segun el MS. tie Paris. 

V. Gog y Magog, pueblo que ha de salir del interior dq la 
Asia. Los de Amon y de Moab, segun el MS. de Paris. 

® Halacados (J^ criaturas. ® Gehennum, Gehenna, el infierno. 

^ Amahos, alivios, del verbo . _ I ^ borrar, anular. 



Adoimidos y asombrados ; 

Que haran los melincosos ‘ 

Que guardaron sus pecados, 

Y de sus apcnitencias 
Nunca toparon el quando, 

Que haran los homicidas, 

Que pensaran los avaros, 

Los adulteros y aquellos 
Que las tutelas menguaron ; 
Que haran todos aquellos 
Que veran el sol trocado 
Por donde jamas salio, 

Despues que fue halecado. 

Que haran quando amanezcan 
Sin gracia del soberano, 

Que aunque repentirse quieran 
Entonces les sera en vano ; 

Y no valdran sus descos 
Ni sus fines tendran cabo, 

Ya no habra decir mafiana 
Que ya tarde recordaron. 

Dice Alhasan que las madres 
Que tendran hijos bastardos. 
Despues que el Sol se trascuise 

Y asome por el ocaso, 

Que los batiran de si 
Echandolos de sus brazos, 

Y les negaran sus pechos, 

Y el amor que siemprc usaron ; 
Elios con la misma rabia 

Que se veran agenados 
Diran tan grandes distinos,^ 
Que cansa a deber nombrarlos, 
Maldigaos Allah enemigos, 
Diran estos haramados,* 
Maldigaos la tierra y cielo 

Y todo quanto hay criado, 

Todo sea en dauo vuestro ; 

Y no menos acusamos 

A nuestros malditos padres, 
Sino que los avocamos 
Con las mismas maldiciones 

Y de aqui los albriciamos 
Con el luego del falaque,^ 

Y" sus tormentos en pago 
De los deleites malditos 
Que con vosotras gozaron, 
Penegamos de vosotros, 

Del uno y otro juramos 
De jamas ser vuestros hijos, 

Sino vuestros tormentarios ; 
Penegamos de la leche 
Quen vuestros pechos mamamos, 
Yde los lomos traidores 
Donde fuimos goteados. 

0 sumo y alto Senor, 

Y que penetrantes rayos 
En que coyuntura y tiempo 
Tan fuerte y necesitado 
Lazraran^ estos precisos® 

A los que los engendraron ; 

Si seran de tu bondad 
Oidos 6 desviados 
En tiempo tan peligroso 
Tanta maldicion y dano. 

Que diremos de las fieras, 

De los animales bravos, 

De los peces y las plantas 
Que todo sera cambiado 
Las fieras seran enfermas 
Sus bravos coraj es mansos, 

Y sin temor de las gentes 
Se vendran a los poblados ; 

Los peces ya corrompidos 
Surtiian a lo secano, 

Do inficionara a las gentes 
Su olor corrumpido y malo ; 

Las briznas del sol tenido 
Escalentaran los lagos 

Y vislumbraran los ojos 

De los que lo estan miiando ; 
Todo tendra contornado 
Todo sera trastrocado, 

Todo mudara su asiento 
De lo alto hata ’ lo baxo 
El sol turbio y espantoso 
La luna turbia sin rayos 
Las estrellas amarillas, 

‘ Negligentes, MS. Paris. ^ Jcsatinos. * 

* l_jl5 cielo, firmamento. 

5 Maldeciran=laceraran. MS. Paris, Lanzaran estos precisos. 

6 Quizas, prescitos, condenados. ’ hasta. 




El cielo acedo j morado 
Que podran sentir las gentes, 
Quando estos fieros prosapios ' 
En los movimientos vean, 
Insensibles entre tanto 
Que centella tan ardiente, 

Y que abismo de cuidado 
Quemara sus corazones, 

En los presentes naufragios 
Vozes daran espantosas : 

Iran corriendo y parando 
Temiendose de si mismo, 

Su sombra les dara espanto 
A flotar por los desiertos 
Por las cuevas y pantanos, 
Llamando a los mesmos ecos, 

A la sierra vozeando : 

“ Abre tierra tus cavernas 
Traga a estos desventurados, 
Que tu debes acogernos, 

Pues de ti fuimos criados. 

Abre madre tus entranas 
Que no hallamos otro amparo ; 
Yo nos niegues tu acogida 
Que con tanta sed buscamos.” 
Dice la tierra, no pnedo 
Eecogeros ni ampararos, 

Pues no quesiste ser buenos 
Quando os sobraba el espacio, 
Quando os llamaba la gracia 
Con tanto amor y descanso ; 

De vosotros la arredraste, 

Como yo a vosotros bago.” 

Con los mesmos apellidos 
Iran a la mar llamando 
“ 0 mar entreabre tus aguas 

Y traga a estos desdichados, 
Pues nuestra Madre la tierra 
Ho ha querido sepultarnos ; 

Tu entre tus aguas y conchas 
Hos zahunde en lo mas baxo.” 
La mar con horribles zenos 
Pespondeles, “desviaos 

De mi vista que vosotros 
Ho sois mis contenporanos, 

Ho sois de mi natural, 

Hi aunque quiera puedo daros 
Asiento, que me lo impidan 
Vuestras culpas y pecados.” 
Estos seran los precisos 
Enduridos y obstinados, 

Que no quisieron curar 
Sus llagas con tiempo franco, 
Quando la gracia divina 
Los llevaba de la mano, 
Llamando y dandoles vozes 
A1 puerto de su reparo ; 

Ho quisieron conocerse, 

Ho quisieron ser curados, 

Ho quisieron repentirse 
De su destinado estado. 

Estos seran los creyentes 
De nuestro Alcoran honrado, 
Los que el Alcoran leyeron, 

Los del aluma^ escogida, 

Y sus mandamientos santos, 

Y no quisieron seguir 
Con lo que les predicaron. 

Estos son los pecadores 
Viciosos y destinados 
Desconocidos sin obras, 

Que su propio mal buscaron. 
Que de las otras naciones 
Alquefirinas® no hablo, 

Que ya no habia rastro dellos, 
Todos en mal acabaron 
Por sus incredulidades ; 

Que como siempre negaron 
La verdad, nunca tuvieron 
Certidumbre de ser salvos ; 

Y como acabo Adachel, 

Todos fueron acabados. 

Solo la Santa ley nuestra 
Pudo minar^ en su estado 
Pacifica y quietamente. 

Sin haber contrario bando. 

Y de aqui en muy breve tiempo 
Sera del Senor mandado, 

Tome la espantosa trompa 

Tan fixa y puesta en los labios 
De aquel sin-par Isarafil, 

Que desde que fue criado 

* Presagios, MS. Paris. - la secta, nacion. ^ iufieles. 

* Predominar&, MS. Paris. 



La tiene puesta en la boca, 
Para este efeto nombrado ; 

Pues en llegandole el punto, 
Aunque alterado algun tanto, 
Sacudieudose sus alas, 

Sonara el cuerno zumbando, 
Que no quede en este suelo 
Quien no muera de su espanto. 
Aunque de su primer zumbido 
No se espantaran los sabios, 
Los almuedanes^ y justos, 

Que Dios quiso senalarlos 
Sobre las demas criaturas, 

En dilatarles su plazo 

Por espacio de tres dias. 

Mas antes que llegue el quarto, 
Sonara el soplo segundo 
Con tal vigor alentado, 

Que no quede en cielo y tierra 
Angel vivo, ni hombre humano . 
Solo los que el alarx'^ llevan, 

Y los almalaques^ quatro 
Que los amabara* Allah 
Como a sus mas allegados, 

Y rendiran sus arohes® 

A1 que se los bubo dado, 

Por la mano de su cieucia. 

Sin que nos toque otra mano. 


Despues de aquellos zumbidos 
Que desde los firmamentos 
Haran tremolar las tierras 

Y aun estremecer los cielos, 
Dcspues que no quede vida 
Con vida que tenga aliento, 

Ni alma en su cuerpo infusa ; 
Que no la vomite el cuerpo ; 
Despues de muerto Luzbel, 

Y perpetuado a los fuegos, 

Que al fin le alcanzo su plazo 
Que estaba sujeto al tiempo ; 
Despues que los almalaques 
Que siistentaron el peso 

Del alarx del Piadoso, 

Caigan en sus alas muertos. 
Despues que Cbebril® fenesca, 

Y Zarafil asi mesmo 

Que ya su trompa no suene, 

Ni Miqueil afine el peso ; 
Despues que Malac almauti ’ 
Concluya su cargo y cetro, 

Y guste el amargo trago 

Que a tantos sus manos dieron ; 
Despues que no quede cosa 
Entre la tierra y el cielo, 

Que no baya dado el tribute 

A su verdadero dueno ; 
Despues que el terrene mundo 
Quede escuro, negro y feo 
Sin sol, sin luna ni estrellas. 
Sin cometas, ni luzeros. 

Sin rios, fuentes, ni estanques. 
Sin caminos, ni senderos. 

Sin plantas, yerbas ni fiores. 
Sin pobladores, ni pueblos, 
Asomarse-ha el poderoso 
Sobre su poder immense, 
Mirando al guerfano mundo 
Estas palabras diciendo. 

“ ; 0 mundo ! que te cree 
I Entre mi cielo y su cerco 
Tan adornado y alegre. 

Quanto ahora triste y negro ; 

0 mundo do son tus rios, 
j Do tus corrientes tan luengas. 
Do tus mares, do tus fuentes. 
Do son las frutas que dieron, 

0 mundo, do son tus gentes. 
Do son los que te siguieron. 

Do son los que te poblaron, 

Y los que te enriquecieron ; 

0 mundo do son tus reyes, 

Do sus mandos, do sus cetros. 

* ®rsh trono de Dios. 

1 Muezzin, el que llama a la plegaria. 

* melaikah, angeles. * borrark de ddere. 

‘ ruh alma anima. ® Gabriel. 

’ El angel de la muerte, la muerte. 



Do son tus emperadores 

Y el poder de sus imperios ; 

0 raundo do son tus ricos, 
Aquellos que no espendieron 
Sus tesoros en servirme, 
Dandoles yo mi sustento, 

0 mundo do son tus jueces 
Que mi justicia torzieron ; 
Donde esta aquel fialdaje 
Que puse en sus manos dellos ; 
Donde estan los que les di 
Mis gracias tendidas, y ellos 
Sirvieron a otro Senor, 

El suyo desconociendo ?” 

Esto dira el Sumo Rey, 

Y sus razones siguiendo, 

Dira : “ Yo soy el Senor 
Alto, poderoso, immenso, 

Solo soy en mi reismo, 

Unico en todos mis hechos ; 

Xi hay ningun porque ni como* 
A lo que mando y deviedo.” 
Quarenta seraanas dieeu 
Jfuestros sabios despues desto 
Questaran ansi las gentes 
Como habemos dicho muertos, 

Y para resucitar 

Los arobes con sus cuerpos, 
Llovera quarenta dias 
Agua sin parar momento, 

De la mar jus® del alarx, 

Que hara renacer los cuei’pos 
De la tierra, como nacen 
Los granos con el tempero ; 

El angel de la bozina 
Resucitara el primero 
En el cielo, y en la tierra 
Ruestro santo mensajero, 
Mandara el Rey poderoso 
A1 angel sople en el cuerno 
Para que infunda a las almas 
En el lugar do salieron ; 

Sonara aquella bozina, 

A cuyo sonido horrendo, 
Resucitaran las gentes 

Que fueron de came y gueso, 
Vendran los cuerpos podridos. 
Las venas, carnes y guesos, 
Questaban en los abismos, 

En las mares y en los centros, 
Los que tragaron los peces, 

Y los que deshizo el fuego, 

Los que comieron las fieras^ 

Y rebataron los vientos, 
Levantarse-han de las fuesas 
Como langostas estrechos,® 
Erizados como erizos. 

Largos, flacos, macilentos, 
Sacudiendose la tierra 
Denzima de sus cabellos, 

Sin conocer el oriente 

Ni el poniente conociendo. 
Todos de una misma edad, 

De una estaturay un tiempo ; 
Asi los pequenos nihos 
Como los muy grandes viejos, 
Todos de la edad de Ise 
Quando se subio a los cielos; 
Que fue a los treinta y tres ahos 
De su santo nacimiento ; 

De la dispusicion de Edam 
De do todos procedemos, 

Que treynta codos tenia 
Desde la planta al cabello : 

Con diferentes libreas 

Y con desiguales gestos, 

Porque con sus propias obras 
Ira cada cual cubierto. 

No se alargara el vestido 
A cobijar mas de aquello 
A do sus obras llegaron ; 

Lo demas Ra al sereno. 

0 quantos gallardos ricos 
Se veran en vivo cuero, 

Y quantos desnudos pobres 
Vestidos y muy compuestos. 
Despues para que se junten 
Todos en un mismo puesto 
En donde ban de ser juzgados 
Sera puesto ardiente fuego 

* y en Persano. ^ 

2 Bajo, palabra antigua, en Catalan, joo, en Valacho jos. 

® Estrechos, est&. sin duda por apinados que les renia la tierra estrecha. 



En los contornos del mundo, 

Y los ira reduziendo 

A una parte y sitio llano, 
Criado en el mundo en medio. 
Limpio bianco y sin manzilla, 
Que jamas lo corrompieron. 
Que para juzgar a tantos 
No sera el patio pequeno. 
Mandara quel sol se vuelva 
Con tal calor y ardimiento, 
Que crezca sesenta partes 
Sobre la que alumbro el suelo. 

Y sobre los halecados 
Distara tan poco trecho, 

Que dentro de las cabezas 
Hara burbullir los sesos. 
Chahanama descubierta, 

Y la fuerza de su fuego 
Arojara las centellas 
Siempre en su rigor creciendo, 
Que con el calor del sol 
Causara tanto tormento, 
Questordecera a las gentes ; 

Y pensaran a este tiempo 
Reventar sus corazones 
Sus almas carncs y huesos. 
Alcanzara la fortuna 

La pena y desasosiego 
A las gentes este dia, 

Segun que sus penas fueron. 
Quando los infieles digan, 

0 si en este dia fueramos 
Tierra o cosa insensible ; 

0 si nuuca aca nacieramos ! 
Diran los despreceptados, 

Guay de nosotros ! do iremos 
Sacasenos de esta pena, 

Y ecbasenos en el fuego. 

Dize Alabber : sera el llanto. 
La congoja y sentimiento, 

El calor y la fortuna, 

Que quando se aprete en ellos 
Este aladeb’ de amargura, 
Daran en buscar remedio, 
Luscando los annabies® 

De cuyas alumas fueron, 

Para que ellos intercedan 

En que se acorte su ruego. 

A Edam yran llamando 
Diziendo, padre primero, 

Rogad al Senor por nos, 

Pues todos tus hijos fuimos 
Tii fues la primera criatura, 

Y a quien los angeles fueron 
Que te alzaron sobre nos : 

En ti fue el primer resuello, 

A ti por morada dieron 

La gloria en que te holgases ; 
Por tu gran merecimiento 
Ruega que somos tus hijos 
Que salgaraos deste estremo 

Y se acorte la justicia 
Dando a cada cual su derecho. 
El que haya de ir d la gloria 
Mandales que vayan luego, 

Y el que a la pena tambien 

Y se tendra por contento. 
Escusarse-ha nuestro padre 
A su memoria viniendo 
Aquel primer desacato 

Que a tanto mal fue cimieuto. 
Acordarse-ha de su culpa, 

De su misero destierro, 

De su destine tan grande, 

Y no podra complacerlos 
Viendose sin confianza 
Para acometer tal ruego. 
Prudencia grande en los hombres 
Quando conocen el tiempo. 
Despues desto iran a Nob 

Con el mesmo afligimiento, 

De quien seran despedidos 
Sin darles ningun remedio. 

Lo propio responde Rrabim, 
Muse les dice lo mesmo, 
Inviando los a Ise 
Para que ruegue por ellos. 

Iran con muy grande priesa 

Y en altas voces diciendo 
Ruega ad Allah,® santo Ise, 

Que sin carnal instrumento 
Fuiste engendrado y nacido, 
Lleno de tantos mysteries ; 
Ruega al Senor por nosotros ; 

* azab, castigo. * profetas. 

3 Variante — 0 Roll AUah ; espiritu de Dios." 



Que si tu ruegas creemos 
Sera oida tu rogaria, 

Porque fue tu engendraraiento 
llesollo de tu Hacedor, 

I Tan santo, limpio y sincere, 
“No es para mi esta empresa 
‘ Ni tal suficiencia tenge, 

Les responde el Sante Ise, 
Porque su siLla me dieron 
Las gentes de mi Hazedor, 

Y en su lugar me sirvieron ; 

Y no osare yo pidille 
Este dia ningun ruego. 

Mas yo os mostrare camino 
Por donde tendreis remedio 

j Q,ne en vuestro favor y ayuda 
j Es hacer lo que yo puedo. 

I los al santo Mnhamad 
' Ques a quien se cometieron 
I Las rogarias deste dia, 

I Y las mercedes y premios ; 

El rogara por vosotros : 

Al Senor caminad luego, 

Que ninguno sino el 
Puede aqui satisfaceros.” 

I Agonizando en sus males, 

I Estropezando y cayendo, 
Cansados y estordecidos. 

Con tantas voces y estrnendos, 

! Llegaran a su presencia, 

Y todos a un mismo tiempo, 

I Le diran tales razones 

I Con grande encarecimiento. 

“ 0 Muhamad, 6 Caudillo ! 

I El mejor que quantos fueron, 

I Ante ab initio criado, 
j De lo criado cimiento. 

A ti somos inviados 
De aquellos que ante ti fueron, 
Que en nadie habemos ballade 
' A nuestro mal refrigerio ; 

Todos nos ban despidido, 

' Nadie sale a nuestro duelo 

! Todos se ban acobardado, 

1 A todos oprime el miedo : 

Solo a ti solo Mubamad, 

Solo a ti nos acorremos ; 

Todos a ti nos invian 

' * Quizas, bianco sefluelo. 

Para que nos remediemos ; 

Todos a vozes nos dicen 
Que tu es el principal dello. 
Deste dia tu al fin eres 
De tantos blancos soiiuelos,‘ 

En ti es nuestra confianza, 

Ya no hay otro acogimiento 
Ya no nos queda otro auxilio 
A donde nos amparemos : 

Ya ves que se nos alarga 
El conto y preparamiento, 

No nos quieren tomar cuenta, 

Ni de nuestro mal sabremos 
El cabo ni aun el discurso, 
Adonde parar tenemos ; 

Ruega por nos o Mubamad, 

Que pues tu merecimiento 
Llega a tal punto que seas 
Llave de nuestro remedio 
Solo tu seras oydo. 

Solo a ti guardan respeto : 
Quando los demas caudillos 
Sus lenguas enmudecieron, 
Ruega al que te dio esas gracias 
Que acorte y limite el tiempo 

Y nos tome residencia, 

Que sabe que mas queremos 
Ser echados en la pena 

I Que tanto detenimiento.” 
Levantarse-ha el escogido 
Sin ningun detenimiento, 

Y azechedado^ al Senor 
Hara su rogaria, y luego 
Mandara el Senor que adreze 
Sus decretos para el cuento 

Y que prevenga su aluma : 
Porque ban de ser los primeros 
En el juicio, por causa 

Que ban de ser testigos ellos 
Quando los demas Profetas 
Daran cuento con sus Pueblos. 
Mandara a Reduan que adreze 
La gloria con sus contentos : 

Y a Miqueil que adreze el peso, 

Y el fuego con sus tormentos. 
Dos tribunales, dos cortes 

Este dia seran puestos, 

Donde seremos juzgados, 

^ postrado. 



Todos por modos diversos. 
El uno a la diestra mano 
El otro al lado siniestro, 

El uno de paz y arahma/ 
El otro de juicio estrecho. 
Seran al uno acogidos 
Los pecadores que fueron 
Cuidadosos de sus culpas, 

Y dellas se arrepintieron, 
Los nobles alcafarados,* 

Los penitentes sinceros, 

Y los qne con ignorancia 
En algun cninen cayeron : 

Y ansi sera el homicida 
Cargado de mil transgresos, 
Que moriria por la xara,® 
Conocido de sus yerros, 
Todos seran amahados,'* 
Todos seran en el gremio 
De la piedad y clemencia, 
Sin pasar ningun denuesto. 
Al otro seran llevados 
Todos los que no quisieron 
lledemir todas sus culpas, 

Y apiadarse de si mesmo. 
Alii sera el sodomita, 

El adultero, el blasfemo, 

El revolvedor de alchamas,* 
El mintroso, el azihrero,® 

El ingrato, el malicioso, 

El invidioso, el soberbio, 

El despiadado, el traidor, 

El escaso, el avariento, 

El vicioso, el ambicioso, 

El matador, el violento, 

El comedor de los algos 
Atutelados y agenos. 

Estos y sus semej antes 
Que desta vida salieron 
Sin redemir sns grivezas,’ 
Todos seran en el pnesto 
De la justicia de Allah. 

0 tan desdicbados dellos 
Que tribunal sera aqueste ? 
Que justicia veran estos ? 

Que resolucion tan fuerte 
Sin ningun apellamiento. 

Alii se dara venganza 
A los que injuriados fueron, 

A costa de sus contraries 
Hasta quedar satisfechos. 

Alii el que quito la honra 
La volvera a colmo lleno : 

Alii pagara tambien 
El que tomo el algo ageno ; 

Todo sera en igualdanza, 

Todo por medida y peso ; 

Y al que le fallen las obras, 
Pagara con el tormento, 
Descargando al injuriado 
Sus pecados, y al transgreso 
Los cargaran y sus obras 
Para el injuriado cuento. 

Que haran quando despleguen 
Las causas y sus procesos, 
Quando despleguen las cartas 
Con sus insultos tan fees, 
Quando vean sus pecados 

Al cabo de tanto tiempo, 

Que tan olvidados tenian. 

Y ansi seran manifestos. 

Alii seran publicados 
Como si en aquel memento 
Los hubieran cometido, 

Como y quando los hizieron. 

Alii seran emplazados 

Con sus amigos y deudos, 
Manifestadas sus tachas, 

Sus insultos descubiertos. 

Que hara el grave, el honrado, 
Quando en presencia de aquellos 
Que en este mundo lo honraron, 
Entitulado por bueno, 

Parezcan sus fealdades 
Que tanto guardo en secrete ? 

El algo mal caullevado 
Alii su torpe adulterio 
Alii la honra manchada 
Bajo de tanto credito. 

Que hard quando le vean 

I rahmat, misericordia. 

shkra, ley santa. 

’ mezquita, congregacion. 

2 kafarat, expiados, penitentes. 

* aliviados. 

® ^ j hechizero. 




Tantos faltas y defectos, 

Y sobre todas sus faltas 
Las faltas de sus secretes. 

Que haran quando su carta 
Le den per el lado izquierdo, 

Y quando por las espaldas 
Le barenaren el cuerpo ? 

Que faz pondra el miserable 
Que visajes, que meneos, 

Que hara quando le intimen 
Aquel infernal destierro ? 

Que sera del liomicida 

Que entero en el desierto 
El cuerpo que no crio, 

Quando le pidan por ello. 

Que respondera el escaso 
Quando le digan, que has hecho 
La gracia de tus arizques' 

Tus atruches^ y tus zepos, 

En que, di, los empleaste ? 

Que el pobre, la viuda y guerfano 
Que a tu lado perecian 
Por no querer socorrellos ; 
Fueron por ventura tuyos, 

Fue mas tu merecimiento, 
Pensabas ser absoluto 

Y en tu avaricia pei-petuo ? 

Estos seran los desnudos 
Sin abrigo ni cubierto, 

Y a quien la quemor del sol 
Herira de lleno en lleno ; 

Y quel otro miserable 
Que fue tutor fraudulento 
Que comieron la sustancia 
Del atutelado guerfano. 

Que dira quando le digan, 

Que es de aquel ofrecimiento 
Que asegures al difunto 
Quando te encargues de serlo. 

A ! que dia sera este 

De angustias y descontentos ; 
Dia de lloros y espantos 
De penas y de tormentos, 

Dia de llantos y vozes. 

De duelos y desconsuelos, 

De lagi'imas y soUozos, 

De gemidos y lamentos : 

Alii parecera el malo 
Como malo descubierto ; 

Y el bueno qual bueno honrado 
Acompanado de buenos. 

AlU se veran trocados 
De lo que en el mundo fueron, 
Premiados y castigados 
Segun las obras que hicieron. 
Alii veras hombres yiejos® 
Llenos de grandes contentos 
Que en el mundo fueron pobres 
Elacos, debiles, y hambrientos. 
AUi los soberbios grandes 
Enchiquecidos, pequenos, 

Y los muy graves y honrados 
Abiltados con desprecios. 

Y en medio destas congojas, 
Sonara una voz diciendo : 
Tiende Melique la puente 

Y afina Miqueil el peso. 

Sera puesto el azirate* 

Largo, altisimo y estrecho, 
Cortante como una espada, 
Delgado como el cabello, 
Tendido sobre Chahana 
Deleznable, alto y sereno, ^ 
Por donde habran de pasar 
Los del tribunal siniestro. 

Sobre el habra siete puertas, 
Siete puertas, siete apretos, 

Que no los pasara nadi 

Que tenga ningun defeto. 

De alii seran despenados, 

Todos quantos no quisieron 
Cumplir con la obligacion 
De los divinos preceptos, 

Alii los que defaltaron 
En la azala,® y sus deudos, 

Los lanzaran en Chahana, 

Los del ayuno, asi mesmo 
Los del azaque,® y elhach,^ 

* provision, nutrimento que da Dios. Atroxes, MS. Paris, granero. 

® Ricos, MS. Paris. * alsirat, puente sobre el infierno. 

* essalat, las cinco plegarias. 

® zekat, limosna obligada. ’’ peregrinacion a Meka. 



Y los que no socorrieron 

A sus parientes y hermanos, 

Y aquellos que no aprendieron 
La ley del santo Alcoran, 

Y a sus hijos la instruyeron. 

0 ! que trabajos tan fuertes 
En este puente veremos, 

Que langostas, que visiones, 

Que hambres, y que desecos, 
Que cansancios, que calores, 

Que tribulacion, que miedo, 

Que largo sera este paso 
Para los que mal sirvieron, 

Do seran envejecidos 

Sin llegar a salvo puerto : 

Que el que mal sirve, es muy justo 
Que lleve en pago tal premio. 
Pues quando se veran los tales 
En tan grande estrechamiento, 

Y a mas desto ser pesados 
En la balanza de un peso. 

Que hara el que alii se vea 
Sus males sin contrapeso : 

Que justicia tan estrecha 
Do resulta tanto riesgo. 

Quando el espantoso dia 
Haya pasado dos terzios, 

Quando su ora' declina 

A1 austruo deribamiento, 

Quando firmaran las cartas 
Con definitivos sellos, 

Aqui seran los dolores 
Los llantos y afligimientos : 
Quando se vean condenados 
Del Juez alto y verdadero. 
Quando el padre ve a su hijo 
Ir desterrado al tormento ; 

Y quando el hijo a su padre 
Vea con el mismo duelo. 

Y quando marchen las tropas 
A los tormentos del fuego, 

Y conociendo sus culpas, 

Cada qual ira contento, 

Todos en una hilera 
Unos a otros siguiendo ; 

Iran corriendo a la pena 

* Nona, MS. Pari?, “ Variante, 

Con la voz de un pregonero, 

Que les dira con voz horrible ; 

“ Del Rey alto y justiciero 
Hallareis los transgresores 
Do pagareis vuestros hechos ; 
Esa es Chahanama aquella 
Con que nuestros mensageros 
De nuestra parte anunciaban 

Y a vosotros prometieron : 

Esa sera vuestra madre 
Yuestro descanso y sosiego, 

La paga de vuestras obras, 

Y de vuestras culpas premio.” 
Quando llegan a Chahana, 

Y vean sus grandes fuegos, 

Sus cadenas y prisiones 
Sus lagartos y culebros : 

Quando caigan todos de una 

A un golpe, ya un mesmo tiempo, 
Cada cual en su retrete 
En tan hediente aposento. 

Y quando se vean asidos 
De aquellos ministros fieros, 

Se veran tanbien asidos 

De aquel dragon carnicero,'* 

Que podran sentir los tales. 

No hay humano entendimiento 
Que signifique una dara^ 

El dolor que tendran estos : 

Su descanso sera pena, 

Su huelgo desasosiego, 

Sus placeres pesadumbres, 

Su contento desconsuelo, 

Su comida sera llora, 

Su bebida podre espeso, 

Su alegria sera lloros, 

Lagrimas su pasatienipo. 

Oh ! quantas caras hermosas 

Y quantos ojos tan hellos, 
Quantos rostros tan polidos, 

Y quantos gallardos miembros, 
Seran puestos en Chahana, 

Entre sus fuegos ardiendo ! 

0 ! quantos hombres ancianos 
Tenidos aca por buenos. 

Alii se veran colgados 

i. Paris — De las dragonales unas 

De aquel dragon can cerbero. 



De BUS barbas, por muy reos. 
Quantos mancebos yiciosos 
Seran en el mismo estrecho 
Colgados de sus copetes 
De sus barbas j pescuezos. 

AUi mugeres hennosas 
Asidas de sus cabellos, 
Ennegridas y abrasadas 
Por mal enplear sus miembros. 
Alii seran los leedores 
Del Alcoran verdadero 
Que no quisieron obrar 
Con lo que del aprendieron. 
Alii los del azala 
Derogado junto dellos, 

Los que el ayuno gastaron 
T el azaque no cumplieron 
Alii seran los quebrantos 
De los divinos preceptos 
Que con ambicion obraron 
Y no conforme a derecho : 
Todos Uamando sus obras, 

Mas como menguadas fueron 
No les podran ayudar 
Ni ser de ningun provecho. 

Y lo que mayor conduelma 

Y mayor afligimiento 

Les dara el verse mezclados 
Entre los que descreyeron. 
Esto tendrau por afrenta 
Que les diran mil denuestos, 
Burlando de su creencia 
De sus obras y descuento ; 
Estaran aUi mezclados 
Hasta quel ardiente fuego 
Distile, acabe y consuma 
Sus faltas y sus defectos. 

Y quando Dios sea servido 
De dar a su mal remedio, 
Dara lugar que Mubamad 
Los llame y baxe a verlos.' 
Baxara el santo Profeta 

Y Melique descubriendo 
La cubierta de Chahana 
Vera tan to desconsuelo 
Elios mirando a su cara 

De humo y negro cubiertos, 
Le diran tales razones 
Socorro y favor pidiendo. 


0 Mubamad, nuestro amparo, 
Nuestro muro y defensor, 
Refugio de nuestras penas, 

Y en nuestras tinieblas sol ; 
Pues para nuestro remedio 
Te creo nuestro Senor, 

Hoy de rogar por nosotros 
Te toca la obligacion. 

Hoy es el dia que debes 
Publicar tu gran valor, 

Que quanto mayor la culpa, 

Ks la clemencia mayor. 

Ya sabes que te seguimos 
Sin verte, ni oir tu voz : 

Y aunque en las obras faltemos 
Tu dicho afirmamoslo. 
Echastenos en olvido 

En la fortuna mayor 
Al tiempo que no bay ninguno 
Que quiera rogar por nos. 

Solo a ti Mubamad toca 

• Variante, MS. Paris— Llamen, y que 
VOL. III. —[new series.] 

El ruego y la redencion : 

Questa senalada empresa 
A ti solo se guardo. 

Por la gracia que en ti puso 
El Senor que te invio, 
Recordador de su pen a 

Y en su gloria alumbrador,* 

Te rogamos y pidimos 
Vayas a rogar por nos ; 

Pues tanto tu ruego estima 
Tu Senor y nuestro Dios ; 

Solo tu seras oido 

En este dia de boy : 

Que a ti solo fue otorgado 
Lo que a tantos se nego. 

Ruega al Senor por nosotros 
Haya de nos compasion. 

Y que nos saque del fuego 
De Cbabana, y de su ardor. 
Nuestro yerro conocemos 
Ques de mas merecedor ; 

baxe 4 verlos. ^ Albriciador, MS. Paris. 




Mas quanto es mayor la culpa 
Es la clemencia mayor. 

Ya nuestras entranas arden, 
Nuestros corazones son 
Brasas que de muy ardientes 
Se resuelven en carbon. 
Nuestras lagrimas se fueron 
Consumidas del calor, 

Y sangre viva vertimos 

Y aun aquella se acabo. 

Mira quen ti confiamos, 

Por tu enternecido amor, 

De donde te fuere apropiado 
El nombre de amahador. 

No’en balde asi te llamaron, 
Que la significacion 

De tus benditos alharfes* 
Dicen tus obras quien son. 
Habe piedad de nosotros 

Caudillo apiadanos ; 

Pues la piedad y tu nombre 
En un punto decendio. 

Llorando el Santo Muhamad 
Suplicara a su Senor : 

Cuya peticion aceta 
Sera con muy grande amor. 
Mas alcanzara que pida 
Porque asi se le ofrecio, 

De darle mas que pidiese 
A1 tiempo que se engendro. 
Libertar^ su familia 
De tan grande perdicion 
No solo a los pecadores, 

Mas a quien jamas obro 
Obra buena en su provecho ; 
Solo por que pronuncio 
La unidad de la creencia 
Dna vez mientras vivio.* 



El que fue primer principio 
De todos los hijos de Edam, 

Y el postrero en las naciones 
De la telada postrera ; 

El que dos mil aiios antes 
De la fabrica primera, 

Fue publicada su fama 
Sobre las cortes supremas ; 

El que merecio su nombre 
Estar sobre las estrellas, 

Y con el de su Senor 
Celebrado en cielo y tierra ; 
El que derribo, naciendo, 

Los ydolos y sus setas, 

Y arranco la ydolatria 
Mas perfida y mas soberbia ; 
El que fue solo al principio, 

Y el que con solos quareinta 
Hombres, sujeto a su yugo 
Tantas naciones adversas, 

El que siendo lego, supo 
Todo el peso de la ciencia, 

Y a los sabios enseno 
La salvacion verdadera ; 

3 *^Ls. 

Aquel por amor de quien 
Hecha la luna dos medias, 

Se le azaxdo y dividio, 

Y volvio Sana y entera ; 
Quien reverdecio la palma, 
Que de tantos aiios seca 
Estaba, y sus secas ramas, 
Dieron fruta dulce y buena ; 
El que con un vaso de agua 
En la tierra mas desierta 
Abebro^ tantos millares 

De sus companas de guerra ; 
Quien traspaso siete cielos 

Y sus distancias tan luengas, 

Y en todos le fue albriciado 
Por el mejor que naciera; 
Quien subio a par del alarx, 
Ques lugar do jamas Uegan 
Angeles ni serafines. 

Solo el Seilor y su esencia ; 
El que hablo faz a faz 
Con su divina potencia, 

Y lo hizo viso-Eey 

Del mundo y de su herencia. 

* Abrevo. 



Este es aquel por quien fueron 
Criados cielos y tierra, 

Angeles y tronaeiones, 

Sol y luna y las estrellas, 

Las mares dulces y amargas, 
Sus honduras y cavemas, 
Tiempos, ventos y elementos, 
Signos, cursos y planetas. 

Este es el que denunciaron 
Por metaforicas senas 
Ciento y veinte y qnatro mil 
Anabies y profetas. 

Este invencible caudillo, 

Que desipo tantas guerras 
Por sus armas y persona, 

Con sus animosas fuerzas, 

Sobre una cama acostado 
Riende todas sus proezas 
A1 Rey que le encomendo 
Sus invencibles banderas ; 

Y para que de los triunfos 
De las batallas sangrientas, 

Y de todas las hazaiias 
Hechas en tal adefensa, 

En su Senor y su aluma, 
Tocantes a su encomienda, 
Yean cenidas sus cienes 
Con la debida diadema ; 

Quiere primero tomalle 
La ultima residencia 
Llamandole por el medio 
De la celebre ydichea 

Que traxo en su retaguardia, 
TJna cuitada dolencia, 

Ministro que no se aduerme 
Ni se cansa ni empereza. 

Esta llego con cuidado 

Y para que su respuesta 
Lleve cumplido recado, 

Dale Tozes por la puerta 
Mas cerca del corazon, 

Ques postigo por do llegan 
Mas presto las embajadas, 

Y responden con mas veras. 
Oyelas el gran caudillo, 

Y como que eran nuevas 
De parte de su Senor, 

El mensajero aposienta 
En sus entranas, abriendo 

La puerta a la parte izquierda. 

Que era su propio aposento 
Para tales cUligencias ; 

Y como este mensajero 
Lo llamo con tanta priesa, 

Por que lo tiene encerrado 
En la parte mas estrecha, 

Ho pudo dexar de darle 
Gran pasion, por que al fin era 
Su cuerpo de sangre y came, 
Sujeto a sentir tal pena; 

Y como partir no puede. 

Si no que le de licencia, 

El que lo invia a llamar 

Por mas y mas que lo estrecha ; 
El 11am ador cuidadoso 
No parte aunque se apareja. 
Viendo Fatima a su padre 
Junto a la cama se allega, 
Deshecha en lagrimas vivas. 

La mano le toma y besa, 
Diciendole ; “ amado padre, 
Que dolor es el que aquexa 
Tu corazon ? dame parte 
Desa pasion y esa pena, 

Que mis entraiias se razgan 
En ver tu persona puesta 
En tan congoxado trance, 

Como tu rostro me muestra. 

Do esta aquel color perfecto 
De tu cara hermosa y bella, 

Y brio de tu persona, 

Tu Valencia y tus fuerzas, 

Tu habla dulce y sabrosa 
Tan trocada de lo quera ? 
Dimelo, padre querido, 

Ruegote no me suspendas.” 

El buen anabi responde : 

Con mil amorosas muestras, 

Por consolar a su hija, 

Le dice : “ anfma y esfuerza. 
Has de saber, hija amada, 

Que el Senor de la grandeza 
Cumple sobre mf su plazo, 

Y quiere que comparesca 
Ante su santo juicio, 

A donde habre de dar cuenta 
Del discurso de mis obras, 

Que tengo en el mundo hechas, 
Deudo sobre mi adeudado, 

Y quantos vida posean.” 



En esto llego al Hasan 

Y al Husain que estos eran 
Hijos de Fatima, y nietos 
Del anabi, y como llegan 
Le besan la mano, y el 
Entrc los ojos los besa ; 
Diciendole, “amado aguelo, 
Despues que tu muerto seas, 
Quien ha de ser nuestro amparo, 
Quien librara nuestras quexas, 

A' quien nos allegaremos, , 
Que nos de con gracia llena?” 

“ El Sehor que os ha criado 

De tan perfeta linea. 

Os librara de trabajos 

Y os guiara a la carrera 
De su verdadero din,' 

Siguiendo lo que amonesta 
El muy honrado alcoram, 

Y lo que la Suna ordena ; 

Mi bendicion os cobije, 

Y sobre vosotros sea 
La de vuestro Criador, 

Y su piadad inmensa.” 

Elios estando en aquesto 
Sienten que daba a la puerta 
El pregonero escogido, 

Eilel ibnu-Hamema, 

Que lo venia a llamar, 

Quen la mezguida le esperan 
Su sihaba* que la ora 
De la zala se presienta : 

Y como llego Bilel, 

Viendole de tal mauera 
Casi fuera de si mismo, 

Le dice de esta manera : 

“ 0 Muhamad 6 Caudillo ! 
i!fuestro muro y fortaleza, 

A' quien adelantaremos 
A la zala en tu ausencia.” 

El buen anabi responde : 

“Yuelve Bilel donde queda 
Mi compaiia muy querida, 

Y de mis partes les plega 
La paz y la salvacion, 

Y di quen mi nombre sea 
Abubaqri Sidiqi, 

Y en las cosas que se ofrescan | 

1 religion, 

El lleve la mejoria, 

Que mi voluntad es esa.” 
Volvio Bilel muy Uorando, 

Y como dio la respuesta 
Se levanto un alarido 

Que en la mesquida retruena ; 
Al cielo suben las voces, 

Los gemidos y querellas, 
Pidiendo al Senor remedio 
Para su santo profeta. 

Era el sentimiento grande 
La vozeria y las quexas 
Que las oyo el anabi ; 

Y le dieron tanta pena, 
Aquellos amargos lloros 
Que sus companeros echan, 
Que suplico a su Sehor, 

Por su piadad le conceda 
Gracia para ver su gente, 

La desdichada postrera. 

Sintio el alivio postrero, 

Y luego en pie se endereza, 
Afirmando sobre Ali 

Que estaba a su cabezera 
Que habia venido a verle, 
Quando Bilel dio la nueva, 
Entro en la casa de Allah 
Haciendo tres reverencias 
Cumplidas, que siempre usaba 
Entrar con esta atendencia ; 

El primer acato hizo 
A unas doradas letras 
Quel mihareb rodeaba, 

Muy preciosas, que con estas 
Daba fin a su azala ; 

Queran de alabanza hechas. 

El segundo, se humillaba 
A la tumba do se encierra 
El muy honrado alcoram ; 

Y la tercera obidencia, 

Hacia la alta bondad, 

Que le de salud y fuerzas. 
Quando lo vio su Suhaba, 

Ho hay lengua que decir pueda 
El alcgria y contento 
Que les causo su presencia, 
Tenieudo por muy creido 
Ser pasada su dolencia ; 

* A; Is*® companeros. 



Y que su Senor queria 
Darle la salud entera, 

Por lo que al mundo importaba 
De 3Iuhamad la asistencia. 
Subiose al lugar que usaba, 

Y luego la zala empieza. 

Todos con grande contento 
La hacen con su profeta, 

Y despues que bubo acabado, 
Cobrando aliento se esfuerza ; 
Vuelto a su amada compana 
Questaba en azafes* puesta. 

Con Toz demudada j flaca 
Lo que se sigue amonesta : 

“ 0 compana valerosa, 
Muzlimes de nobleza, 

Caudillos de la verdad, 

Defensa de la ley nuestra, 
Esforzada compana, 

Cimiento de la creencia, 

Fieles companeros mios, 

Con quien en la paz y guerra, 
He consolado mi vida, 

Y mi muerte se consuela ; 

Sabed honrada compana 
Que la compania nuestra, 

Hoy se deshace, y se cumple 
Del Senor su gran promesa, 
Ho^ se ba cumplido mi plazo, 
Hoy manda que comparesca 
Ante el juicio de Allab, 

Y de su gran residencia, 

Esta es jornada debida 
X quantos vida posean, 

Que ba de morir el que vive, 
Sin que vida quede esenta ; 

Y pues al fin no se excusa 
Esta forzosa espartencia, 

Hi bay pasar un solo punto 
De la asignada carrera 

Por tantos siervos de Allab ; 

Oid lo que os amonesta 
Este doliente caudillo, 

En sus razones postreras. 

Lo primero, os encomiendo 
La fe viva y su defensa, 

1 . Lineas. 

Guardando los mandamientos 
Del alcoram y su regia ; 

La Suna obedecereis 
Qual si fuera la ley mesma, 

Y sereis libres del fuego, 

Y de sus borribles penas, 
Yisitareis al doliente, 
Acoseguid lalcbaneza,® 

Y sereis acompanados 

De angeles en vuestras fuesas ; 
Socorred a los mezquinos 
Con vuestros algos y fuerzas, 

Y ansi sereis socorridos 

En las partes mas estrecbas ; 
Amaos unos a otros 
Con las entranas sinceras, 

Y el amor del Piadoso 

Sera en las companas vuestras. 
Defendereis vuestro din, 
Morireis en su defensa, 

Y obedeced lalbalifa,® 

Seguidle en la paz y guerra ; 
Ho mateis si no en bataUa, 
Ques crimen de culpa rea. 

Ho tomeis bienes agenos 
Ques afrentosa vileza ; 
Obedeced vuestros padres, 

Y bara Allab que obedescan 
A vosotros, vuestros bijos. 

Os bonrren y vos mantengan 
En la pobreza y vejez, 

Ques toda triste y desierta. 
Obedeced los mayores, 

Y al que la ley os ensena, 
Ensenad a vuestros bijos, 

Los criados y sirvientas ; 
Perdonareis las injurias 
Los vituperios y afrentas 

Y ansi sereis perdonados 
De vuestras faltas y deudas ; 

Y del tiempo que seido 
Yuestro caudiUo y profeta, 

De falta de alguna cosa 
Que satisfacion os deba, 

Aqui estoy en la mezquida. 

Do en vuestra misma presencia 



exequiaa, aqui la preposicion 
al califa. 

Arabe est& conserrada. 



Hago alcorben* de mi mismo, 

Y mi persona sujeta 

X la venganza de aquel 
due cosa alguna le deba, 
due desde aqui le perdono 
(lualquiera cosa que sea, 

En satisfacion y paga 
De mi merecida deuda.” 

Esto dixo el gran caudillo, 

Y aguardando la respuesta 
Estaba de su compaiia, 
duando con muy grande quexa, 
Dentre la gente salio 

Un hombre llamado TJquexar,^ 

Y con semblante alterado, 

La habla libre y resuelta, 

Le dice : “6 gran mensagero, 
Plies tu quieres que ansi sea, 
Conjurote por tu padre 
due me debes una afrenta, 

De la qual no te perdono 
Hasta verla satisfecha, 
Acuerdate, gran Muhamad 
due me diste una afrenta 
Delante toda la gente, 

Aqui, en esta parte mesma, 

Por que tarde a la zala 
Un dia que estuve i'uera 
Del pueblo, con un verdugo 
Me diste sobre mis cuestas 
Un golpe del qual corrio 
La sangre sin resistencia.” 

Dixo Muhamad : “ entonces 
Yo te mando que aqui sea 
Satisfecha tu demanda 
])el modo que te comvenga^ 

No dexes en mi persona 
Cosa que en bien tuyo sea.” 
Tomo el verdugo en la mano 
El azelerado Uquexar, 

Diciendo : “ ya mensagero 
Advierte que si te quexas, 
duando me diste no estaba 
El aridel en mis cuestas, 

En vivas cames estuve, 

Sin camisa ni cubierta.” 
duando esto vio su sihaba, 
Sintieron terrible pena, 

Muy lastimado de ver 
Una tan grande crueza. 

^ sacrificio. 

Todos le ruegan llorando, 
Diciendole, “ten verguenza 
De usar tal crueldad, 

Como la que agora intentas. 
Toma venganza en nosotros 
De la manera que quieras, 

Dexa nuestro gran caudillo. 

Ten duelo de su fiaquesa. 

No le hagas desnudar 
Su persona tan enferma, 
due le causara mas dano, 

Y se alteraran sus venas. 
Eogamoste por Allah, 
due le respetes y ten gas 
Miramiento al mensagero, 

Y a los que aqui te lo ruegan, 

X quien tendras por amigos 
En las cosas que se ofrescan; 
Mira que tiene parientes 

De gi’ande estima y nobleza 
due te pagaran la obra 
Si quies absolverte de ella.” 
Alhasan le esta rogando 
Casi postrado en la tierra, 
Diciendo : “ hiere en mi cara, 
Venga tu intencion sedienta, 
Arrancame el corazon, 

Saca el alma en sangre envuelta, 

Y no toques a mi aguelo, 

Su persona flaca y tierna.” 

“No lo mande Allah, responde, 
due de quien nada me deba 
Tome la venganza yo ; 

Ni quiero tal recompensa.” 
Entre tanto el mensagero 
Dexa caer de sus cuestas 
Las ropas que le cubrian ; 
Aquellas carnes tan bellas, 
Descubriendo, luego el sello 
due estaba en el medio de ellas, 
X donde de si lanzaba 
Claredad mas que una estreUa. 
Uquexar apercebido 
Con el verdugo en su diestra 
Para descargar el golpe. 

Sin dar a ruegos audiencia, 

En punto vio el claro sello, 
Arroja el verdugo a tierra, 

Y con lagrimas ardientes. 

Mil vezes lo adora y besa, 

2 AilLi. 



Eefregando en el su cara, 

Con mil cariciosas muestras, 
Diciendo : “0 santo Muhamad, 
Allah no mande ni quiera 
Que tome venganza en quien 
Debo tantas obras buenas : 
Ruego al Sehor que me sea 
Tanta merced concedida, 

En este mundo que vea 
Con mis ojos este sello 
Una vez antes que muera : 

Por que mi padre me dixo 
Que aquel que tal suerte tenga 
No veria de chahana 
Sus fuegos ni sus tinieblas. 

Y esto me dio atrevimiento 
Para emprender tal empresa, 
Perdoname mensagero, 

Bello de toda limpieza, 

Si he side descomedido 
En cometer tal crueza.” 

“ Allah es el perdonador, 

Dixo Muhamad, 6 Uquexar! 

Tu seras con mi en la gloria, 

Sin ninguna detenencia, 

Por amigo y compahero 
En mi abrigo y encomienda. 

A' vosotros mis companas 
Por esta via y manera 
Os pido a todos perdon ; 

Y el Senor de la nobleza 
Quede en vuestra compahia 

Y os encamine en mi ausencia.” 

Y dando azalem' sobre ellos 
A su casa dio la vuelta. 
Siguieronle su sihaba, 

Aquellos que siempre eran 
En su amada compahia, 

Que un momento no le dexan 
Hasta ver su despedida, 

0 si acaso su dolencia 
Allah le dara parcida, 

Ques lo que tanto desean. 

En llegando a su morada 
Sobre su cama se acuesta, 
Alabando a su Hacedor, 

Dandole gloria immensa ; 

No pide salud ni vida, 

Mas que su Sehor proven, 

Lo que mas en alabanza 

* la salutacion de la paz. 

Y en servicio suyo sea. 
j Su hija Fatima Uora, 

No hay quien consolarla pueda, 

Y allegandose a su padre, 

Con la habla triste y quieta, 

Le dice ; “mi padre amado, 
Pues nos dices ques tan cierta 
Tu muerte, y que no se escusa 
Nuestra angustiada tristeza, 
Despues que tu seas muerto 
Di, quien nos mandas que sea 
El que tahare^ tu cuerpo, 

Y adereze tu alchaneza r” 

Alzo el anabi sus ojos 
Volviendo a mano derecha, 

Y Abubaqri yqidiqri 
Que estaba a su cabezera, 
Diciendo : “ amigo querido, 

A ti queda esta encomienda ; 
Tahararas mi persona, 

Y a ti te encargo que seas 
Caudillo y adelantado 

En todo quanto se ofresca 
En mi nombre y mi lugar ; 

Y mando que te obedescan 
Como a mi mesma persona 

Y como dellos se espera ; 

Y los que hareis mi azala 
Allah os dara gloria eterna, 

Y sereis adelantados 

En la holganza perpetua, 

Y todos los almalaques 
Seran en compahia vuestra. 
Elios estando en aquesto 
Llego Fatima a la oreja 

A su padre, y le decia : 

“ Babe padre que a la puerta 
Esta un hombre muy hermoso, 
De Undo taUe y presencia ; 
Dime si quieres que dentre, 

Y mira tu que respuesta 
Le dare, ques estrangero, 

Y cierto que no me acuerdo 
Haberlo visto en mi vida. 

No parece desta tierra.” 

Dijo el honrrado anabi, 

“ 0 hija, baxa con priesa 

Y abrele la puerta luego, 

Y con cara Megre y leda 
Honrrale, y dile que suba 

2 lavar, purificar. 



A. verme, y no le detengas ; 
Estara en mi compaiia, 

Uue me importa su presencia ; 
Sabe ques malac al-mauti 
Mensagero de la alteza 
Q,ue viene por este aroh, 

Y al punto asignado llega.” 
Entro el fuerte Azarayel, 

Y con grande reverencia 
Le saluda, y dice, “ amigo, 
Escucha, santo profeta, 

El Sefior que te crio, 

Te saluda y te consuela, 

Y me ynvia a que te llame, 

Y que si no te acontenta 
Yr conmigo esta jornada 

Al mesmo punto me vuelva ; 
Mira tu si eres contento 
Yr, por que de otra in an era 
Manda Allah que no te Ueve 
Sin tu gusto y tu licencia.” 
Dixo Muhamad, entonces, 

Con cara alegre y contenta : 

“ Con su gran misericordia ; 
Quen mi vida tuve nueva 
De tanto gusto y contento 
Tan alegre y placentera. 
Obedece el mandamiento 
Del Sehor de la potencia, 

Quese es el mayor regalo 
Que a mi gusto darse pueda : 

Y con voluntad graciosa 
Sin que otra cosa me tuerza 
Desisto de todo aquello 
Que me dio naturaleza.” 

“ Pues que tambien te parece 
Dice Azarayel, que sea, 
Partamos, 6 caro amigo, 

Los dos juntos sin pereza 
Do tu Seiior nos aguarda, 

Con su rahma* y su clemencia.’ 
“ Pues antes que nos partamos 
Dame lugar que yo vea 
Mi grande amigo del alma. 

Con quien en la paz y guerra 
Me solia aconsejar, 

Y consolar mis querellas.” 

En diciendo esto Muhamad, 

> misericordia. 

‘ la secta, la nacion. 

Al punto se le presienta 
Su fiel amigo Chebril, 
Consolador de sus quexas, 
Diciendo, “que quies amigo, 
Por que mi vista deseas ?” 

“ 0 mi amigo y compahero, 
Fiel remedio a mis tormentos. 
Si en vida me acompahaste 
Por que en la muerte me dexas 
Albriciame, dulce amigo, 

De alguna cosa que sea 
En poder de mi Sehor.” 

“ Desta jornada postrera 
Albriciote ya Muhamad, 

Que a recebir te se aprestan 
Los almalaques del cielo. 

Con ynumerables fiestas. 

Las alainas’ amorosas 
Hermosas lindas compuestas, 
Cantando sonorosas vozes, 
Aguardando tu presencia, 
Defiendeu que no entre nadi 
En lalchana’ verdadera, 

Por muy justo que haya sido, 
Hasta que tu entres en ella. 

Con todos los de tu aluma^ 

Que siguieron tus banderas.” 
Chebril iba prosiguiendo 
Estas razones compuestas : 
Quando el anabi diciendo 
Aquella preciosa alea, 

Y quera bismi Eabica,® 

Dio la alentada postrera 
Recibiendo Azarayel 
Aquel alma limpia y buena. 
Entristeciose el adunia,® 

El sol la luna y estrellas, 

El cielo y sus almalaques. 

Lb tierra y quanto hay en ella. 
Murio este^santo anabi, 
Dexando su fama eterna, 

Dia de Junes nombrado, 

Y en aqueUa noche mesma, 

Lo pusieron en su alcuba 
Con muy grande reverencia, 

A' los sesenta y tres ahos 
De su vida limpia y buena. 

3 el paraiso. 

el mundo. 

Las Iluries. 




Art. IV. — Catalogue of the Oriental Manuscripts in the Library 
of King's College, Cambridge. By Edward Henry 
Palmer, B.A., Scholar of St. John’s College, Cam- 
hridge ; Member of the Royal Asiatic Society; Membre 
de la Societe Asiatique de Paris. 

The books in the accompanying list are either in — I. Persian ; 
II. Arabic ; III. Hindustani ; or IV. Hindi and Hindui ; and 
they are described in strict alphabetical order under each of 
those heads. 

The following letter gives an account of the way in which 
the books came into possession of the College : — 

King’s College, 12th November, 1866. 

Dear Mr. Palmer, — The manuscripts, of which you have 
been good enough to draw up the list, which I trust the 
Asiatic Society will print, came to us at the end of last 
century. The donor, Edward Ephraim Pote, was a son of 
Mr. Pote, of Eton, and was elected a scholar of this College 
in 1768. He took his degree in 1773, and seems to have 
entered the Civil Service of the East India Company very 
soon after that. 

In his letter to the College, dated “Patna, 6th February, 
1788,” he says: “ . . . . from the time of my arrival in the 
East I have exerted my utmost endeavours to obtain some 
Asiatic writings worthy the acceptance of our societies ; and 
have the pleasure to inform you that at length I have 
acquired a collection of Persian Manuscripts amounting to 
more than 550 volumes. I propose doing myself the honor 
of presenting one-half of these books to our College and the 

other half of them to the College at Eton I have 

been disappointed in my hopes of sending you these manu- 
scripts by the ships of this season, yet I cannot restrain my 
desire of communicating the acquisition I have made . . .” 



The collection, contained in eight chests, arrived in England 
in 1790 ; and by an agreement made between the Provosts of 
the two colleges, the chests marked A, B, C, D, were allotted 
to King’s College, and the remaining four were sent to Eton. 

A glance at your list will show that the books were 
arranged roughly in alphabetical order according to their 
titles, and in that order packed in the chests ; so that, with 
very few exceptions, we have at Cambridge the first half of 
the alphabet, while those which fall into the latter half may 
be looked for at Eton. 

I only mention these details with a view of showing that 
the responsibility of this mode of division (which has been 
the cause of amusement to many persons) does not rest with 
the donor ; and that, therefore, if an examination of the two 
collections, such as that to which you have subjected ours, 
should make it appear desirable that some of the volumes 
might with advantage change places, there could be no pos- 
sible difficulty in adjusting the matter. 

But the most interesting circumstance about the collection 
is one which is not generally known. The books bought by 
Mr. Pote evidently formed part of the Oriental library of 
Colonel Polier, who is known as the first person who brought 
to Europe a complete copy of the Vedas. His seal, “Major 
Polier, A.H. 1181,” occurs, as you remember, in a large 
number of the volumes, and his autograph, “Ant. Polier,” in 
several. A full account of Polier and of his family is given 
by MM. Haag in La France Protestante, derived chiefly from 
information supplied by M. Dumont, the librarian at Lausanne. 

Born at Lausanne, in 1741, Polier entered the service of 
the East India Company at an early age. He won the con- 
fidence and respect of Lord Clive and of Warren Hastings ; 
but, through a great portion of his thirty years’ stay in India, 
he was enabled to devote himself to Indian literature, solely 
by reason of that illiberal spirit of English jealousy which 
first resented and then cancelled the appointment of a 
foreigner to a post of military authority. 

His biographers mention the fact of his return to Europe 
in 1789 ; and they further mention the choice collection of 


manuscripts which he brought home : the V edas, which he 
presented to the British Museum, and (besides a few others) 
forty-two volumes of Arabic, Persian, and Sanscrit manuscripts 
which were obtained from his heirs, and are now in the 
Imperial Library at Paris. No mention, however, is made of 
the bulk of his library ; but putting the facts side by side, 
there seems no doubt that the collection acquired by Mr. 
Pote in 1788 contains a large portion of Polier’s library as 
he left it ; and as such, as the collection of one of our earliest 
orientalists, it merits examination. 

One advantage of the books having been thus early brought 
together is apparent ; namely, that there are to be found here 
many small historical pieces which may serve to unravel the 
intricacies of Indian history during the sixty or seventy years 
before the rise of the English power, which it is almost hope- 
less to look for in any other collection. It is from this point 
of view especially that I hope to see good results arise from 
the publication of your catalogue. Yours very truly, 

Henry Bradshaw. 

E. H. Palmer, Esq., 

St. John’s College. 

I. Persian. 

40. Abwdb ul Jinan. The Gates of Paradise. 

A history of the Shi’a Sect by Mohammed Eafi’a Va’iz. 
20. Ahwdl i Bibi Julidnd. History of 

Donna Juliana. See “ Histoire de Donna Juliana,” 
traduite par Edward Henry Palmer (St. John’s Coll. 
Cambridge). NouvellesAnnales des Voyages. Mai. 1865. 
4. Ahwdl i Rdjha-e Jaipur. Account 

of the Dynasties of Jaipur. 

18. Akhbdr ul Akhydr. News of the Good. 

A Biographical Dictionary of Mohammedan Saints by 
Abu Mohammed ’Abd al Kader. 

6. Akhbdr % Jahdngiri. Memoirs of Shah 

Jehangir by Mohammed Sadik of Dehli. 


25. Ikhtiydrdt i Badi’i. Badi’i’s Selections. 
A Dictionary of Medicines. 

7. ji=L\ Akhldk i Bddshdhi. Royal Ethics. A 

work on Ethics by Sheikh Nihad ul din. 

15. jl Akhldk ul Muhsimn. Ethics of the Benefi- 

cent. By Husain Va’iz Rashifi. 

19. Akhldk ul Ndsiri. “ Ethics of the Vic- 

torious.” By Kh’aja Nasir ul din Mohammad of Tus. 

45. Addb i 'Alamgirt. 'Ahimgir’s “Etiquette.” 

A treatise on literature and art by Mohammed Sadik. 

1. jLiji Ir&hddu ’I Sdliktn. Direction for Novices. 

A treatise on the origin and doctrines of the Sufi’s by 
Yusuf bin Sheikh Mohammed, surnamed Nujm ul din. 

203. (Part 2). Istikkrdjul Takwim, Dediictions 

from the Calendar. A Persian version composed for 
Tippu Sultan. 

35. UjUi j\jJ\ Asrdr ul Awliyd. Secrets of the Saints. 

12. A'jdz i Khosrau. “Miracles of Khosrau.” 

A treatise on 'lAJl or letter writing, by Amir Khosrau 
of Delhi. 

33. <uU JlJl Ikbdl Ndma. The Book of Prosperity. A his- 
tory of Shah Jehangir by Mo’tamid Khan. 

31. (Vol. I.)<uU jS\ Akbar Ndma. The Book of Akbar. A 
history of the first sixteen years of the life of Shah 
Akbar while a prince, and of the first eight years of his 

31. (Vol. II.) <ul3 Akbar Ndma. The Book of Akbar. 
From the 8th to the 15th year of his reign. 

31. (Vols. III. and IV.) <ul) jA\ Akbar Ndma. The Book of 
Akbar. From the 25th year to the 48th year. 

29. laUJl Alfdz i Adwiyeh. Medicinal expressions. By 
Amir al din Mohammed ’Abdullah of Shirdz. 

26. \LA\ Intikhdb i Rauzat ul Sqfd. Selections 

from the Rauzat ul Safa, {q.v.) 


3. Inshd i Ahul Fazl. Epistolary models of 

Abui Fazl. 

202. — - (dll Inshd iAmdn ullah Husaini. Tbe 

' Epistolary models of Amanullah Husaini, 

36. ybjU Inshd i Mddho Rdm. Epistolary models 
of Madho Earn. 

32. Inshd i 'Ahd ul Haiya. The Epistolary 

models of Muushi ’i\bd ul Haiya. A beautifully 
executed MS. in Indian Shikasta writing by the hand 
of the author. 

22. L. ’lAll Inshd i Molld Toghrd. The Epistolary 
models of Molla Toghra. 

17. L» Inshd i Molld Munir. The Epistolary models 
of Mulla Munir. 

28. Inshd i Maulavi Jdmi. Epistolary 

models of Jami. 

44. Inshd i Mirzd Bedil. The Epistolary 

models of Mirza Abdul Kadir Bedil. 

27. j Inshd i Alirum va 'Abdullah. The 

Epistolary models of Mirum and of Abdullah. Two 
works on the art of letter writing; the last incomplete. 

21. Anrcdr i Soheili. “ Lights of Canopus.” The 

Persian version of Bidpai’s Fables, by Husain Va’iz 

42, <uj1 Mna i Bakht. The Mirror of Fortune. An 
universal history. 

43. Inshd i Khdnazdd Khdn. Epistolary 
models of Khanazad Khan. 

5. jAT Ayin i Akbari. The Institutes of Akbar. Bv 

" Abul Fazl. 

42. Aina i Shdhi. The Mirror of Eoyalty. By 

Mohammed bin Murtaza. 

56. <ul) Barzuyi Ndma. The book of Barzu. Being 

the Episode of Sohrab and Rustam, from the Shah 
Nama of Firdausi. 


65. y U Burhdn i Madsir. Evidence of History. His- 
tory of the Sultans of the Deccan. (A rare work). 

47. <ulj ili Bahddur ShdhNdvia. The Book of Bahadur 


Sh&h. A history of that monarch by Hi’mat Khan 
’All. At the end of this volume are several separate 
works, Skdh ' Alam Kama : “ Official Bistructions 
Extracts from Abul Fazl, etc. 

49. Bahdr i Sukhan. The Spring-time of Eloquence 

A collection of letters from various Sovereigns. 

68. y 1^1 Tdj ul Madsir. The Crown of History. A history 
of the Ghaznavide dynasty. 

48. Bahdr i Ddnish. The Spring-time of Wisdom. 
Tales by ’Inayat Ullah. 

58. Bahjat ul Mubdhij. “Joy of the Joyous.” 

On the miracles of the Prophet, with an account of the 
twelve Imams and of the fourteen Innocents, by Abu 
Sa’id Hasan ebn Husain of the Shi’a sect, surnamed 

65. yJ Baydz i Nasr. Album of Prose. Containing 
extracts from — 1. Akhlak i Nasiri. 2. A series of 
Fa-id a’s, or comments on passages from the Coran. 
3. Kitdb xil Fusus Ul MvJallim, by Abu Nasir ul Fazali. 

65. iUaI Baydz i Ash'dr. Album of Poetry. 

97. 'Uilsrl Tdr'ikh ul Hukamd. History of the Sages. 

116. J6\ cA Tdrlkh ul Ma'jam fi 

dsdri muluk il ' Ajam. The venerable history of the 
Kings of Persia. 

105. fA Tdrikh i A'sam Kufi. History of A’sam 

of Kufa. A Persian translation of the history of Ahmed 
bin A’sam of Kufa, by Ahmad ul Mustaufi. Vol. I. 

Tdrikh i A'.sam Kufi. Vol. II. Same as 
as the preceding. 

112. 1^1 Tdrikh i Alfi. The History of the Thousand 
years (i.c. from the death of Mohammed). Two vols. 


71. Tdrikh i dU kushd. The interesting History. 

A history of the reign of Aurangzeb by Tnayatullah. 
313. ^j\j Tdrikh i Zain ul Akhbdr. See “ Zain.” 

76. Tdrikh i Siyar. Biographical History. A his- 
tory of Mohammed by Mu’in ul Mishin, in three 
parts, viz. : 1. History of the Prophet. 2. Prognosti- 
cations of him anterior to his birth. 3. Account of his 

109. Tdrikh i Saldtin i Dikii. History of 
the Sultans of Delhi. (Second Part). 

111. Tdrikh i AUdhYardi 

Khan Alahdbat Jang. History of Allah Vardi Khan, 
Nuwab of Bengal. 

77. Tdrikh i Baddyuni. Badayuni’s History. 

i.e. the Mimtakhab ul tawdr'ikh, by ’Abd ul Kader Muliik 
Shah, surnamed Badayhni. 

108. Tdrikh i Bindketi. See “ Rauzat ulu 7 albdb." 

110. Tdrikh i Tarjuma i Ibn Khallikdn. 
See “ Tarjuma.” 

79. Tdrikh i Hazrat Musd. History of 
Moses. By Mu’in ul Mishin. 

94. ilA A/Ksr’* j Tdrikh i 

Shahddat i Ferrokhsir va Julus i Mohammed Shah. His- 
tory of the martyrdom of Ferokhseer and the accession 
of Mohammed Shah. Two vols. Vols. 1. and II. 

80. i(Li Tdrikh i Shir Shdh. History of Shep 

Shdh, by ’Abbas bin Sheikh ’Ali Alardani. Two vols. 
Vols. 1. and II. 

73. CSIL) (j ^\s. ^j\j Tdrikh 'Ali fi silk i ladli. The 
“noble history” in a string of pearls, by Sheikh Mo- 
hammed Salih. 

89. Tdrikh % Kutb Shdhi. History of Kutb 




102. ^j\j Tdrikhi Ferishta. Ferishta’s History. A 
history of India by Mohammed Kasim Hindu Sh4h 
(Ferishta). Vol. I. To the end of the reign of Sultan 
Kalim Ullah, the last of the Bahmani kings of the 
Dekkan. — Vol. II. From the Bijapur dynasty (be- 
ginning with Yusuf ’Adil Shah) to the accounts of the 
Saints of Hindustan, ending with Sheikh Kabir ul din 

Tunkk i Kashmir. History of Kashmir. By 
Malik Hasan. 

114. if jj Tdrikh i Guzida. The choice History. By 


G7. Tdrikh i Mahmud Shdhi. History of 

Mahmud Shah. 

101. jjlj ^.'J Tdrikh i Nddir Shdhi. History of NMir 
Shah. By Mohammed Mehdi Khan Mir MunsM of 

84. Tdrikh i Humdyuni. History of Humayun. 

By Jauhar Aftabeh. 

95. w'Ljj Tdrikh i ^Yas.^d/. An account of the reign 
of Halaku Khan, king of Iran, originally written as 
an appendix to the Jehan Kusha (a history of Genghiz 
Khan), by ’Abdullah of Shiraz. 

115. Tohfat ul ’Irdkain. A Present from both 
Iraks. A collection of poems by Kh%ani. 

82. AissT Tohfat ul Muminin. The Gift of the Faithful. 

A Medical Treatise, by Mir Mohammed W£id Mo- 
hammed Dailami. Two vols. Vols. I and II. 

119. ijlsT Tohfat ul Hind. A Present from India. An 
account of the languages, customs, religions, etc., of 
the people of India, written in the time of ’Alamgir by 
order of Prince Mu’izz ul din (Jehdndar), by Mirzd 
Mohammed ibn Fakr ul din Mohammed. 

103. TazkiratulAhrdrnalA&hrdr. Memoirs 
of the righteous and the iniquitous. By Sheikh 


7o. Tazkirat ul Auliyd. Memoirs of the Saints. 

A biography of holy men by Ferid ud din 'Attar. 

92. LtAH Tazkirat ul Sho'ard. Memoirs of the Poets. 
A brief biographical dictionary of celebrated poets by 
Kh’aja Mohammed of Shiraz. 

106. Tazkirah i Daulat Shdhi. Memoirs of 
"the Poets (Tazkirat ul Sho’ara), by Daulat Shah. 

87. IL: iLi) Tazkirah i Sultdn Shdk Sufd. Me- 

moirs of Shah Sufa. A general history of the Saints 
of Persia, Asia Minor, and Arabia. 

74. ^jj Tazkira i Sheikh Mohammed 

’Alt Haztn, Autobiography of that author. 

110. Tarjuma i Ibn Khdllikdn. A Persian 

version of the biographical dictionary of Ibn Khallikan 
by Kabir bin ’Owais bin Mohammed al Latifi. 

•50. ^ Jj Tarjuma i Bich Ganit. See Persian 

versions of Hindi works. 

90. ^ Tarjuma i Nehj ul Baldghat. Transla- 

tion of the “Way of Eloquence,” by Ibn Kazi ’Abdul 
’Aziz of Mecca. A beautifully executed Naskhi MS., 
having the Arabic text and Persian translation on 
alternate pages. 

107. Tarjuma iKdnunchi. KitdbKdnuncfd.” 

250. Tashrih ul AJldk. Analysis of the Firma- 

ment. A treatise on Astronomy by Baha ul din. 

31. Tdrif i Kashmir. Eulogy on Kashmir 

(In verse). 

103. Tafsir i JIusaini. A short running Com- 

mentary on the Koran text, in Persian, by Mulla 
Husain. — Vol. I. From beginning to the end of 
— Vol. II. From to the end. 

88. '^jy Tuzuk i Jehdngiri. Institutes of Jehan. 
gir, by himself. Vol. I. 

88. Tdzuh i Jehdngiri. Another copy, with 

introduction, by a later hand. Vol. II. 

VOL. III. — [new seeies.] 



88. cJjy Tuzuk i Jehdngiri. A small copy made 

from the original draft, with notes, in the King’s own 
hand-writing ; it extends to the second year of his 

96. Tuzuk i Bdberi. Institutes of Baber. Auto- 

biography of that monarch. 

93. Tuzuk i T'muriya. Institutes of Teimur. 

Translated from the Turkish by Abu Tdlib ul Husaini. 
Vol. I. 

93. ^jy ^ Tmuriya. Another copy of the 

preceding. Vol. II. 

104. Tirm'ir Ndma. The Book of Timur. Translated 

✓ > •• • 

by Abu Talib ul Husaini, author of a practical history 
of India to the reign of Feroz Shah. 

85. Tmur Ndma. The Book of Timur. In heroic 

verse. By Hatifi. 

129. ^ Jdm i Jam. The Cup of Jamshid. A mystical 
poem {masnavi) by Eukn ul din Isfahani, surnamed 
Auhadi. (See 362). 

129. 'Ahhdsi. The Collection of ’Abbas. 
A treatise on the ceremonial law of the Muslims, by 
Shah Abbds. 

134. Jazh ul Kuluh. The Attractor of Hearts. 

Extracts from the Wafa ul Wafd {q. v.) by Sheikh 
’Abd ul Hakk. The full title is Jazb ul Kuluh UN diydr 
il Mahbub. 

235. Lri- Jarida i khatt nast'alik. Slip in 

Nestalik character. Seventy verses from the Shah 
Nama, with portraits of Zal and Pilsam. 

139. Jumla i Hyderi. The Collection of Hyder. 

A metrical history of Mohammed. 

130. Jawdharnl Sand'i. The Gems of Art. A 
treatise on the art of cutting, polishing, and setting 



132. i Samsdm. The edge of the iin- 

bending sword. History of India from the invasion of 
Nadir Shah. 

131. j\^ Chehdr ’Unsar i Mirzd Bedil. The 

four elements of Mirza Bedil. A collection of Fables, 

125. Chirdgh i Hiddyat. The Lamp ofGuidance. 

A dictionary, by Siraj al din 'All Khan, of the poetical 
expressions in use amongst his contemporaries, form- 
ing a sequel to the Siraj ul loghat [q.v.) 

138. ^,^1 Siyar. The Biographer’s Friend. 

Vol. I. Jazv. 1-4. II. Jazv. 1-4. III. Jazv. 1-4. 
IV. 1-2 of Vol. III. (Supplementary copy). 

137. Haiydtul Hairvdn Fdrsi. Animal Life; 

"in Persian. Two vols. 

148. ji Hdshia i Mir bar Shark Mutdli\ 

The marginal notes of Mir Syed Sherif al Jorjani to 
the commentary on Siraj ul din’s Mutali’ ul Anwar. 

150. Hdshia i Mir Akmal bar Khiydli. 
The marginal notes of Mir Akmal on the commentary 
of Khiyali {q.v.) 

149. Mvijyat ul Hind. Argument of India. Persian 
version of the story of Nal and Daman, by ’Omar 

151. Had'ika i Hakim Sandi. “The Garden” 
of Hakim Sanai. A collection of poems, with prose 
introductions, on various sufiistical subjects, with a 
preface and index by ’Abd ul Latif. 

157. KKdn i Ni'mat. The Tray of Grace. A 
work on Cookery. 

158. Khazdin ul Futuh. The Treasures of Vic- 
tory. A work on the metres of poetry by Amir Khosrau 
of Delhi. 

156. Khaldsat ul Tarcdrikh. Abstract of His- 

tories. By Sanjan Rai Munshi. 


15*3. Khamsa i Ganjavi. The Five Poems of 

Nizami. Makhzan ul Asrdr. Treasury of Secrets. — 

2. Khosrau wa Shirin. The loves of Khosrau and 
Shirin. — 3. Leiii va Majnun. The loves of Leili and 
Majruin. — 4. Haft Paikar. The seven shapes. — 5. 
Sikandar ndma. Book of Alexander, containing both 
the Hihdl ndma and the Skcrif ndma. 

153. Khamsa i Amir Khosrau. The five 
poems of Amir Khosrau. 1. Matla ul Anwar. The 
Dawn of Lights. — 2. Khosrau va Shirin. The loves 
of Khosrau and Shirin. — 3. Hasht Behisht. The eight 
Paradises. — 4. Leili va Majnun. The loves of Leili and 
Majnun. — o.Aina i Sikanderi. The Mirror of Alexander. 

154. .Ltfllri- Khuldsat ul Khamsa li 
Nizami al Ganjavi. Abstract of the five poems of 
Nizami. . 

155. LtfLi- Khuldsat ul Ahhbdr. Abstract of History. 
History of the world, but chiefiy of Persia, to the in- 
vasion of Teimur. 

182. \ ,T Ddnish Ard. The Adorner of Wisdom. A col- 
lection of Fables, etc., in prose and verse. 

187. Ddnish Ndma i Jehdn. The World’s 

Wisdom Book. A Treatise on Natural Philosophy. 

184. ijJ Durrat ul Tdj. The Pearl of the Diadem. A 
course of scientific instruction by Mahmud bin Muslih 
of Shiraz, containing — 1. Religion. 2. Mathematics. 

3. Astronomy and Astrology. 

1G2. Dastur ul ’ Amal. Official Instructions. By 

Rajah Toral Mai. 

185. Dah Alajlis. The Ten Assemblies. An account 
of the twelve Imams after the death of Mohammed. 

175. Dlvdn i Anvari. The Divan of Anwari. 

1. Kassidas. 2 and 3. Ghazals. . 

179. Divdn i Ahi. The Divan of Ahi. 

173. JIU- Dlvdn i Jaldl Asir. The Diwan of Jalal 
Asir of Isfahan. 


159. liiU- Dkdn i Hafiz. The Divan of Kh’aja Hafiz 

of Shirdz. 

167. ^ Khdkdni. The Divan of Khahani. 

163. j*-L: D'wdn i Salim, The Divan of Salim. 1. 

Kassidas in praise of the Imams. 2. 

3. A Masnavi in praise of Shah Jehan. 4. A Divan 
of Ghazals. 5. Ruba’is. 

161. (Part 1). Divdn i Shdhi, The Divan of 

Agha Mdlik, Shahi. 

176. (Part 2). Divdn i Shafiii. The Divan of 

Maulavi Akhend Shafi’i, Athdr, of Shiraz. 

170. Divdn i Sdib. The Divan of Saib. Com- 

monly known as Aluntakhah i Divdn % Sdib. 

172. ^ Divdn Tdlib Amuli. The Divan of 

Talib Amuli. 1. Kassida in praise of Jehangir. 2. 
Ghazals and Ruba’is. 

160. AjLa* ^ Divdn o Kasdid ' Orfii. The Divan 

and Kassidas of Orfi. 

188. Divdn i Ghazalidt, Divan of Ghazals. By 

Mohammed ’All Hazin. Forming Vol. II. of the 
Kullidt, pp. 95-559. (See 124). 

177. Divdn i Ghdni. The Divan of Ghani. By 
Mohammed Tahir Ghani. Miscellaneous Poems and 

171. JU^ Divdn i Kamdl Ismail Isfia- 
hdni. The Divan of Kamal Ismail of Isfahan. 

178. Divdn i Mdizz (Fitrat). The Divan 
of Mir Mo’izz, surnamed Fitrat. 1. Kassida and Mas- 
navi. 2. Ghazals. 

169. \j J Divdn i Mirzd Mohammed Bakhsh . 

Divan of Mirza Mohammed, Bakhsh, 

\Q6. \jj^ Divdn i Mirzd Muzahhar. The Divan 
of Mirza Muzahhar. 

165. Divdn i Nafiiri. The Divan of Naziri. By 

Mohammed Hussain, Naziri. 



161. (Part 3). Divan i Na!m. The Divan of Na’im. 

186. Divan i Hildli. The Divan of Hilali. 

181. iJ'^j^Divdn i Yusuf Bey Shdmili. The 

" Divan of Yusuf Bey Shamili. 

189. Zakhirat ul Muluk. The Storehouse of 

Kings. A treatise on the moral and political obliga- 
tions of Sovereigns, by ’AH bu Shihab al Hamadani. 

195. U-ij Rdjdvali. The Rajavali. A chronological 
account of the Kings of India. 

195. ^ Bdy darpan dar ' llm i Musiki. 

The Rag Darpan. A treatise on Hindu Music, by 
Fakir Allah. 

197. Jb Ramdyana Bdl Mik. The Ramayana 

of Val Mik. A prose version in Persian, including the 
Uttara Kdnda. 

199. Risdla i Khawwds i Haiwdndt. 

Treatise on the peculiarities of animals, by Mohammed 
’All Hazin. 

;^01. Risdla i Khams. Five Treatises. 1. On 

praising God in prefaces. 2. 

3. On the Divan of Sa’di, called “ catechetical treatise,” 
savdl ojavdb. 4. 5. Nasihai, 

wholesome advice. 

207. Risdla i 'Aruz. Treatise on Prosody. By 


211. u-jIsaJI 'jA Risdla i Kunz ul Tuhuf. The treatise 
“ Treasury of Gifts.” On Mohammedan Music. By 
Nasir al din Tusi. 

204. i\A> Risdla Mohammed Shdh 

mad Zikr i Khdndurdn. Epistle of Mohammed Shdh, 
with a Memoir of Khdndurdn. Contents : From the 
Invasion of Teimur to Ferokhsir ; account of the 
Lieutenancy of Shdh Jehandbdd and occupation of Jdt ; 
account of Khdndurdn and his ancestors ; account of 
Mohammed Shdh until the coming of Nadir Shdh and 
his return ; memoir of Sa’dat Khan ; of the death and 
funeral of Khdndurdn. 


200. Risdla i Muaiyina. See Risdla i Hai-dt. 

200. CL>l-£> ^U; Risdla i Hai-dt. Treatise on Astronomy. 
Translated from the original Arabic, entitled Tezkira, 
by Shams ul din, for the use of Shah Mu’ain, and 
called Mdaiyina, in honour of that monarch. 

206. CLJLjb Risdla i Hai-dt. Treatise on Astronomy, 
by Mulla ’All Kushchi. 

205. Rakd-im i Kard-im. The Noble Writings. 

Letters of ’Alamgir, edited from his own dictation. 

208. CL?Uij RuJcdt i Ihrdhm. Letters of Ibrahim 

on various subjects. 

202. Ruk'dt i Amdn Allah Husainl. 

See Imhdi Amdn Allah Husaini. 

199. Ruk'dt i 'Indyat Khdn. The Letters 

of 'Inayat Khan. 

210. j\y'i\ Li,j Rauzat ul Anrcdr. The Meadow of Light. 
A Mansavi, by ’Orfi. 

192. (Vols. I. to VII.) iLJl Rauzat ul Safd. The cele- 
brated history entitled the Meadow of Purity. Six 
vols. Vol. VII. is a duplicate of Vol. VI. 

192. (Vols. I. and II). Ls^j Rauzat ul Ahbdb. The 

Meadow of the Friends. History of Mohammed and 
his Companions, in two vols., by Jamal ul din. 

108. Litj Rauzat ulu I Albdb. The Meadow of 

the Intelligent. A historical work, by Binaketi. 

216. dj Zdd ul Musdfirin. Provision for Travel- 

lers. A work on Philosophy. 

215. cljUUI ifjjj Zubdat ul Loghdt. The Cream of Dictionaries. 
An Arabic-Persian Dictionary, by Mohammed bin 
Husain al Sabzwari. 

212. Zich i Mohammed Shdhi. Mohammed 

Shah’s Tables. Astronomical Tables, compiled for that 
Sovereign, by Maharajah Jay Singh Siwai. 


214. Zich i Uluglihegi. Astronomical Tables, 

Compiled by Sultan Ulugh Bey, son of Timur, and' 
king of Khorassan. 

213. Zain ul Akkbdr. The Ornament of History. 

By Abu Sa’id ibn ’Abd al Haiya ibn al Zohhak ibn 
Mahmud al Kurdezi. 

217. jS\ Sirr i Akbar. The Mighty Secret. A transla- 
tion of the Upanikhats (Upanishads), by Mohammed 
Dara Shikoh; an abstract of the four Vedas. 

223. — ly-j Sirdj ul Istikhrdj. The Lamp of De- 

duction. A compendious handbook to the use of the 
Calendar, by Ferid, astronomer, of Delhi. 

125. CLJliill Sirdj ul Loghdt. Lamp of Dictionaries. 
Vol. II.) See CMrdgh i Hiddyat. 

14- (Part 2). JD LL b SuwdlJarcdb i Ddrd 

hd Ddhd Ldl. The questions and answers of Darius 
and Baba Lai, by Abul Fazl. 

219. Siydsat u Siyar ul Muluk. The 

government and character of Kings. A Treatise on the 
Art of Government, by Nizam ul Mulk. 

253. ( .lib il-i S/idh Jehdn Ndma i Tdlib 

Kalim. A metrical history of Shah Jehan, by Abu 
Talib, Kalim of Hamadan. 

252. ^\j Skdh Jahdn Ndma. A prose history of 

Shah Jehan, by Mohammed Salih, Kambo. 

238. ibi ibi Skdh Ndma i Skdh Ismd'il. The 

“ Book of Kings.” A metrical history of Shah Ismail, 
the first of the Sufi Shahs of Persia, composed in 
imitation of Firdausi’s Shah-nama. 

256. (Vols. I. and II.) Shabistdn i Khiydl. 

The “Night-room” of Keflection. A volume of wut- 
ticisms and pithy sayings upon moral and religious 
duties, philosophy, etc. Vol. II. is a duplicate of Vol. 
I., and is called Shabistdn dar Nikdt o Khiydl. 


251. Shark Tahzib ul Mantik. Com- 

mentary on the “ Refinement of Logic,” by Toftazani. 
In Persian, by Mir Jamdl ul din al Sbahristani. 

233. Shark i Zich i JJlughhegi. Commen- 

" tary on the Astronomical Tables of Ulughbeg, by ’Abd 
ul ’Ali bin Mohammed Husain Barjandi. 

250. (Part II.) Shark Jughmum. The Com- 

mentary of Mohammed Musa on the Mulakhkhas fil 
Haiat of Mahmud ul Jughmuni (or Jagmini). (A 
treatise on Astronomy). 

245. ^ Shark i Hiddya Farsi. Persian Com- 

"mentary on the Hidaya. Comment of ’Abd ul Hakk 
Sijadil Sari Hindi on the Hiddyeh Shark Beday\ a 
work on Jurisprudence, originally written as a com- 
ment on the Beday’ of Burhan ul din ’AH Marghinani, 
which last work is now obsolete. 

247. Shark i Mutdli . Commentary on the 

Mutdli’ ul Anwar (“ dawn of lights”). The Mutali’ 
ul Anwar is a celebrated work on Philosophy, divided 
into two parts : (i) Logic ; (ii) 4 divisions on various 
branches of Philosophy. The present commentary is 
on that part only which relates to Logic. 

241. Shark i Masnavi Maulam Rum. 

Commentary on the Masnavi of Maulavi Rumi, by 
Mir Alohammed Riza. 

226. Shark Wakdya Fdrsi. Persian Com- 

mentary on the Wakaya (a work on Jurisprudence), 
by ’Abd ul Hakk Sijadil Sari Hindi. 

2.57. Shirin Khosru i Nizdmi. The loves 

of Shirin and Khosru. A celebrated Masnavi by Nizami. 

176. Jj Kasdid i Rukn ul Din. The Kassidas 
of Rukn ul Din, surnamed Auhadi. 

100. (Vols. I. and H.) J 

Kitdb Tasyir al Bokhdri Fi Shark Sahih ul 
Bokhdri. “ Incentive to Bokhari.” A commentary on 
the Sahih ul Bokhari, by Nur ul Hakk bin ’Abd ul 
Hakk of Delhi. The two vols. form rather more than 
half of the entire work. 



107. Kitdh i Kdnunchi- The Little Canon. 

An abridgement, in Persian, of the Canon of Avicenna. 
123. jl5 Masnavi dar Zabdn i Turkx. A 

Masnavi in the Turkish language. 

122. Masnavi e Toghrd. The Masnavi of Toghra. 

120. Masnavi i Ghanimut Ganjdhi, 

See Nairang i ’Iskk. 

121. Masnavi Mauldvi Hum. The Masnavi 

of Alaulavi Eiim. Vol I. containing three daftars. 
(The complete work is in two vols. six daftars). 

124. Masnavidt Munjamala i ' Ali 

Haz'm. The collected Masnavies of ’Ali Hazin. This 
is one of four vols., and contains all the Masnavies ; 
for the Ghazals, see 188. It is the fourth volume of 
the Kulliyat (or collected works), viz., pp. 648-772. 

209. Kitdb Riydz ul Inshd. The book of 

the Meadows of Epistolary Composition, by Mahmiid 
bin Sheikh Mohammed ul Kilani. 

77. ^ 


Muntakhab ul Tarcdrikh. 

See Tdrikh i 

81. Manzum i Ta rif i Kashmir. See 

TaWif i Kashmir. 

203. Majmu Ahkdm ul Nujum. Collec- 

tion of the Ellies of the Stars. Treatise on Astronomy, 
by Yahya bin ’Ali al Maghrebi (al Andalusi). 

205. (Part 2). Kalimdt i Tayyibdt. Excellent 

sayings, by ’Alamgir I., compared word for word with 
his own dictation. 

195. (Part 2). \J\ LLU Nishdt Ard. Adornment of Joy. 
A Treatise on Music. 

88. Malfuz i Jehdngiri. Dicta Jehangiri. 

See Tozak i Jehdngiri. 

118 (119). Nujliat ul Uns. The Odours of Friend- 

ship. A Biographical Dictionary, by Jami. 


120. j;A.n ^ Navrang i 'Ishk. The Magic of Love. The 
loves of Shahid and ’Aziz, by Mohammed Akram 
“Ghanimat,” of Ganja. 

II. Arabic. 

11. jL!i jIjT Asdr al Buldd. “Vestiges of Towns.” A 
geographical work by Zacharya bin Muhammed al 

24. jT Addb ul Muta aUimln. “ Etiquette for 


38. (Part 2). >~dAT Addb i Bdkieh. A Philosophical 
Treatise on the art of disputation, by ’Abd ul Baki. 

16. j*l^\ Ahkdm al din. Precepts of Eeligion. 

203. Ahkdm al Nujum. “ Rules of the Stars.” 

An Astronomical Treatise, by Yahya al Mogribi. It is 
called in the preface jJUJl 

“ Particulars of the Rules, upon the alterations of the 
years of the universe.” See A'o. 193. 

30. Ahkdm al Xujum. “ Rules of the Stars.” 

An Astronomical Treatise, by Abu ’1 Hassan of Kufa. 

23. Ahyd e ' Ulum il din. “Reviver of 

Religious Knowledge.” A work comprising the entire 
system of Mohammedan Theology. After the last of 
the four parts into which the book is divided, is the 
1 a comment on the third part. 

2. Ikkivdn ul Safd. “ The Brothers of Purity.” 

A celebrated Philosophical Romance. 

41. JjUaJI ^ JjLjjII Ashraf ul Wasdyil ild 

Fahm il Shamdyil. The noblest of means towards 
understanding good qualities, by Ibn Hajrili. 

46. Atbdk ul Zakab . “ Plates of Gold.” By 

’Abd ul Mumin bin Mahmud, commonly known as 
al Azaghani (Western). 


A'rdz rca Jandkir. “Properties and 
Substances.” A commentary on the philosophical 
work called Mmvdkif ul Kaldm, or “ Stations of Meta- 
physics,” by Homaidi. 

39. ^Idm ul Akhydr. “Marks of the Good.” 

An account of the Saints of the Sect of No’man, by 
Kazi Mahmiid bin Sulaiman of Kiifa. 

34. jLsl Ufk Mubin, “ The Perspicuous Region.” A 
treatise on the Muslim faith, by Mir Bakir Damad. 

13. ~^\ Ukarr Thdudusius. The Spherics of 
Theodosius. Translated into Arabic by Costa ibn Liika 
of BaTbek, by order of Abu ’1 ’Abbds, son of Mo’tasim 

70. Anrcdr Sharli MiPihdli. “Lights.” A 

commentary on the Mishdh, by Kh’aja Baksh Walid 
Mohammed Rizd. 

70. JjjUl Anndr ul Tenzil wa Asrdr ul 

Tdivil. The celebrated commentary on the Koran, 
by Beidbdwi. The Hashia, or marginal comment, 
here consists of the Kashshaf, Zamakbsbari’s Commen- 
tary on the Koran. 

8. imdzdt. “Flashes.” This work, though men- 

tioned amongst the contents of No. 8, is now missing. 

51. Balir ul Jarcdhir. “ The Sea of Jewels.” A 

Treatise on Medicine, by Mohammed Yusuf. 

53. Jdadai ul Khalk, “Wonders of Creation.” 

An account of the Creation, and various Muslim 

59. Bustdn Abi 7 Laith. The “ Garden.” 

By Abu Laith. A work on Mohammedan Jurispru- 

65 (1). Baydz i Marthia. “ Elegiac Album.” 

Elegiac verses in Arabic, Persian, and Hindustani. 
At the commencement is a Khutba (sermon in praise 
of the twelve Imams), founded on the Surat elRahnidn. 


140. Hdshia Tafsiri Kashshdf. A Hashia 

or marginal commentary upon the Kashshaf of Zamakh- 
shari, by Sa’ad ul din Toftazani. 

146. Hdshia i Halebi bar Mutarvroal. 
The marginal comment of Halebi on the Mutawwal of 
Mulla Sa’ad ul din Toftazani. 

147. <uAlr>- Hdshia Khiydli. The marginal commen- 
tary of Khiyali upon the commentary of Jarburdi on 
the Kashshaf. 

140. lU Hdslda Shark Mulld. The marginal com- 

mentary of Hafiz Sultan Mohammed on the Sharh 
Mulla of Jami. 

141. Hdshia i 'Abd ul Ghafdr bar 
Shark Mulld. The marginal comment of ’Abd ul 
Ghafur upon the Sharh Mulla, i.e. .J ami’s commentary 
on the Kafia (sometimes called Shafia) of Ibn ul Hajib, 
a treatise on Arabic grammar. 

142. ji Hdshia i Mulld Mir zd 

Jdn bar Hikmat ul ’Ain. The marginal comment of 
Mulla Mirza Jan of Shiraz on the philosophical work 
called Hikmat ul 'Ain. 

144. Hissdmi Ji Usui il Shar’ . The 
treatise of Hissami on the Principles of Law, by Hissam 
ul Din. In places it is tilled up with a Hashia and 
interlinear commentary. 

145. aA=.- Halbat ul Kumait. The Course of Wine. ‘ 
A treatise on the use of wine, with the opinions of 
various poets, etc., on the subject, by Shams ul Din 
and Jamal ul Din ul Nuwahi. 

L36. (Vol. I.) Haiydt ul Haiwdn. The Life of 

Animals. A Natural History, by A1 Damiri. 

137. (Vol. II.) Haiydt ul Hamdn. The Life of 


* The word Kumait means both “ a dark-bay horse” and “ wine.” 


183. Baud Hdshia. The “David” Marginal 

Notes. A commentary on the Risalet ul Shamsia. 

190. Asill Bhakhirat ul Fikli. The Storehouse of Juris- 
prudence. Second half. 

203. Bisdlat Abu Mo'shar Balkhi. The 

treatise of Abii Mo’shar of Balkh. See Majmu’ Ahkdm 
ul Nujutn. 

249. j*L; ^ ilA^jRisdlah min ’Alldka Shark Sullam, 

Treatise in connection with the Sharh Sullam, by 
Kawdm ul Din. 

220. Sa'adiya Shai'h Zinjdni. The com- 

mentary entitled the Sdadiya (Happy) on the Tasrif, 
a work on Arabic grammar by Ibrahim ibn ’Abd ul 
Wahhab ul Zinjani, by Mas ud bin ’Umar ul Toftazani. 

222. Samr ul Fildsafa. The Philosophers’ Nights’ 

Entertainments. An account of the Philosophy and 
Philosophers of Greece. 

242. Shark i Abydt i Mutarcwal. Comment 
on the distiches of Toftazani’s Mutawwal {i.e. a poem 
composed in the metre taivil), by Hussain bin Shihdb 
ul din, the Syrian. 

232. Shark i Arjuza. Comment on the Arjiiza 

{i.e. a poem in the metre rejez) of Abu Sa’id Mohammed 
bin Ahmad bin Rashid. The commentary is divided 
into two parts, corresponding to the division of the 
poem, viz., Al JuzuV llmi, the Theoretical 

Part. Aljuz'ul 'Amalt, the Practical Part. 

243. jjsriJl aIAjI Shark Irshdd ul Nakw. Commentary 

on the “ Guide to Syntax,” by Shihab ul din, of 

227. Shark Ashbdh rca Nazdir. Commen- 

tary upon the “ Likes and Equals” of Zain ul Nujm, 
a work on the doctrines of the Hanifite Sect. 


250. (Part 1). Sharli Ashkdl il Ta-s'is. 

Commentary on the “ Fundamental Forms” of Shams 
ul din of Samarcand, a work on hindasa (or geometry). 

231. Shark Ishdrdt i JVasruldm 

Tusi. Commentary on the (Hints) of Nasr ul 
din, of Tus ; a work on Logic. 

133. Shark ul Kdjia. Commentary on the Kdfia 

(an Arabic Grammar, by Ibn ul Hajib), by Ahmad 
bin ul Imam Assa’id ul Hasan ul Jarburdi. 

234. Shark Tajrid. Commentary on the Tajrxd 

ul 'Akdid, by Mulla ’All Kusbiji. 

229. ^ Ja Shark Hisn Hussain. Commentary 

on the “ Fort of Forts,” a work on the religious duties 
of Mussulmans, by Mohammed ul Jaziri of Mesopo- 
tamia, by the author of the work. 

236. Shark Hikmat ul 'Ain. Commentary 
on the Hikmat ul 'Ain. 

237. (Vol. AJA.J Shark Sadidi Shark Mujiz. 

Commentary of Sadid ul din Gazeruni on the Alujiz ul 
Kdnun jil tibb (epitome of the Canons of Medical 
Science), ’Ala ad din Abu ’1 Hazin Kuraishi. 

237. (Vol. II.) AjA-o Shark Sadid. The commentary of 
Sadid ul din Gazeruni on the Miijiz el Kanun. 

249. (Part 1). ^ Shark Sullam. The commentary 
entitled Maraj ul 'Em (Ladder of Learning) on the 
Sullam ul ' Ulum (Stairs of Science) of Mohibb Allah 
Allahabadi. A treatise on Logic. 

225. LiiLs'l Shark 'JJyun al Hikmat. The com- 

mentary of Abu ’Abdallah Mohammed bin ’Omr bin 
Husain of Shiraz upon the “ Sources of Wisdom,” a 
treatise on medicine. 

248. (Vol. I.) Shark Kdnun. The commentary of 

Mulla Sadid on the first volume of the Canon of 
Avicenna. See 237. 


248. (Yol. II.) Shark Kdnun. The commentary of 

Mulla Sadid on the second volume of the Canon of 

248. (Yol. III.) Shark Kdnun. The commentary 

of Mulla Sadid on the fourth volume of the Canon of 

228. Shark Kulliydt Kdnun. The com- 

mentary on the Kulliydt Kdnun (Summary of the 
Laws), a work on Jurisprudence, by Mulla Mohammed 
of Shiraz, by Kutb ul din. 

230. ht Shark Mulld. The commentary of Mulla Jami 
on the Kafia of Ibn Hajib. See Kdshia. 

235. -yi Shark Marcdkif. Commentary on the 

Mau'dkif ul Kaldm, a celebrated work on Metaphysics, 
by Sa’id Sherif Abu Hasan ’All ul Jorjani. 

24G. Shark 

on the “ Road to Eloquence,” a work on Theology, by 
Murtaza ’Ali, by Furh Allah, of Shiraz. 

244. ZjIjj y-i Shark Wahdya ' Arabi. Arabic com- 
mentary on the Wakdya (see 226), by ’Abd Ullah bin 
Mas’iid bin Taj al Sharih. 

255. Skarcdhid al Ruhuhiyeh. Evidences of 

Supreme DiviniH. A treatise on Theology, b}" Mo- 
hammed Sadr ul din, of Shiraz. 

254. Skarcdhid al Naburvat. Evidences of the 

Prophetic office, by Maulavi Jami. 

8. (Part ). Sirdt al Mustahim. The^Yayof 

I •• ^ ■ 

the Upright. A work on the Calendar, by Mohammed 
Bakir Damad. 

98. Kitdb al Zaafd wal ^yaiz^n. 

The book of the "\Yeak and the Preachers. An alpha- 
betical list of authorities for the traditions, by ’Abd ul 
Rahman Juzi. 

144. Kitdb i Hissdmi. See Hissdmi. 

K^ahj al Baldghat. Commentary 


203. (Part 2.) jJUJl Kitdb Sam ul 'Alam. Years 

of the Universe. A work on Astronomy, by Yahya al 

37. (Part 2.) Kitdb Ziyd al Kalb. The 

Light of the Heart. 

249. (Parti.) Ma’raj al ’Ulum. The Stairs of 

Science. See Shark Sullam. 

8. (Part I). Nuskhat al Takrcimdt. The 

Model Almanack, by Mir Mohammed Bakir Damad. 

99. j'j ^yafd ul Wajd bi Akhbdr i 

ddr al Mustafa. “ Payment of a just tribute to the 
abode of the chosen apostle.” History of Aledina. 

III. Persian Versions of Hindu Works. 

14. (Part 4). Arjim Gltd. The Song of Arjuna, 

translated from the Sanskrit, by Abul Fazl. 

61. Badai uV Okul. The Wonders of Wit. A 
Persian translation of the story of Yikramaditya. 

62. (Vol. I.) Bhdgavat i NasriFdrst. The 

Bhagavat, in Persian prose. Vol I. 

62. (Vol. II.) ^ Bhdgavat i Nasr i Fdrsi. 

The Bhagavat, in Persian prose. Vol. II. 

50. t-jLuiv- Bichganit dar ’Em i llisdb. 

Persian version of the Bichganit of the Lilavati, a work 
on Arithmetic. 

66. Bekat i Chintdmani. A Persian version 

of the “ Bekat” of Chintamani. 

28. Jog Bdshisht. A Persian version of the 

Yoga Vasishta. 

221. Singhdsan Batlsi. The Singhasan Battisi, 

or Thirty-two Histories of a Throne. Translated from 
the Hindui, being the Story of Rajah Yikramaditya. 

VOL. III. — [new series.] 



IV. Hindi and Hindu! in the Persian Character. 

57. ^ Bhdgamt Bhupati. The Bhagavat of 

Bhupati, or Bln'i Dev, in Hindi verse. 

54. Bhdgavat ToralmaL The Bhagavat of 
Rajah Toralmal or Todramal. 

52. ^\j Bhdgamt Dayd Rdm. The Bhagavat of 

Day a Ram. 

55. cl-'.Uaj Padmdmt Bhdkhd. The Padmdmt, a 
favourite Indian Legend, in the Brij Bhasha dialect. 

53. iJiolj Prabodh Ndtak, The Consolatory Comedy 

by Nand das . 

GO. (Part 1.) PoBii Bhdvati. By Daghran 

(? Dulha) Ram. 

GO. (Part 2.) Pothi Cldtrdvati. By Fazil ’Ali. 

I9G. Ramdyana Tuhi dds. The Ramayana> 

in Hindui, by Tulsidas. First volume only, containing 
the first book, viz., the Bdla Kanda. 

14(2). ^\j Rdm Gitd, The Song of Rama, by Wali Ram. 

GO. (Part 3.) Sat Sayd. The 700 Dohas, by Bihari. 

224. Sundar Singdr. The Ornament of Love. A 

Hindui Poem. 

219. Sahasr-ras. The Thousand Delights. A col- 

lection of Hindi Songs, compiled for Shdh Jehan by 
Nayak Bakhshi ; with a preface in Persian. 

60. (Part 4). Fdztl ’Alt Prakdsha. His- 

tory of Fazil ’Ali, by Sukhdev, surnamed Kabi Raj. 

14. (Part 1). Giydn Pothi. The Volume of Know- 

ledge. A Poem, by Wali Ram. 

14. (Part 3). Misbdh al Rudd. “ The Lamp of 

Guidance,” by Wali Ram. 



80. Divan i Abru. The Divan of Shaikh Najm ul 

din ’Ali Khan, Shah Mubarak, Ahru. 

168. (Part 2). Ijy: Divan i Saudd. Selections from the 

Divan of Sauda. 

274. Divan i Mir Taki. The Divan of Mir 


164. * ValL The Divan of Wali. 

168. Divan i Yakin. The Divan ofYakin. 


Art. V . — Description of the Amravati Tope in Guntur. By 
J. Fergusson, Esq., F.R.S. 

Hitherto our knowledge of ancient Buddhist architecture 
in India has been derived mainly from the rock cut examples. 
These, though most valuable for the purpose, from their 
number and immutability, have the defect of being all in- 
teriors, and we obtain little or no knowledge from them of 
what the external appearance may have been of the structural 
buildings which they represent. It is doubtful whether we 
ever shall know, in so far as the Yibaras or monasteries are 
concerned. These seem, like those of Burmah at the present 
day, to have been principally constructed of wood, and have 
perished by fire or decay ; but our knowledge of the Topes or 
Sthupas is daily extending, and we may hope soon to under- 
stand them and their arrangements with tolerable completeness. 

One of the most valuable contributions towards this end was 
the nublication by General A. Cunningham, in 1854, of his 
volume on the Bhilsa Topes : these being, so far as is now 
known, the oldest and most extensive group in India. Nejtt 
in importance to them are the Topes at Manikyala, combined 
with those around Jelalabad. Of this group our knowledge is 
less complete; but those at Jamalgiri^ and Takht i Bashai’^ 
are certainly anterior to the Christian era, and strongly im- 
pregnated with the feelings of Greek, or rather Bactrian, art. 
The great Tope at Manikyala itself took its present form 
apparently about the seventh century, and is therefore be- 
yond the limits of our present inquiry. 

Of the Magadha Topes, that at Sarnath is now almost the 

1 The sculptures from this place were deposited by Mr. Bayley, of the Bengal 
Civil Service, in the Crystal Palace, Sydenham, and unfortunately perished in 
the fire there in December last. Imperfect representations of them will be found 
in the Journal Asiatic Society Bengal, November, 1852. These are so badly done 
as to be of little use as a means of comparison, which is to be regretted in this 
instance, as their similarity to some of those found at Amravati is most striking. 

2 These sculptures are deposited in the Lahore Museum. Photographs of 
them were kindly furnished to me by Donald Macnabb, Esip, Beng. C. S. 



only representative, and it is more modern than the last 
named. Besides this there is one small tower-like fragment 
in the Giriyek hill, in Behar, but of what age or what form 
is by no means clear. 

The only other important group in India is that which 
forms the subject of the present paper. It is found at a place 
called Amravati, or more correctly Amaravati, on the river 
Kistnah, about sixty miles from its mouth. It has only been 
as yet imperfectly explored, but from what we now know of 
it, there can be no hesitation in asserting that its sculptured 
details are more extensive and more interesting than those of 
any other Buddhist monuments in India, and of a higher class 
of art than has yet been found anywhere else. 

The principal Tope at this place first attracted the attention 
of Colonel Mackenzie when on a tour of duty in the district 
in the year 1797. It seems that some two or three years 
previous to his visit the Rajah of Chintapilly, attracted by 
the sanctity of a temple dedicated to Siva, under the title of 
Amaresvara,^ determined to erect a city on the spot, and on 
looking for building materials for his new capital opened this 
and several other mounds in the neighbourhood, and also 
utilized the walls of the old city of Durnacotta or Dharani- 
kotta, which stood about half a mile to the westward of the 
site of the new city.^ Many of the antiquities perished in 
the process, and large quantities of the stones were used 
by the Rajah in building his new temples and palaces, but 
several sculptured slabs stiU remained in situ. These 
attracted the Colonel’s attention so strongly that he subse- 
quently communicated an account of them to the Asiatic 
Society of Bengal,^ and afterwards returned to the spot in 
1816. Being now Surveyor- General of Madras he employed 
all the means at his disposal during the two following years 

' Hence the full-length name of the place is AmaresTarapuram. Anglice, 

* These and many other historical particulars in this paper are gleaned from 
two letters communicated by Col. Mackenzie to Mr. Buckingham, published by 
by him in the “Calcutta Journal,” in March, 1822. They were afterwards 
reprinted in “ Allen’s Asiatic Journal,” in May, 1823, and as the latter publica- 
tion is generally accessible while the former is not, all my references to these 
letters will be taken from it. 

® See Asiatic Researches, vol. is. p. 272, et seq. 



to the elucidation of the principal temple, which he now 
styles Dipaldinna, and translates as meaning “ Hill of Lights.” 
The result of his labours are careful plans of the building and 
maps of the surrounding country, together with eighty very 
carefully finished drawings of the sculptures. These were made 
by his assistants, Messrs. Hamilton, Newman, and Burke, 
and are unsurpassed for accuracy and beauty of finish by any 
drawings of their class that have ever come under my inspec- 
tion. Three copies were made of all these drawings. One 
was sent to the Asiatic Society of Calcutta ; another was de- 
posited in Madras, and the third sent home to the Court of 
Directors, in whose library it still remains. Unfortunately 
no text or description accompanies these drawings ; and they 
have attracted but little attention, probably because of this 
deficiency, and the consequent extreme difiiculty of under- 
standing the form of the monument, or the position of the 

At the same time. Colonel Mackenzie sent several speci- 
mens of the sculptures to the three museums just mentioned, 
and they have remained their principal ornaments to this 
day. But, except an attempt to translate two of the inscrip- 
tions, which appeared in Prinsep’s Journal in 1837,^ very 
little notice seems to have been taken of them. 

Fortunately, however, when Mr., now Sir Walter Elliot, 
was Commissioner in Guntur, in 1840, he determined to fol- 
low up what Colonel iNIackenzie had so well begun. He 
excavated a portion of the monument which had not before 
been touched, and sent down to Madras a large collection of 
the sculjDtures, where they lay exposed to the sun and rain for 
fourteen years,^ till they were ultimately sent home to this 
countrj^ about the year 1856. Unfortunately they arrived 
here in the troublous times of the Indian Mutiny, and just in 
the interval between the death of the old East India Company 
and the establishment of the new Indian Council. There 
was no proper place for their reception, and the greater 
part of them were consequently stowed away in the coach- 

* Journal Asiatic Society Bengal, toI. vi. p. 218. 

2 Selections from the Madras Records, 2nd series, vol. xsxix. p. 195. 



house of Fife house, where they remained buried in rubbish, 
till, accidentally, I heard of their existence in Januar 3 >- last. 
By the zealous co-operation of Dr. Forbes Watson and the 
ofl&cers of his establishment, they were all brought out into 
the open air and photographed to a scale of one-twelfth 
the real size, and this was done so exactly that the photo- 
graphs can be fitted together almost as well as the real stones 
could be. With these materials I set to work to restore 
the building ; but though I had considerable knowledge 
of similar buildings, both older and more modern, I should 
not have succeeded had it not been that among the sculptures 
themselves there are numerous miniature representations of 
the building itself and of the different parts, quite sutficiently 
correctly drawn to be recognized. With all these aids I 
believe I can now assign the true place and use to at least 
nine-tenths of the 160 fragments the India Museum pos- 
sesses, and feel very little doubt of eventually being able to 
recognize the position of all ; but the process is slow and diffi- 
cult, and requires more time and study than perhaps the value 
of the additional information now to be obtained would justify. 

The Dipal dinna, or Doop Mogasala^ of Mokunti Maharaja, 
as it is more popularly called, consists principally of two con- 
centric circular enclosures (Fig. 1). The outermost of these, 
measuring 195 feet in diameter, consisted of upwards of 100 
pillars of octagonal shape, each of one stone, and about nine feet 
to nine feet six inches in height above ground and three feet in 
breadth. Over these was a lintel or cornice varying from two 
feet eight inches to three feet in depth; and below the columns 
— externally at least — a sculptured basement two feet high, 
making the total height over fourteen feet.^ It is impossible 

^ Mogasala, in the Telinga language, signifies a court for public affairs, and 
the distribution of justice. “ Doop,” is Hindostani for sun, or rather sunshine ; 
translated into architectural language this would be “ Hypethral Basilica.” This 
would perhaps he the best term that could be applied to it ; but it involves a 
theory it is as well to avoid at present. See Asiatic Journal, vol. xv. p. 469. 

* As a means of comparison it may be mentioned that the dimensions of the 
outer circle at Amravati are exactly double those of the outer circle at Stonehenge. 
The Indian example being 195 feet, the English 97|. The height of the outer 
rails are nearly the same — the Indian, 14ft. 6in., the English rail is about one foot 
higher, and of a more megalithic character, but of course infinitely ruder. 



ElevatioQ of the outer face of the rail from a bas-relief at Amravati. 

were occasionally sculptured scenes of devotional objects 
above, and “ Gana” or dwarfs below. Eacb of the rails be- 

to be very precise, as the stones vary considerably in dimen- 
sion in different parts of the building. Between each pillar 
were three intermediate rails, about three feet in height and 
width, and placed about two inches apart, as shown in the 
woodcut (Fig. 2) from a representation of it on the monu- 
ment itself. Externally each pillar was ornamented with 

Plan of the Tope at Amrayati as it now exists. 

Seale, 100 feet to 1 ineh. 

one circular lotus rosette in the centre, and a half circle 
at top and bottom. Between these lotus discs there 

Fig. 2. 

Fig. 1. 



tween the pillars was adorned 
with a full circular rosette. 
The upper rail had on it a 
sculptured frieze representing 
men bearing a great roll made 
up apparently of cloth or 
paper. ^ The animal frieze of 
the basement is as remarkable 
as anything connected with 
the monument, — the bulls, 
elephants, and winged lions 
being represented with a de- 
gree of vigour and of truth 
seldom or ever seen elsewhere 
in similar situations in India. 

Internally this screen or rail 
was much more elaborately 
ornamented than on the out- 
side. All the central medal- 
lions — more than two hun- 
dred in number — were orna- 
mented with sculpture, each 
compartment containing from 
twenty to thirty figm’es repre- 
senting some scene from the 
life of Buddha ; some act of 
devotional ceremony, or some 
event in local history. The 
octagonal parts above and be- 
low the centre were likewise 
ornamented with sculpture, 
each compartment containing 
from twelve to fifteen figures. 
The annexed elevation of one 
of the pillars, apparently from 
one of the gateways, presents 

Figr. 3. 

Elefaiiou of a fragment of one of the pillars of 
outer rail. Scale, 1 inch to 1 foot. 

1 A similar ornament occurs in the Jamalgiri sculptures, J. A. S. B., vol xxi. 
p. 606, and I believe such are still exhibited in Burmah on the occasion of great 



a combination of the modes in which the outer and inner 
surfaces were ornamented. It has, or had, the three lotus 
discs of the exterior, but this piUar being narrower, they 
are smaller, and the sculptured decoration between richer 
than those in similar portions on the inner face. It is a fair 
specimen of the quasi-classical character of the decoration of 
the whole monument. The frieze above was one continued 
succession of scenes similar to those depicted on the pillars, 
and contained twenty to forty figures to each intercolumnia- 
tion, — but here intermixed with elephants, horses, and palan- 
quins, besides representations of buildings and other objects 
of art. Altogether there probably were not less than 100 or 
120 figures to each intercolumniation, or upwards of 10,000 
to 12,000 figures altogether, exclusive of the gateways, which 
were also as richly adorned, and equal in extent to one-fourth 
of the whole external rail.^ 

The inner rail at Amravati was only about half the internal 
height of the outer, and 165 feet in diameter ; the space be- 
tween the two being paved with slabs of slate thirteen feet in 
length. It was solid throughout, and, if possible, more richly 
ornamented than the outer rail. Its principal ornaments were 
some forty-eight or fifty representations of Dagobas covered 
with sculptures and all the ornaments which these monuments 
possessed in the palmy days of Buddhism. These are par- 
ticularly interesting, as they are the only pictures now known 
to exist that enable us to realize what the appearance of these 
monuments really was as they were originally erected. One 
of these is reproduced in the woodcut on the following page 
(Fig 5) ; and if my calculations are correct, twelve such re- 
presentations adorned each quadrant of the rail, making forty- 

1 The original form of the rail will be 
easily understood from the annexed eleva- 
tion and section of that at Sanchi (Fig. 4). 
As will be seen, it consists of plain pillars 
with a plain architrave above. Between 
each pillar are three rails similar in section 
to those at Amravati, hut wholly devoid of 
ornament. This rail is probably anterior 
to the Christian era. Most of the steps by 
which this unadorned form passed into the 
extreme elaboration of Amravati can be 
Elevation and Section of Rail at Sanchi. easily traced in India. 

Fig. 4. 




eight altogether. In this instance the principal figure in front 
is Buddha seated on the great Naga snake, with a double snake 
hood over his head, and the bassi-rehevi are scenes from the 
life of Buddha. On two other Dagobas Buddha is represented 

Fig. 5. 

Elevation of a Dagoba from inner rail, one-twelftb the real size. 

as preaching : he has a glory round his head only, without the 
snake hood, hut the people who are listening to him are Nagas. 
In two more instances, at least, the principal object is the 
Chakra, or wheel of the law. On others it is the feet of 
Buddha encircled by the folds of the great snake, or a relic- 



casket on a throne worshipped by people adorned with the 
snake hood of seven heads. In one instance, a scene, in which 
a horse is the principal object, over another circular bas-relief, 
in which Buddha is represented seated. This is repeated four 
times ; and the sculptures on these four Dagobas are so similar, 
that, but for the different state of preservation in which they 
exist, it would be difficult to distinguish the one' from the 
other. These and other indications incline me to believe that 
each subject was repeated four times. In other words, that 
there were only twelve different designs or types of the build- 
ing on the inner rail, one set for each quadrant. 

On each side of the principal subject, the wall of these 
Dagobas was ornamented with emblematic devices to the 
height of the rail. From other fragments we learn that these 
were the Sacred Tree ; the Chakra, or wheel emblem ; the 
Dagoba, with the snake in front ; and other similar objects, 
more particularly to be described further on. Above this were 
two ranges of sculptured bas-reliefs, and over these on the 
dome were richly sculptured wreaths and architectural details 
interspersed with medaUions containing scenes from the life 
of Buddha. Combined with the bas-reliefs on the outer rail 
they make up a wonderful pictorial Bible of Buddhism as it 
was understood at the time of the erection of the monument. 

One of the peculiarities these Dagobas present, which is 
new to us, is the existence of five steles on each face, twenty 
in aU, which are found on all these Dagobas. Whether they 
symbolize the five Dhyani, or the five earthly Buddhas, or the 
five virtues, or five moral powers, or what, can only be deter- 
mined by future investigations. Whatever they represent, 
they are not only curious but very ornamental. All theDagobas 
are, of course, surmounted by a Tee and umbrella, and gene- 
rally ornamented with flags. Ten of these Dagoba slabs, each 
about four feet in height, are in the Indian Museum, and about 
as many more are represented in the Mackenzie collection. 

Between the Dagobas of the inner rail were slabs containing 
various sacred de\fices, such as the wheel emblem — repre- 
sentations of tree and serpent worship, steles with devotional 
emblems upon them, and some large figures of women were 



interspersed here and there. The whole of this inner rail was 
surmounted by a sculptured frieze about one foot six inches 
in height, but not less than five hundred feet in length, 
which is one of the most marvellous repertories of Buddhist 
legendary history to be found anywhere. The top of the 
slabs of all the stones forming this frieze is pierced with a 
number of small circular holes, evidently intended for the 
insertion of pins to support some crowning ornament of metal. 
What this was must be left to conjecture. Most probably it was 
a brazen serpent, or some emblem peculiar to Naga worship. 
Such, at least, is the conclusion we arrive at from an examina- 
tion of the temple at Ongcor in Cambodia, where similar 
holes exist along the ridge of every roof, apparently to sup- 
port a great brazen serpent. If it was not a serpent, the 
most probable conjecture is that it was the “trisul” orna- 
ment, to be described further on, that these holes were 
designed to support. From the general character of the 
ornamentation of the Dagobas, this last would seem the 
most probable finish if it were of an architectural character. 
It is possible, however, that the crowning member may have 
been formed of wood, supported on metal pins. If this 
were the case its disappearance is only too easily accounted 

Besides all this, each of the four gateways of the external 
enclosure was adorned with two or four figures of lions seated, 
and each more than three feet in height, exclusive of the 
pedestal, and beyond these were two detached monolithic 
pillars. As all these have fallen, however, we do not know 
what they originally carried. 

When we consider that the outer rail was, with its gate- 
way, at least 700 feet in extent and the inner rail 500 feet, 
and the whole ornamented to the extent just described, 
it will probably be admitted that it is one of the most 
remarkable monuments of human industry as applied to 
sculptural decorations that is anywhere to be foimd. The 
only two monuments now known to exist in India which 
rival it in this respect are the temples of Halabeed and 
Ongcor. They are as elaborate, but their sculptures are 



neither of so high a class, nor so interesting as those at 

Sufficient fragments exist, and have been drawn or brought 
home, to enable us to speak with certainty with regard to the 
two outer enclosures ; but when we come to ask how the central 
area was occupied, we at once are met with difficulties and un- 
certainties. These arise from the fact that the Chintapilly 
Raja first plundered the Tope of all the loose stones and 
bricks 2 that were available for his building purposes.^ He then 
dug down in the centre in search of treasure, and only found 
a small relic casket, now in the Madras Museum ; ^ but 
having made a large excavation in this pursuit, he deter- 
mined to utilize it by forming it into a tank for water. These 
spoliations and alterations have so completely changed the 
appearance of the place that no local indications remain to 
assist in determining its original state. The destruction had 
been effected before Colonel Mackenzie visited the spot at the 
end of the last century, and he does not seem at the time to 
have been aware of the importance of the enquiry. He had 
at that time no knowledge of the usual form of such buildings, 
and when he revisited the spot twenty years afterwards the 
required information was probably not available.® 

There would, however, be no great d priori improbability 
in the assumption that it was left entirely void. The Dagoba 

1 For particulars of these temples, see “ History of Architecture,” vol. ii. pp. 
612, et seq, and 713 seq. We must not, however, assume that even more mag- 
nificent temples may not yet be discovered. Not one of these three temples were 
known or had been heard of in Europe ten years ago. 

2 The bricks measure 20 inches by 10, and 4 inches thick. 

3 “ The whole of the inner circle has been dug up, and the stones removed for 
building purposes. They have been chiefly applied to the repair of Pagodas, 
and a great many were put to form a flight of steps to the square tank of Shiva- 
gunga.” — Col. Mackenzie in Asiatic Journal, p. 469. 

* The following extract from a letter of 12th June last, from Sir Walter 
EUiot, contains all the information available on this subject : — “ They found in 
the centre of the mound a stone casket, with a lid, on opetiing which a crystal 
box was found, containing a small pearl, some gold leaf, and other things of no 
value. The Raja sent the relies to his tosha khanah, and there they remained. 
At a later period I succeeded in securing them for Government, and they are now 
in the Museum at Madras.” 

* “ In the present state of the mound it is impossible to form any conjecture 
whether there was any or what sort of building standing in the centre, or for 
what purpose it was intended.” — Asiatic Journal, vol. xv. p. 469. 



is avowedly a copy of a sepulcliral tumulus, and a similar 
analogy would suggest that the Amravati circles might be in 
like manner copies of the sepulchral circles of which such 
numbers exist in the neighbourhood. In Colonel Mackenzie’s 
maps they are represented as extremely numerous, both to 
the eastward and westward of the city. One, thirty-two feet 
in diameter, is shewn in the annexed woodcut (Fig. 6). 
Others are smaller (twenty-four feet), but all seem alike in 
plan and appearance. 

Fig. 6. 

Sepulchral stone circle at Amravati. 

Unfortunately there is no history to help us much in our 
researches. Hiouen Thsang, however, in describing the build- 
ings^ of Dhanakacheka, which seems undoubtedly to have been 
our Durnakota or Dharanikotta, mentions two convents which 
he calls Sangharamas, or places of assembly, but makes no 
allusion to relics or Topes or Sthupas, though so particular in 
recording their existence wherever else he found them. From 
this indication I was long inclined to believe that the centre 

' Histoire de Hiouen Thsang, translated into French hy Stanislas Julien. 
Paris, 1853. Page 188, 



might have been occupied by a Chaitya hall — like the Carlee 
Cave — but being constructed of wood, as was the custom at 
that time, that it had perished. On looking carefully, how- 
ever, through the fragments, I recognized certain stones which 
were found in the central area, which were so different both 
in size and in style of execution from those belonging to the 
rails, that they could not possibly have formed any part of the 
outer enclosures. These, when pieced together, made up a 
Dagoba about eight or ten times as large as those represented 
on the inner rail, and I am now convinced that such a Dagoba 
— say forty or fifty feet in height, and thirty to forty feet in 
diameter — did really at one time occupy the centre of the 

One curious circumstance connected with the central budd- 
ing is that the sculptures belonging to it are inferior both 
in design and execution to those of the enclosures, so much so 
as to appear to place some centuries at least between them ; 
hut there are some few fragments so good — if they belonged 
to the central Tope — as to prevent this assertion being made too 
positively. Either it may be that the whole central Tope is 
considerably more modern than the enclosure, or that it has 
been repaired or rebuilt at some subsequent period ; or it 
may possibly he that in ascending the stream of time we have, 
in the Amravati rails, reached the point when art culminated 
in India, and before which it was ruder and less perfect. 
Hitherto we have been accustomed to consider that in India 
one building was older than another in the ratio in which its 
scidpture or its art excelled the example with which it was 
compared ; hut it may be that in this instance the rule ceases 
to hold good, and that before the time when they were erected 
ruder and less perfect forms prevailed. If this be so, the 
central building may be as old as the Christian era, or older. 
The rails may have been added subsequently. 

A carefid examination of the remains on the spot can alone 
determine these questions now. Ho record of either Colonel 
Mackenzie’s or Sir W. Elliot’s excavation having been pre- 
served, it is extremely difiicult to recognise the position of the 
fragments ; and, fortunately for our present purpose, it is not 



very important. The circular enclosures must always have 
been the most important parts of the monument. Their 
arrangement is easily understood, and a sufficient number of 
fragments exist to enable us to restore them with certainty. 


The Amravati Tope is so important a monument, whether 
we regard it with reference to its architectural forms, or the 
light it throws on the religious faith of India at the time of 
the erection, that it is extremely desirable its history should 
be ascertained and its date fixed if it is possible to do so 
My impression is that this can be done with very fair ap- 
proximate certainty. 

There seems no difficulty with regard to a final date before 
which it must have been erected. When Hiouen Thsang 
visited Dhanakacheka in 645, he describes the principal 
monument in the following terms, which I quote at length 
because of the many interesting points the description con- 
tains : “ Un ancien roi de ce royaume Tavait construit en 
I’honneur du Bouddha et y avait deploye toute la magnifi- 
cence des palais de Tahia — (de la Bactriane). Les hois 
touffus dont il etait entoure et une multitude des fontaines 
jaillissantes en faisaient un sejour enchanteur. Ce convent 
etait protege par les esprits du ciel, et les sages et les saints 
aimaient a s’y promener et a y habiter. Pendant I’espace des 
mille ans qui ont suivi le Nirvana du Bouddha on voyait 
constamment un millier de laiques et de religieux qui venaient 
ensemble y passer le temps de la retraite pendant la saison 
des pluies. — Mille ans apres (le “Nirvana”) les hommes du 
siecle et les sages vinrent y demeurer ensemble. Mais depuis 
une centaine d’annees les esprits des montagnes ont change de 
sentiments et font eclater sans cesse leur violence et leur 
colere. Les voyageurs justement efirayes n’osent plus aller 
dans ce convent. C’est pour cela qu’ aujourd’hui, il est com- 
pffitement desert et Ton n’y voit plus ni religieux ni novices.^” 

' Histoire de Hiouen Thsang, p. 188. No reliance can be placed on the date 
of 1000 years twice repeated in this passage. The author is evidently speaking 
in round numbers, and we do not know when he placed the Nirvana. According 
to the Ceylonese epochs it would bring it to 457 a.d. 

VOL. III.— [new sebif.s.] 




From this it seems evident that about the middle of the 
sixth century Buddhism had suffered such a blow as to 
prevent any such work being undertaken. Even if it is 
contended that Dhanakacheka may not be Dharanikotta, the 
facts remain the same. From what our author says of 
Kalinga on the one hand and Djourya^ on the other, it is 
evident that, in the century before his visit, war, pestilence, 
and famine had swept over the three Kalingas, and nearly 
obliterated the original population. We know, too, that in 
Orissa the Kesari family, worshippers of Siva, had raised 
themselves before that time (a.d. 473) on the ruins of the 
Buddhist dynasty ; ® and we also know that in the year 605 
the Chalukyas conquered Venga,^ the country in which Dhara- 
nikotta was situated, and they were neither Buddhists nor 
snake worshippers. We may therefore fairly assume that it 
was some time before the middle of the sixth century at all 
events that the Tope was erected. 

At the other end of our history we find that Col. Mackenzie 
collected a considerable number of coins about Durnacota. 
Some of these were Homan, others of the Bactrian Kad- 
phises typo,'^ showing that the place was probably of some 
importance about the Christian era ; but as none of these 
were found in the Tope itself they have no direct bearing on 
our investigation. Those coins which were found in the Tope 
were all of lead, but none of them having been drawn or 
published they at present afford us no assistance in our 

Colonel Mackenzie also collected a number of traditions re- 
ferring to a Mokunti Maharaja who, among the Hindus on the 
spot, is the reputed builder of the Tope.® On examination, 
however, these are found to refer either to Rudra Deva of 
Warangal (a.d. 1132), or more probably to Pratapa Rudra of 

' Histoire de Hiouen Thsang, p. 185 and 189, and Memoires, vol. ii. p. 116. 

2 Stirling’s Account of Cuttack, Asiatic Researches, vol. sv. p. 264. 

3 Journal R. A. S., N. S., vol. i. p. 254. 

‘ Asiatic Researches, vol. xvii. p. 561 and 582, pi. ii. fig. 29, c. 41. 

® Asiatic Journal, vol xv. p. 471. 

s Asiatic Journal, vol. xv. p. 470, et seq. Wilson’s Catalogue of Mackenzie’s 
MSS., vol. i. p. cxxiv., and Taylor in Madras Selections, Second Series, No. 
xxxix, p. 229, et seq. 



Orissa (a.d. 1503), and have, consequently, no bearing on the 
date of the monument. Like most Puranic traditions they are 
foolish and fabulous in the extreme, and refer to a persecution, 
when the last feeble remnants of the Bauddhas, here called 
Jainas, were finally expelled from India. It is curious to find 
Buddhists in India as late as the beginning of the sixteenth 
century, but that has no reference to our present enquiry. 

Turning to the monument itself, we find upon it a great 
number of inscriptions, and my friend General Cunningham 
has kindly undertaken to investigate this branch of the sub- 
ject, and will no doubt give the result of his labours to the 
society. Unfortunately, however, no date has yet been found 
among them, nor any name which can be identified with any 
known historical personage whose epoch is known. They 
merely record that the pillar, or bas-relief, or object in which 
they are found, is the gift of some piously- disposed person whose 
name is given ; but these names are, unluckily for oiu’ purpose, 
all imknown to fame. At present, therefore, it is only from 
the form of the characters that the inscriptions aid in ascer- 
taining the date of the monument. Generally this may be 
described as the Gupta alphabet, as used either before or 
after a.d. 319. Ho trace of the Lat character occurs, though 
that was used at Sanchi on the northern limits of the province 
certainly after the Christian era.^ The inscriptions in which 
the form of the letters most closely resembles that found at 
Amravati are those of the Kenheri and Hasick Caves. If 
Dr. Stevenson^ is right in ascribing these to the first half of 
the fourth century, and I see no reason to doubt his correct- 
ness in this respect, this evidence, “ valeat quantum,” would 
assign to the Amravati Tope the same epoch. 

At a more modern age it might be possible, by a compari- 
son with buildings of known date, to approximate very nearly 
to the time when the monument must have been erected. Li 
the early ages however, to which it certainly belongs, the 
examples are few and far between, and those that do exist 
have not been examined with the care necessary for the pur- 
pose of comparison. There is, however, so much of Greek or 
1 Cunningham, Bhilsa Topes, p. 264. 2 j.B.B. R.A.S., vol. v. p. 39, ei seq. 



rather Bactrian art in the architectural details of the Amr a- 
vati Tope that the first inference is that it must be nearer to 
the Christian era than the form of the inscriptions would lead 
us to suppose. On the other hand we do not know how long 
the classical influence prevailed, and how much it may have 
been nourished by intercommunication with the West. Down 
to the time of Constantine, Rome seems to have maintained its 
intercourse mth India, and we must pause before we draw a 
line as to the time when classical feeling may have ceased to 
exert an influence on Indian art. Certainly, in this instance, 
the expression of Hiouen Thsang, that this Tope was orna- 
mented with all the art of the palaces of Bactria, is borne out 
to the fullest extent ; but there seems no reason to suppose 
that this classical influence may not have endured till the 
break down of the Roman Empire in the fourth and fifth 
centuries, though it could hardly have lasted beyond that 

The one point which it seems necessary to insist upon at 
this stage of the inquiry is the strong Bactrian influence which 
is manifested in all the details of the monument. As will be 
afterwards explained, the sculptures, with scarcely an excep- 
tion, refer to a Naga people and to a Naga worship; and as 
Taxila and Cashmeer were the head quarters of that faith, 
at this age,^ that circumstance alone would almost suffice to 
point out the north-west as the source from which we must 
expect information regarding its origin. But, again, how 
long did the Bactro-Parthian kingdom exist ? and how long 
did it continue to influence the politics and arts of India 
proper ? These are questions to which no very definite answer 
can be given in the present state of our knowledge ; my 
own impression is that the influence continued to a much later 
date than has hitherto generally been supposed ; but there is 
nothing in all this sufficiently definite to enable us to found 
on it any argument as to the date of the Amravati Tope. 

Although, therefore, neither these classical influences nor 

' To prevent repetition, I must refer the reader to my “ History of Architec- 
ture,” vol. ii. hook vi. for the traditions of Naga worship and Naga art in Northern 
India and Cambodia. Unfortunately I knew nothing of Amravati when it was 
written, or I could have made that chapter much more complete than it is. 



the Mackenzie traditions seem to throw much light on our 
subject, the information collected by Mr. Stirling, and pub- 
lished in his invaluable history of Cuttack, does seem to bear 
on its origin. 

The following extracts from his memoirs^ are those which 
seem most to the point : — “ In the reign of Bajra Nath Deo 
the Yavanas are said to invade the country in great numbers 
from Babul Des — explained to mean Iran and Cabul — but 
are finally driven back.” “ In the reign of Huns or Hangsha 
Deo (query, Huska) the Yavanas again invade in great force 
from Cashmeer, and many bloody battles ensue.” In the reign 
of Bhoja, the Yavanas from Sindhu Des invade the country 
in great force, but are driven back. Then follows Yikrama- 
ditya. If, therefore, the dates are to be depended upon, these 
invasions took place before the Christian era. Other Yavana 
invasions occur in the next four reigns ; but the most im- 
portant of all occurred in the reign of Subhan Deo, who 
ascended the throne 318 (one year before the Ballabhi era). 
In the ninth year of his reign a Yavana, Rakta Bahu invades 
the country by sea, and conquers it. The king escapes with 
the image of Juggernath, which he buries under a ber tree, 
and flies farther into the jungle, where he dies. His son 
succeeds to the title, but is murdered by the invaders. “ A 
Yavana dynasty then ruled over Orissa for a space of 146 
years, or down to a.d. 473.” 

This account, being derived from Brahmanical sources, 
would hardly help us much ; but, fortunately, we have two 
Buddhist accounts of the same transaction, which are much 
more complete and detailed, and which do, I fancy, throw 
great light on our researches. The first is contained in the 
Dalada AYanso, partially translated by the Hon. O. Tumour, 
and published in the J.A.S.B. vol. vi. p. 856, et seq. ; the other 
is abstracted by Col. Low from the Siamese Phra Pat’hom, and 
published in the same journal, vol. xvii. part ii. p. 82, et seq. 
Unfortimately, neither work has been completely translated, 
and the extracts having been made with reference to other 
objects, do not give us all the information we want. The 

' Asiatic Researches, vol. xv. p. 254, et seq. J.A.S.B. vol. vi. p. 756, et seq. 



following abridgment of tbe story will however suffice for 
present purposes : — 

The left canine tooth of Buddha had been preserved in 
Dantapura, the capital of Kalinga, probably at or near TJdaya- 
giri, for 800 years, when Guhasiwo, the king, early in the 
fourth century, was converted to Buddhism from the Brahman- 
ical faith, which he had professed up to that time. With the 
zeal of a convert he dismissed and persecuted the Brahmans, 
who had hitherto enjoyed his favour. They repaired to Patali- 
putta (Patna) to complain of this to the paramount sovereign, 
here called Pandu, but who, as it appears from the context, 
most probably was the Gautama Putra of the Satkarni dynasty. 
He orders Guhasiwo to repair to his court, bringing the 
relic with him. It is then subjected to every sort of trial. 
It is smashed on an anvil, thrown into the gutter, and every 
thing conceivable done to destroy or dishonour it. It comes 
triumphantly out of all its trials. The king is converted, and 
finally devotes himself to a religious life. 

While all this is going on, a northern King — it is not quite 
clear whence he came — named Khiradharo, attacks the capital, 
in order to possess himself of the wonder-working relic. He 
was defeated and killed in battle, and Guhasiwo returned, it 
is said, with the sacred tooth to his capital. Some time after- 
wards the nephews of Khiradharo, allying themselves with 
other kings, march against Guhasiwo. He, though seeing 
that resistance is hopeless, prepares for defence ; but, before 
going to the combat, he enjoins on his daughter Hemachala, 
who was married to a prince of Oujein, called Danta Kumara, 
that in the event of his falling, they shoidd take the relic, 
and escaping by sea, convey it to Mah^ena, king of Ceylon, 
who had been for some time negotiating for its purchase.^ 

* Some years ago Dr. Bird opened a small tope in front of the Kanheri Cares in 
Salsette. In it he found a copper plate recording that a canine tooth of Buddha 
had been deposited there. The plate is dated in the year 245. From the 
expression “ Samvat” being used, Dr. Stevenson (J. B. B. R. A. S., vol. v. p. 
13,) assumes that it must be from the era of Vikramaditya. I believe, however, 
it is correct to assert that no Buddhist inscription is dated from the era of the 
hated opponent of their religion. If on the other hand we assume the era of 
SaHvahana it brings the date to almost the exact time — a.d. 324 — of these events 
on the east coast ; and though it is not directly stated in the inscription, it seems 
that the tooth was deposited there by Gotami-putra, the very king who played 



The prince and princess fly from the city before its fall, 
bury the relic in the sand, in the same manner as the image of 
Juggemath is said to have been concealed in the Brahmanical 
account, and, afterwards returning, the princess conceals it in 
her hair, and escaping to the coast, they take ship apparently 
at Tamralipi or Tamlook, and sail for Ceylon. Half-way 
between the place of embarcation and Ceylon they are ship- 
wrecked, at a place called the Diamond Sands.^ From the 
context I do not think there can be much hesitation in fixing 
this locality on the banks of the Kistnah. First, from its 
position half-way;^ next because here only, so far as I know, 
are those diamond® mines near the coast ; but more because 
it was the residence of the Naga Raja. 

The Naga Raja steals the relic from the princess, when she 
is asleep. He is forced by the power of a Thero, from the 
Himalaya, to restore it, and the wanderers again embark, 
and after various adventures, reach Ceylon in the year 312.^ 

so important a part in the narrative just recorded, and vvliat is more, it seems 
extremely probable that the Kanheri tooth was, or was supposed to be, the 
identical one which performed so many miracles in Pataliputta. 

This might seem paradoxical had not the same thing happened to the same 
relic in similar circumstances, more than twelve centuries afterwards. When the 
Portuguese conquered Ceylon, Constantine de Braganza seized the Dalada and 
conveyed it to Goa. The king of Pegu sent an embassy after it, and offered 
any amount of ransom for it. But the bigotry of the priesthood was proof 
against any such temptation. The tooth was consumed by fire in presence of the 
Archbishop and all the notables, and the ashes cast into the sea. The result was 
peculiar. The Ceylonese pretended that the one so destroyed was a counterfeit. A 
true one was discovered and sold to the king of Pegu, and as soon as he was gone 
and had paid for it, another true one was found concealed in Ceylon, and is probably 
the crocodile’s tooth that is now so honoured in that country. To complete the 
parallelism, both the Burmese and the Concani teeth have disappeared, and only 
their empty chaityas remain. The Ceylonese tooth still remains with the 
oldest pedigree of any such relic that the world possesses. 

The particulars of this second great attempt to destroy the Dalada will be 
found well stated in Sir E. Tennent’s Ceylon, vol. ii. p. 199. Translations of the 
original authorities are there given also. 

1 Dinne means sand bank in Telugu. This may be the origin of the name 
Dipal dinne, which certainly does not mean “ HOI of Lights.” Can Dipal, by 
any synon5'sm, be assumed to mean diamond ? 

2 The Siamese, as Colonel Low points out, wishing to make their own country 
the scene of these events, have lengthened the periods of the voyage preposterously. 
They make it three months from Cuttack to the Diamond Sands, and three more 
from thence to Ceylon. J.A.S.B., vol. xvii., pages 86 and 87. 

3 One of the objects of Col. Mackenzie’s surveys was to mark the Diamond 
mines in the locahty. He plots the diamond district as extending to about eight 
miles north of Amravati, but it seems there are no mines elsewhere. 

* It does not seem quite clear how far the Ceylonese dates are to be relied upon 
as quite correct about this time. Avowedly there is an error to the extent of at 
least 60 years in the date their annals assign to Asoka. This has subsequently 



Matasena had been dead nine years, but the fugitives are 
received with open arras by Meghavarna,^ the reigning 
sovereign ; a brick and mortar Chaitya is made, and the relic 
brought by the prince and princess enshrined with great 
solemnity (Col. Low, p. 86). 

The narrative then proceeds : — “ Three years had passed 
away, when the king of Lanka perceived from an ancient 
prophecy, that in seven years from that date, a certain king 
Dhammasoka Raja would erect a temple on the Diamond Sands ; 
and he likewise recollected that there were two Donas of relics 
of Buddha still concealed in the country of Naga Raja. He 
therefore directed a holy person to go and bring these relics.” 
The Naga Raja’s brother swallows the relics, and flies to 
Meru, but they are taken from him and brought back. 
“ Soon after this Naga Raja arrrived, in the form of a hand- 
some youth, and solicited a few relics from his majesty, which 
were bestowed upon him accordingly.” 

His majesty now ordered a golden ship to be made. It was 
one cubit long, and one span broad. The relics were put into 
a golden cup ; this was placed in a vase, and the whole put 
into the golden ship. A wooden ship was next built, having 
a breadth of beam of seven long cubits. 

Danta Kumara and Hemachala being desirous of revisiting 
their country, the king of Lanka sent with them ambassadors 
to one of the flve^ kings who now ruled there, requesting 
him to show them every attention. The vessel reached the 
Diamond Sands in five months, and the prince and princess 
went on shore accompanied by the priests. An account is 
then given of the building of the temple, and the mode in 
which the relics were placed. The vessel now set sail for 
Dantapura, which it reached in little more than three 
months. The ambassadors of the king of Lanka landed with 
the prince and princess. They were treated with much 
distinction, and remained in the country. 

been adjusted, to some extent, by Mr. Turnour, but not, so far as I can judge, in 
such a manner as to inspire entire confidence. My impression is that the dates in 
the fourth century are all from ten to fifteen years too early. 

1 IsnotthistheVaraja of the Western-cave Inscrip., J.B.B. E.A.S., vol. v. p.42.> 

^ Those who, according to the Daladawanso, had combined with the nephews 
of Khiradharo and conquered the country. 



After this follows a third tradition of a king, like the last- 
named, Dhammasoka^ who ruled the country of Arvadi, 
apparently Avanti (Ougein) with strict justice, but is forced 
by a famine to emigrate with his followers, amounting to 
31,000 able-bodied men. The wanderers proceeded southward 
for seven months. After various adventures they reach a 
place where water and fish were abundant. Next day the king 
mounted his horse and reached the Diamond Sands. Here 
he meets the Naga Raja, builds a Chaitya, and founds a city. 

“ Dhammasoka reigned here quietly for seven years, but 
mortified and imhappy because he could not reach the relics. 
His Majesty accordingly offered a high reward to any one 
who should find the relics and disinhume them. But this 
proved of no avail. It so happened that, in the dilemma, a 
Putra of the king of Rom or Roum, named Kakahhasa, who 
happened to be trading to the country of Takkasila, encoun- 
tered a violent storm. He had 500 souls on hoard, who, sup- 
plicating the gods, were rescued from death. The ship, with 
much difficulty, reached close to the Diamond Sands, and 
observing signs of population cast anchor with a view to refit.” 

The Prince of Rom^ assists the Naga Raja to recover the 
hidden treasure, and to build a wonderful nine-storied Chaitya 
over it, many particulars of which are given ; but as they are 
too long to extract, and either are imaginary or do not refer 
to the particular building we are engaged upon, it is hardly 
necessary to quote them here. These quotations might be 
multiplied to almost any extent ; but enough has probably 

* This is evidently a title, though from the similarity of the name Col. Low con- 
founds him with the great Asoka, and places him 321 b.c. 

2 It would he absurd to found any serious theor)' on the mention of the name 
of Rome, if it stood alone and unsupported. The circumstance mentioned in the 
narrative of the strangers being white men, and coming by sea, is a small con- 
firmation that the people here mentioned were really Europeans. My impression, 
however, is that few who are familiar with the arts of Rome in Constantine's time, 
and who will take the trouble to master these Amravati sculptures, can fail to 
perceive many points of afllnity between them. The circular medallions of the 
arch of Constantine — such as belong to his time — and the general tone of the 
art of his age so closely resemble what we find here that the coincidence can 
hardly be accidental. The conviction that the study of these sculptures has forced 
in my mind is that there was much more intercommunication between the east and 
the west during the period from Alexander to Justinian than is generally sup- 
posed, and that the intercourse was especially frequent and influential in the 
middle period, between Augustus and Constantine. 



been adduced to show that, in the beginning of the fourth 
century — about the time when the struggle for the tooth 
relic was convulsing all India — Buddhist tradition points 
most distinctly to the Diamond Sands, on the banks of the 
Kistnah, as the place where a great temple was being built. 
The kingdom of the Naga Eaja certainly was there; and so 
far as can be judged from every indication as to the locality, 
if it was not at or near Amravati, it could not possibly have 
been far from the spot. 

Though all this tends to confirm the idea that the building 
referred to is the Amravati Tope, the inference rises almost to 
certainty when we come to examine the sculptures with 
which it is adorned. In one bas-relief a ship is represented 
with two persons on board, bearing relics, and is being 
welcomed by a Naga king on approaching the shore. In 
another an ark, in the form of a ship, like that described above, 
is being borne in state on men’s shoulders ; and in numerous 
scenes there are conferences between the Naga king and a 
prince or king accompanied by a lady, neither of whom nor 
any of whose suite are Nagas. Of course these scenes may 
represent other similar scenes which have happened to other 
people ; but a careful examination of the whole presents so 
many points of coincidence that I hardly think they can be 
accidental. One point which the sculptures undoubtedly re- 
veal is that Amravati was the capital, or, at least, residence of 
the Naga Raja. In all the sculptures which do not relate to 
the life of Buddha, and in many of these, the Naga king 
appears with his hood of a seven-headed snake, and all his 
women have also single snakes at the back of their heads. 
As will be presently shown, Naga worship almost supersedes 
Buddhism in the religious representations, so much so, indeed, 
that it is sometimes difficiJt to say to which religion the 
temple is dedicated. 

It may be quite true that no single part of this evidence is 
sufiicient to prove the case, but, taking the whole of it toge- 
ther, I think it must be admitted to be sufficient to justify the 
conclusion that the outer rails, at least, are part of the Temple 
at the Diamond Sands, which, according to the Ceylonese com- 



putation, was commenced in the year 322. Judging from its 
elaboration, it may have taken fifty years to complete. If 
this be so the date of the completion may be about the year 
370 or 380 of our era, and it may have remained complete 
for 150 or 200 years after that time, before it was deserted, as 
mentioned by Hiouen Thsang. That it was afterwards re- 
paired and used for Buddhist purposes as late as the twelfth 
or thirteenth centuries seems also clear but the particulars 
of this restoration are less interesting, and further explora- 
tions on the spot are necessary before they can be made in- 


Althoiigh extremely remarkable from an artistic point of 
view, perhaps the most interesting peculiarity of the Amravati 
Tope is the picture the sculptures afford of the religious faith 
and the manners and customs of the inhabitants of Maha 
Andhra® in the beginning of the fourth century. In tliis 
respect they are fuller and more complete than the sculptures 
of the gateways at Sanchi or than the frescoes of the Caves at 
Ajunta, and occupy an intermediate position between the two, 
being, apparently, about three centuries more modern than 
the first, and as many centuries older than the latter. 

The main theme of the sculptures is of course Buddhist, and 
the subjects of most of them are easily recognised by any one 
familiar with the fables of the Lalita Yistara. The subject 
most often represented is Maya’s dream and the white elephant 

1 It is to be regretted that the Daladawanso has not been completely trans- 
lated, for it appears that in the twelfth or thirteenth century, the tooth relic 
was taken hack to India at a time apparently, when (1187) a Kirti Nissanga, a 
prince of Kalinga, was one of the many Indian princes who held sway in Ceylon. It 
is said to have been conveyed to the hanks of the Ganges (Upham’s History of 
Buddhism, p. 32), but as Landresse suggests (Fo^ Koue Ki, p. 345) this more 
prohahly was the Godavery, or, in other words, the Kistnah. From some par- 
ticulars furnished me by Sir Walter Elliot it seems that the part of the monument 
he dug into was a chapel formed of old slabs arranged unsymmetrically by some 
prince about that time, so as to form a chapel for some unexplained purpose. 
It may have been to receive this relic. 

The inscription translated by Prinsep (J. A. S. B. vol. vi. p. 218) shows 
that Buddhism was flourishing at Amravati in — say the twelfth century. Alto- 
gether nothing would surprise me less than to And that the tooth relic sojourned 
here for seventy-six years before its recovery by the Ceylonese, about 1314 of our 
era. The materials exist for settling this question, but they have not yet been 
made available. 

* Histoire de Hioeu Thsang, p. 187. Memoires, vol. ii. pp. 105 and 395. 



descending to her ; her asking permission of her husband 
Suddhodana to visit her father when she felt the term of her 
pregnancy approaching ; the birth of Buddha as she stood 
holding the branches of a tree in the Loumbini garden ; the 
reception of the infant by Indra, etc.^ In some of the sculp- 
tures the prince Siddhartha is represented riding out in state 
and enjoying the pleasures of his rank before he forsook the 
palace to become an ascetic. In others he is represented as 
preaching and teaching : he seldom appears seated or in the 
usual cross-legged position in which he is usually represented 
when an object of adoration. In one or two instances he does 
appear in this attitude at Amravati, but then he is always 
seated on the coils of the great snake Naga, and with the 
snake-hood of seven or fourteen heads as a canopy over him 
(Fig. 5). The most remarkable peculiarity of these sculp- 
tures, indeed, is that the Naga is of equal if not of greater 
importance in them than Buddha himself. In the fragments 
or representations that have reached this country the five- 
headed Naga occurs oftener in the place of honour on the 
Dagoba than Buddha ; this may be accidental, but cer- 
tainly the Naga king, with his seven-headed hood, and N%a 
people, are more important in the sculptures than the other 
kings or people who have not this strange accompaniment. 

Any one familiar with Buddhist literature, especially after 
the time of Nagarjuna, who lived about the Christian era, 
knows how constantly the doings of the Naga king are 
mentioned, and how important a part the Nagas or Naga 
people play in all Buddhist tradition. Hitherto, however, 
nothing could well be more vague than the idea attached to 
these people, or the place of their residence, or who and what 
they were. For the first time we meet them face to face — 
“peints par eux-memes” — in the sculptures at Amravati; and 
when these are properly investigated they will probably throw 
more light on these hitherto mysterious people than anything 

' The most succinct account of these events is found in Asiatic Researches, vol. 
ii. p. 383, et seq. On all these occasions, whenever a cloth is represented, it is 
stamped with the feet of Buddha, sometimes one pair only, at others several. It 
will be recollected that cloths stamped with feet were the cause of a war between 
Cashmeer and Ceylon, about 150 years before this time. — Asiatic Researches, 
vol. XV. p. 27. 



that has yet been brought to light.^ A good deal may also 
be learned no doubt from the Naga temples of Cambodia, but it 
has not yet been ascertained how far their builders were, strictly 
speaking, of Indian race, or to what extent they may have been 
a native population converted to an Indian form of faith. 

After Buddha and the Nagas, the Bagoba itself may per- 
haps be marked as next in importance as an object of worship. 
It is represented in every form and of every conceivable 
variety of elaboration, and generally as an object to be adored 
even when quite plain, so that the worship cannot be said to 
be addressed to the sculptures or ornaments upon it. Gene- 
rally it only is employed as a symbol, like the cross of the 
Christians, to recall the memory of the relic shrine, to which 
the Buddhists in all ages attached such supreme importance. 

Next in importance, perhaps even more so than the last, is 
the Chakra, or wheel. It occurs everywhere and with every 
possible degree of elaboration, but is always honoured and 
generally placed above the other emblems. It occurs also in 
the place of honour on the gateways at Sanchi.^ It probably 
is the “ Wheel of the Law,” enumerated as one of the seven 
precious things necessary for a Chakravartti king, so described 
in detail in the Lalita Yistara.^ As before mentioned it 
occurs occasionally in the place of honour on the front of the 
Bagoba; but, in fact, it appears everywhere and in almost 
every conceivable conjunction, and always as an object of 
worship, or at least of benediction. From the frequency of 
its recurrence and the honour in which it is held, as well as its 
representing the Wheel of the Law, I would suggest that it is 
the symbol of Bharma. 

' At Badamee, about 300 miles due west of Amravati, there exists a series of 
caves of more modern date. They may be the ninth or tenth century, but I have 
not tbe materials necessary to enable me to speak positively on the point. They 
belong to the Brabmanical religion, with a slight admixture of Jainism ; but 
throughout them Naga people with the Naga hood appear everywhere. Three 
hundred miles north of Badamee, in the sculptures at Ajunta (not in the paintings), 
the same thing appears, and my impression is that the Nagas will be found every- 
where when the triangular section of the country, of which these three places 
mark the angles, comes to be examined. 

* Bhilsa Topes, by Gen. Cunningham, p. 351. pi. xxxi. Gen. Cunningham 
considers it an emblem of Buddha. I am sorry to differ from him, but I can find 
no authority for this interpretation. My impression is that the Amravati sculptures 
quite contradict it. 

® Lalita Vistara. Paris, 1847, p. 14, et seq. 



Nearly coequal in importance with, this is the Bo-tree. It 
probably occurs more frequently than the Chakra, but not quite 
so prominently ; hut both here and at Sanchi it is one of the 
principal objects of adoration. We have been so long familiar 
with the Tree worship of the Buddhists that there seems 
nothing surprising in this. It has long been known that each 
of the three preceding Buddhas had a special Bo-tree ; and 
it is generally admitted that the great Tree at Buddh Gya 

Fig. 7. 

Kepresentation of a Dagoba with three 

in Behar was reverenced as 
the Bo-tree of the present 
Buddha before the time of 
Asoka, u.c. 250. The Maha- 
wanso has made us familiar 
with the importance that was 
attached to the transport of a 
cutting of that tree to Ceylon 
in the middle of the third cen- 
tury b.c., and we all know that 
it — or its lineal descendant — 
is still reverenced at Anara- 
dhapura, and has been wor- 
shipped on that spot for the 
last twenty- two centuries, at 
least. Once, at least, the Tree 
occurs in front of the Dagoba 
in the place of honour ; but 
generally speaking, though 
as frequently represented, it 
seems to take a lower rank 
than either the Dagoba or the 

These four combined, in the manner shewn in the annexed 
woodcut (Fig. 7), may be considered as the shorter confession 
of Amravati faith. The Serpent, the Dagoba, the Tree, and 
the Wheel, combined together in different manners and with 
different degrees of importance, make up by far the greatest 
part of the emblematic decoration of the Tope.^ 

5 The foUowing is a curious instance of the irradicabUity of local forms, even 



Next, after these, are either one, or more frequently two, 
objects like cushions, which are very frequently represented 
as placed on a throne, and always as objects of worship, I 
am not aware of any such objects occurring anywhere else in 
any paintings or sculptures in India, and the only reasonable 
conjecture that occurs to me is that they contain relics. Are 
they the two Dona of relics mentioned in the previous nar- 
rative ? 

Below the throne in which these objects are placed are 
impressions of Buddha’s feet. These are very frequently re- 
presented in the sculptures, sometimes with great elaboration, 
and adorned as in the 
annexed woodcut (Fig. 8), 
with the Chakra, the 
Trisul, the Swastika, and 
other emblems familiar to 
Buddhist hierogrammy. 

Once, at least, the feet 
occur in the front of the 
Dagoba, resting on the 
folds of the sacred snake 
which surround them ; 
but more frequently they 
appear on the upper part 
of the Dagoba, and then 
surmounted by the um- 
brella of state. Wherever 
they appear, however, both here and at Sanchi, they seem 
always to have been objects of special adoration and rever- 

AU these will be found combined in the woodcut (Fig. 9), 

long after the religion to which they belonged may have perished. During the 
festival of Navaratri, in honour of Siva as Amreshwar, the immortal lord, on 
the third night a brazen tree is carried round the town in procession ; on the 
fifth night a ten-headed serpent in brass. At the close of the festival the wor- 
shippers go in great pomp to a tree called Shemmu Veerchum, where the god is 
made to exercise in shooting an arrow at the sacred tree, followed by a discharge 
of fire arms in the air, which closes the ceremony. In the festival called Siva 
Maharatri, the procession to the same tree is the culminating point, to which all 
previous arrangements are subordinate, and thus the festival closes.— See Asiatic 
Journal, vol. xv. p, 472 and 473. 



representing one of the slabs of the inner rail, and may be 
called the longer confession of Amravati. At the bottom are 
the feet, above these the relics on the throne. The tree is 
Figr. 9. above these, then the 

Chakra, and above 
all the Dagoba with 
its rail, and the Naga 
with his five heads in 
the place of honour. 

There is still one 
emblem (Fig. 10) that 
very frequently oc- 
curs, both here and 
at Sanchi, and is 
found on coins and 
at the beginning of 
inscriptions, but the 
meaning of which 
still remains to be 
explained.^ At Am- 
ravati it is generally 
used as an architec- 
tural ornament, — 
most frequently as 
the crowning mem- 
ber of the decoration 
of the perpendicular 
part of the Dagoba, 
where it is repeated 
in each sculptured re- 
presentation twenty 
or thirty times. In 

Portion of inner rail •with object of worship. these instances how- 

ever, it is certainly an architectural decoration and not an 
object of worship. It hardly ever occurs in combination 
with the great emblems above enumerated, except on the 

* General Cunningliain, in his work on the Bhilsa Topes, considers it the 
emblem of Dbarmu, p. ^58, pi. xxxii . 



soles of the feet of Buddha, as in Figure 8, and never 
occurs as an object of adoration except in such a combi- 
nation as to make it rig. lo. 

doubtful whether it is 

really the object of wor- 
ship or only an acces- 
sory. In many instances 
it occurs as in Fig. 8, 
as an ornament to the 
periphery of the Chak- 
ra, but when so used is 
evidently A'ery subordi- 
nate. The instances in 
which it seems most pro- 
minent are like that re- 
presented in the accom- 
panA’ing woodcut (Fig. 

11). Here the altar has 
nothing upon it, which is unusual ; and the feet, which 
always accompany the symbol when used in this form, are 

Trisul ornament. 

Fig. II. 

Nagas worsliipping the Trisul, from a drawing in the Mackenzie collection. 

very subordinate. Then the pillar and the flame or tree 
which accompany it may be important. On the whole I 

VOL. III. — [new series.] 11 



should be inclined to fancy it was a monogram or symbol 
of Buddba ; but I dare not afiSrrn this, and prefer being 
content at present in calling it tbe Trisul ornament, feeling 
very little doubt that it is tbe original of Siva’s emblem.* 
Till some ancient Pali work is discovered, in wbicb these 
various symbols are figured and their meaning explained, it 
will be impossible to feel quite certain that we know what 
their meaning really was, and it must be comparatively 
useless to speculate when so little exists to guide the enquirer. 
The emblems, however, are so frequently repeated at Amra- 
vati, and their relative importance so clearly defined there, 
that I cannot help thinking that it will be found that the 
tree with its myriad leaves is there used as the emblem of 
Sangha or the congregation ; that the Chakra or wheel is 
the emblem of Dharma or the law; and that the Trisul is the 
monogram of Buddha, and, when combined with the feet, 
his emblem. 

The meaning of the Dagoba is not doubtful ; it either 
represented a relic shrine, or a Sthfipa, to mark a sacred spot, 
in either of which capacities it always was the principal 
object of Buddhist adoration. It is not clear whether any 
such objects existed in India before Asoka’s time, or b.c. 260; 
but from shortly after this period to the present day the series 
is complete and uninterrupted. 

Another peculiarity of these sculptures which is worth re- 
marking, is the continual presence of a horse, — not as a beast 
of burthen, but as an animal to be reverenced if not wor- 
shipped. Sometimes he is represented as issuing from a 
portal with an umbrella of state borne over his head ; at 
others he occupies the place of honour in front of the Dagoba ; 
and he is introduced as an actor or spectator in many of the 
groups. The first impression is that this may have reference 
to some Aswaraedha, or horse-sacrifice, performed by some 
Chakravarti king, who may have been the builder or a bene- 
factor to the sanctuary ; but, on the whole, it seems more 

1 Is it not tbe original of the symbol of tbe planet Mercury ? 

Buddha, Mercury, and Woden gave their names to the middle day of 
JL the week, and astronomically the same sign might serve for the three. 



probable that it is a remnant of the Scythian faith of this 
people before they migrated into India.^ 

When properly investigated it is probable that the Amravati 
sculptures will prove as interesting from the light they throw 
on the ethnography, and the manners and customs of the 
people of India in the fourth century, as from any other 
circumstance. Originally they were painted,^ and, had the 
colour remained, it would have been easy to distinguish the 
different races, but this having, in all instances, been washed 
off, its having originally been relied upon is rather against 
their identification now. 

As it is, there seems no great difficulty in discriminating, 
at least, three races of people who are represented in these 
sculptures. First, the Nagas ; easily distinguishable by their 
emblems. Next, a race who, from the mode of dressing their 
hair, and the enormous bangles their women wear, closely 
resemble the Jats, or the people we now know as Brinjarees. 
The third may be either Gonds or some cognate Tamil race. 
All this, however, can only be determined by some one who is 
familiar with the distinctive features of the people now in- 
habiting the spot ; but I have little doubt that anyone residing 
there could point out without difficulty which people were 
intended in every instance. 

The costume of the people represented in these sculptures 
hardly helps us much in this enquiry, for, generally, neither 
men nor women wear clothes in the sense in which we under- 
stand the term. A narrow belt round the waist, with a knot in 
front, and a necklace and a pair of anklets, compose the costume 
of the women.^ The men sometimes wear a dhoti, but rarely. 

’ In some papers by the Rev. Mr. Hislop, Missionary at Nagpore, edited by 
Sir R. Temple, he describes the religion of the Gonds in the following ten words : 
“ Religion — ,\11 introduce figures of the horse in their worship.” 

* Asiatic Journal, vol. xv., p. 468. 

® “ On the east of the Chanda district (the Gond district nearest Amravati) 
the men wear no covering for their heads or the upper part of their bodies, The 
women deck themselves with thirty to forty beads, to which some add a necklace 
of pendant bells. Bangles of zinc adorn their wrists, and a chain of the same 
metal is suspended from the hair, and attached to a large boss stuck in the ear. 
But the greatest peculiarity connected with their costume is the practice that 
prevails, in more remote districts, of the women wearing no clothes at all ; instead 



Buddha is always clothed in his long robes, and occasionally 
strangers appear wrapped in dresses that could only be toler- 
able on the north side of the Himalayas. 

Be this as it ma}^, the real interest of the sculptures centres 
in the Nagas. They are the principal people represented, 
and the handsomest, though naturally in the scenes in which 
Sakya Muni appears, either as Siddhartha, or as Buddha, the 
same elegance of form and beauty of feature everywhere 

These Nagas appear also on the sculptures of the gateways 
at San chi, and are distinguished in the same manner — the men 
with a five or seven-hooded snake at the hack of tlieir heads, 
the women with a single-headed snake to each. There, how- 
ever, they are very subordinate, and never apparently mixed 
up with the other governing races as at Amravati ; and, so far 
as can he made out from such representations as exist, only 
one instance of snake worship is found at Sanchi, and that 
not very distinct.^ 

Taking all the circumstances of the case into consideration, 
it appears to me more than probable that these Nagas are the 
same peojde as the so-called Yavanas, who jfiay so important 
a part in the history of Orissa during the fourth and fifth 
centuries ; and, if this he so, it seems equally clear that they 
really did come from Cashmeer, or rather from Taxila,^ which 

of -which they fasten -with a string- passing round their -waists a bunch of leafy 
twigs to cover them before and behind.” Barring the twigs, which seem to be 
a modern innovation, nothing can more correctly describe the costumes of the 
sculptures than the above extract from Mr. Hislop’s paper on the Gonds, edited 
by Sir R. Temple, p. 8. 

* A very beautiful set of drawings of the sculptures of the Sanchi Tope exists 
in the East India Library in Canon Row. They were made in 1854 by Lieut, 
now Lieut -Colonel Maisey. They are most interesting as far as they go, but un- 
fortunately only represent a small portion of the sculptures. A beautiful set of 
photographs of the Sanchi Tope is now in course of publication by Lieutenant 
Waterhouse, R.E. 

2 In the Western Cave inscriptions, the name Yavana Dhanaka cheka fre- 
quently occurs, either as a benefactor or an artist, but whether as one person or 
several is by no means clear. Dr. Stevenson translates the name as the “ Greek 
Xenocrates : ” General Cunningham, with much more appearance of truth, as a 
“Yavana of Dhanaka cheka !” The first reading we may safely reject, but it will 
be very interesting if it should be proved that our Dhanaka cheka was then so 
important as to furnish artists and funds for the Western Caves. That the Yavanas 
came from the North-west can hardly be doubted, and these land-marks seem to 
point to a path of migration which may prove invaluable to future explorers. 



seems to have been the head, quarters of Naga worship in the 
early centuries of the Christian era.^ 

This being so, we naturally turn to the Raja Tarangini^ to 
see what light it may throw on the subject. We find there an 
invasion of Ceylon under the king Mihirakula in the second 
century. Another under Meghavahana of a more authentic 
character, in the fourth century; and a king of Cashmeer, 
called Ranaditya, marrying a daughter of the Chola king, 
and assisting him in various undertakings apparently before 
the end of the fifth century. 

All this is not very distinct or definitive, hut such events 
would hardly have been recorded in such a work unless there 
had been some intimate intercourse either of a warlike or 
peaceful nature between the north and south of India at the 
period within which the erection of the Amravati Tope has 
been fixed in the previous part of this paper. What farther 
light may be thrown on the subject will probably come from 
Siam. The extracts above given from Col. Low’s paper are 
invaluable as hints to its history, and many of the extracts 
published by Dr. Bastian^ can now be understood from the 
light the sculptures of the Amravati Tope throw on the sub- 
ject. It was apparently by the Diamond Sands and across the 
Isthmus of Ligor that the communication was kept up between 
Cashmeer and Cambodia, and gave rise to the erection of the 
wonderful Naga temples of Ongcor Wat with their Indian 
epic sculptures. 

There are so many novelties — so much that is interesting 
and important in the Amravati Tope that it would be easy to 
continue these remarks to almost any extent. It would, 
however, be difidcult to make the matter intelligible without 
more illustrations than are admissible in this journal. In 
the present instance this is of the less consequence as I am 
not without hopes of seeing representations of all the Amra- 
vati marbles in the India Museum published in sufiicient 

1 Strabo, lib. xv., p. 698. Maximi Tyrii Disput. viii., ed. Lib., p. 140. 

2 Asiatic Researches, vol. xv., p. 1, et seq. 

3 “ Die Voelker des Oestlicben Asien,” vol. 1., passim. They are huddled 
together in so confused a manner that it is impossible to refer to particular 
passages. See History of Architecture, vol. ii. p. 713, et seq. 



detail to make them available for scientific research. Mean- 
while I feel convinced that there is nothing known to exist 
in India which is so beautiful in an artistic point of view as 
these sculptures, and nothing which is likely to throw so much 
light on one of the darkest periods of Indian history. If ever 
we are to understand how far the arts of Europe influenced 
those of the East, or what amount of intercommunication of 
ideas took place between the East and West during the early 
ages of Christianity, it will probably be from the study of the 
sculptures of the Araravati Tope that we shall derive the 
clearest impressions on this most interesting subject. 


Since this paper on the Amravati Tope was in type, arrange- 
ments have been completed with the Indian Government for 
the publication of the work alluded to in the last paragraph. 
It is intended to consist of, at least, fifty plates, small folio 
size ; thirty-five of these will contain photographs of nearly 
one hundred examples of the sculptures, printed by the Carbon 
process, and therefore as permanent as engravings. The re- 
mainder will be lithographs from the drawings in the Mac- 
kenzie collection of subjects not represented in the marbles in 
the East India Museum. 

It is intended that the text shall contain an Essay on Tree 
and Serpent Worship and an architectural history of Bud- 
dhist Balls, in addition to the subjects treated of in the 
foregoing paper. 

The whole of the plates are in active course of preparation 
in the department under the superintendence of Dr. Forbes 
Watson, and it is hoped the work may be ready for publica- 
tion in the spring of next year. 

Langham Place, October, 1867. 


Art. VI. — Remark)^ on Professor Brockhaus' Edition of the 

Kathasarit-sdgara, Lambaka IX -XVIII. By Dr. H. 

Kern, Professor of Sanskrit in theDniversity of Leyden. 

All Sanskrit sckolars must feel obliged to Professor Brock- 
haus for bis edition of Somadeva’s Katbasarit-sagara, the last 
part of wbicb, from Lambaka ix.-xviii., was published last year. 
To copy a work containing 21526 slokas, to select the best 
readings from a great number of manuscripts, in short, to 
publish, for the first time, a work in such a manner that the 
whole afibrds an almost undisturbed pleasure to the reader, is 
a heavy task. Indeed, the editor might well say in his pre- 
face : “ I may say in good conscience that the text, as given 
by me, is more complete and correct than it is found in 
any of the MSS. I used. I have corrected faults in ortho- 
graphy, grammar, syntax, and prosody by thousands ; there 
remain, however, many passages which need further correc- 
tion, partly on account of the condition of the MSS., partly 
on account of my deficient knowledge.” I willingly subscribe 
to these words, except the last, in which the editor has scarcely 
done justice to himself. In so extensive a work the sharp- 
ness of the eyes and mind becomes so blunted that it ought 
not to be ascribed to deficiency of knowledge if some faults 
are to be met with. Professor Brockhaus would certainly 
judge less severely of the performance of others than of his 

In perusing the last volume of the edition of the Katha- 
sarit-sagara, I have found some unintelligible passages which 
I saw no means of restoring satisfactorily without the aid of 
MSS. ; but there are also not a few of them which need only 
a slight change, or in which the separation of the words in 
Sandhi by the editor has to be corrected, in order to become 
perfectly clear. Having no MSS. at hand I shall try to dis- 
cuss only passages of the latter kind. 

168 remarks ox professor BROCKIIAUS’ edition of 

Every one who knows MSS. will, I suppose, agree with me 
that no MS. can be an authority as to whether we have to 
read, for instance, or If fhe meaning he, “ I 

shall go,” we have to read eshydmi, even if all known MSS. 
had the contrary ; hut wherever the context requires “I 
shall come,” we know the author to have written aishyami. 
I need not explain why eti, eshydmi, etc., gets confounded with 
aiti, aishydmi, etc., whereas, in verses at least, gacchdmi re- 
mains distinct from dyacehdmi. There are a pretty consider- 
able number of passages where the editor has erroneously put 
eshydmi instead of aishydmi. 

For instance, p. 64, 17^ : 

Tad aham hdlahdv etau nitvd ti'at-pitri-veqmani 

Sthdpaydmi ; fvam dsva 'iha, yiyhram eshydmy aham punah. 

The meaning is obviously, “ I’ll soon come back,” not “ I’ll 
go back.” 

The same eiTor occurs 72, 202 ; 80, 368 ; 91, 100 ; 109, 148 ; 
165,79; 178,88; 283,240; 293,113; 331,34; 457,83; 
504, 31 ; 505, 36 ; 539, 126 ; 564, 25. 

A mistake of the same kind, but in a contrary direction, is 
the reading Gautama, 139, 319, which ought to be Gotama, 
for the Rshi himself is meant, not one of his descendants or 

Again, 249, 328, we find lad-anyalr devatair, read daivatair, 
there being a word devatd but no decatam. 

If these and similar mistakes must be ascribed to the MSS., 
or rather, most probably, to some of them, in other instances 
it is but justice to absolve them wholly ; e.g. 461, 85 : — 

Tena ’advdha-vidhim yiddyd praudhd sd niravartayat ; 
SamhaJpaika-pradhdnd hi divyd ndma khildh kriydh. 

The second half-sloka is perfectly meaningless ; the Nagari 
had : 

which, in Roman characters, is : 

Samkaljxtikaj}mdhdnd hi dkydndm akhildh kriydh. 

' The first number here and in the sequel denotes the page, the second the 


i.e. “ all tlie actions of heavenly beings depend only upon 
their own will.” 

A similar correction has to he applied at 417, 22 : 

Kim, deva, niti-tattva-jfio ^py ajanann iva muhyasi ? 
Sva-parantaram aprekshyam ; atah kasya ’iha vikmma/i ? 

I fear no contradiction if I assert that is lo be 

rendered, in Roman characters, through aprekshya ? matah ; 
the sign of interrogation after muhyasi has to be changed into 
a semicolon, by those at least who see any use in the intro- 
duction of European interpunction into Sanskrit texts. For 
my part I regard this system as an intrusion. The transla- 
tion runs nearly thus ; “ How can you, my Prince, who are 
so well versed in politics, indulge in illusions, as if you were 
ignorant of them, not taking into consideration the difference 
between yourself and the foe ? "Who would think here of 
violence” {i.e. who would approve of it) ? 

Justice is also due to the MSS. 376, 119 : 

Sa (am dlokaydmdsa, Jihvayd ’ asrik-kanim lihan. 

The Nagari text has rightly, or may be oiiff, 

wrongly, but, at all events, the meaning is : jihvayd srkkani 
(or rather srkvani) lihan, “licking the corners of his mouth 
with his tongue.” 

The foregoing examples may show that some errors may bo 
cleared without the aid of MSS. I shall now proceed to point 
out some more of the kind in regular order, and at the same 
time notice some typographical errors likely to puzzle the 

Page 14, 36 : Here and elsewhere, e.g. 153, 39 ; 280, 169, 
etc., the editor writes abruvam. It may be that some MSS. 
have it, but that is no reason why it should be Sanskrit. In 
many copies ^ and ^ are scarcely to be distinguished ; hence 
we find at least a dozen times in print against once in 
the ]MSS. Whether the editors thought of or thought 

nothing at all, does not matter. That form abruvam is as 
preposterous as a form advisham or abruvit. 

22, 189 : For janmabhumih pard-priyd read parapriyd. 
Our home is not our “ most excellent or supreme sweetheart,” 
but “very dear.” 

170 REJIAUKS on professor BROCKHAUS’ edition of 

30, 368 : For putraya ’avarjito read avarjito, 

wh.icli needs no explanation. 

Ibid. 370: ^ or sMyah read striydh ; the genitive case of 
stri being invariably striydh. 

36, 88 : 

Tasming ca rdjfii kulavo rajahsu yuna-vicyutih, 
Sdyakcshv avicdrag ca yosldheshu pagurakshindm. 

Witbout some change there is no means of mending this 
sloka. The original reading must have been, I think : 


Which, to keep as close to the original as possible, may be 
rendered : “ and in his reign a falling down from the string 
(TITirf^'^f^) occurred with the pollen of lotuses,” no falling off 
from virtue occurred in men ; “ discussion about 

shafts and arrows occurred only in the conversations of the 
(peaceable and unhurt) cowherds,” not in the armies preparing 
for battle. That the cajsura divides a compound word into 
two parts, as we see in kiivala [ rajahsu, is a licence of which 
our author avails himself sparingly. 

43, 38 : Surd is undoubtedly a typographical error for 
surdh, and so is tasyd puro, p. 44, 62, for tasydh. 

48, 161 : 

Kim nirarthcna dehena jioitdjii mritena me ? 

In the MSS. this was written : 

or, perhaps, as it ought to be : 

“ What shall I do with this useless body that is dead, 
although I still breathe ?” 

67, 70 : For dgdsitah read dgvdsitah. 

90, 66 : 

Ahravit tdm ca : “ putro me tvayd, 'arthe, gikshyatdm ayam 

Vegyayoshit-kaJd, yena vaidagdhyam prdpnuydd asaud' 

From the interpunction it would seem that the editor takes 
arthe for a verb, but there is no such verb ; there is a very 


common word, viz., arthaye. Moreover, the wit of the pas- 
sage is lost sight of. The original probably had : 

i.e. tvaya drye : this, “ madam,” is quite precious. 

109, 167 : For Sumano mahihhrid read Sumano-maMhhrid, 
or, if you like better, Sumand mahihhrid. 


Utthdya gasydn sa mridun agnan prahritim dptavdn 

There is no word gasydn (masculine gender), although 
all of us know a word that sometimes, according to barbarous 
orthography, is printed^ pi- neuter. In 

short, it should be or, in Foman characters, gaspdn, 

“ grass.” 

115, 105 : For atigarjinam read ahhigarjinam. 

144, 84 : 

Sd tasya gayane nityam jardto ^bhut pardhmuhhi, 
Vyatita-pushpa-hdld ’tra hhramari ’iva taror vane. 

There is neither any sense in the second half-sloka, nor is 
there symmetry in the whole. If the merchant’s daughter 
married to an old husband were vyatitapushpakdld, she would 
have no reason of feeling aversion, of being pardhmukln. 
Happily the rules of symmetry in Sanskrit composition are 
so rigorous that we are able actually to demonstrate what the 
true reading must be. To show the symmetry I will number 
the corresponding parts, viz., in the same manner as the 
hhramari (1) in the wood (2) is pardumuhhi (3) from a tree (4) 
on account of its being out of the flowery season (5), so the 
merchant’s daughter (1) in bed (2) is averse (3) to her hus- 
band (4) on account of his old age (5). Therefore we must 
read, with or against the MSS. : 

159, 153 : For tatsakhyd ’apagamdc read tatsakhydpagamdc, 

1 The orthography is not only the common one of the MSS. (not of the 

editors), but also agrees with the form of the word in the cognate languages. The 
Bactrian has hahya, the Latin ser-o {ses-o). 

172 remarks on professor brockhaus- edition oe 

i.e. if we analyse the compound : tena saha yat salchyam dsif 

160, 176, et seq. : For prah'itam and prakritena read, of 
course, prdkritam and prdkritena. 

Ibid. 186 : 

Vaidyo ^py apdtayat 

(^opha-qaiiki tanum tasya mudhasya ’dkramya mastakam. 

As the physician did not split the fool’s body, but opened 
his jaws, we require : 

174, 106 : For qdsvati read qdqvati ; and 279, 150, for 
gdsvatam read qdqvatam. 

180, 218 : 

Sd tdpmi jita-krodhd rdjapuiram vilimya tarn 
Togeqvari lliranydksham uvdca i-ikritdnand. 

To be vikritdnand is precisely the reverse of being jita- 
krodhd ; read 


The ascetic remained avikritdnand ; i.e. “ with a face that 
bespeaks no emotion.” 

183, 35 : 

Sukhitasydpy aqanena kim ? 

One who feels comfortable (sukhita) may perfectly well 
relish a dinner ; not so one who is satiated ; this is in Sanskrit 
suhita ; read suhitasydpy agancna kim ? 

196, 23 : 

Tato Jaycndrasendkhydm tdm sa dadhyau tathd, yathd 
Asatdm ntci nCiryo ^nyd na nidrdpi jahdra tarn. 

The thoughts of the hero are so engrossed with his new 
love that his other wives are left alone and may take rest. 
Now, “ to sit down unengaged,” is expressed by which 
is the very thing we want ; consequently read 

(;) ^ I 

Ibid. 31 : Not jaydpuslipa but japdpmhpa is the 

flower meant by the poet ; for although there are many 
flowers called jayd, none of them belongs to Kama, whose 
flower joffr excellence is the “ rose,” gjqi or 51'^. 


203, 8 : 

Tam ca kanydm si'a- 2 )dr^va-sthdm niqi dyotita-kcLnandm 

Ikshate sma i. d. 

Since the girl at his side did not show a forest, but her 
amorous disposition, we should read dyotitakdmandm. 

213, 138 : 

Miidho ^patad hahsa-yuthe, pagyans tdm eva unmandh. 

This eva is quite meaningless, and the absence of the Sandhi 
a solecism. Read evam, having the sense of evahgatdm, “in 
such a position.” 

216, 17; 

So ^py iipekshita-sampatti-hrishto ^rcita- Vindyakah 
Mrigdhkadatto i. d. 

Mrigahkadatta rejoices not in the fortune which he disre- 
gards, but in that which he expects ; now that is apckshita- 

230, 191 : The word ddyayd is most likely an error of the 
press for day ay d, “with compassion.” 

239, 86 : 

Sa tad [sc. pdtrani\ vipro grilntvaiva gurutvdt salnranyakam 
Mated, praharshdd ekdntam rijur gated ’ udapdtayat. 

It would be difficult to throw up like a feather {udapdtayat) 
so heavy a receptacle. Nor woidd udapdtayat do, because 
there is no need of violence ; the good fellow simply opened 
it, i.e. udaglidtayat. 

300, 36 : The printed text has here and elsewhere ydti kdle, 
where it ought to be ydte kdle. The sense is not, “ as time 
went on,” but “after some time,” after Dhanadatta had lost 
his wealth. The same change is required at p. 384, 30 : ydti 
(read ydte) kdle ca militds te samkefa-niketane. It is possible, 
of course, to sa}?'; “ydti kdle hdlakah samvardhate,” but “ydti 
kdle militds te samketaniketane,” is impossible, both gram- 
matically and physically. 

308, 107 : For kim tv idam read kinnv idam, kintu meaning 
“ but,” and nothing else. 

309, 4: 

Rdjann, ahhinivishlo ^si kashte, drishtapriyo ^si ca, 

Tat te ceto-vinoddya varnaydmi kathdm, grinu. 

174 remarks on professor BROCKHAUS’ edition of 

How could the Vetala say ceto-vinodaya, if the king had 
seen something pleasant ? Quite the reverse is the case ; he 
had seen something disagreeable, hence the Vetala remarks 
drshtapriyo ^si. 

315, 21 : For hndayany read hridyany ; most probably a 
slip of the pen. 

319, 102 ; 

Idanim ca pita tvam me, sapura ’aham vagd tava. 

I am not aware that the Vedic word vagd is ever used in 
common Sanskrit, and, even if it were, it would be out of 
place here, for it means “a cow.” We have to read vage, i.e. 
“ myself and my city are at your command.” 

321,25: For niyogajanitas read niyogajanatas (hubudhe) , 
“he knew from his commissioners.” 

322, 46 : The form udgiya, if it have any existence at all, 
of which I very much doubt, is a solecism, of which Soma- 
deva is not capable ; read udgdya. 

335, 111: 

^ukla-1;rishna-eatiirdagydm ashtamydm ca, ’dryaputra, te 

Fratimd&am andyantd caturo d'lvasdn aham. 

A feminine andyantd cannot have any existence. The girl 
says : “ During four days every month I shall not be yours, 
my lord whence the reader may know that “not 

belonging to (somebody),” stands in the MSS. 

351, 33 : For hadhiin, which is no word at all, read handhun ; 
likewise p. 622, 128. 

352, 48 : 

Tathd ' anurdga-vivagd hhcje kanyd vihastatdm, 

Yathd sakld 'iva vind ’anyd vydkuld ’dldpatdm yayau. 

The Nagari is a Sandhi of vydkiila-dldpatdm , 

which needs no further comment. 

380, 59 : For nihsvdsdn read nihgvdsdn. 

388, 15 : 

Mushitiim bahavo ^dhdvan (^avard vivid hdyiidhdh. 

As the infinitive mood of mush is moshitum, and that of 


miish mushitum, a form mushitum lias no existence; therefore 
we have to correct mushitum. 

390, 44 : 

Esha ca citram yuvayoh patanti dhulir dnane 
Vdtodclhutd ’ ahata-chdyam dvayoh kurute mukham. 

From the context it appears that Chandasinha wonders how 
two delicate girls could bear so well the inconveniences of the 
wilderness, amongst others the whirling dust ; even men felt 
these inconveniences. The dust “spoils” the fresh “colour” 
even of men’s faces. This is precisely the reverse of what is 
exhibited in the printed text : in Nagari it is all right : 

398, 5; The editor writes tamasd vritah ^ 

doubt whether this is right. The common expression is cer- 
tainly tamasd drritah, because darkness covers, enwraps a 
person on every side. It is common and natural enough to 
say, ayam bandhubhir vritah, or panthdh pdshdnair vritah, but 
in neither case the notion is that of enwrapping. Unless the 
contrary be proved I deem it prudent to stick to tamasd 

Ibid. 9 : After prati a full stop ought to be put ; and in 
sloka 10, after the second iva, a semicolon, the verb being 
prdptavdn asmi in sloka 11. 

399, 31 : Probably jyotibhir is a typographical error for 

400, 55 : If I have well understood the editor’s system of 
transcription, the words Arohinika and Aratika should be 
written a-Rohinika and a-Ratika. 

406, 186 ; 

kshandc ca gdnte pavane, nihcabda-stimito ^mbudhih 
dadau pra^dnta-kopasya sajjanasya samdnatdm. 

There is no question of “giving,” but of “putting on, 
taking,” the appearance of something. Consequently read 

421, 101 ; Instead of sa priti-bahumdnam read sapriti- 

Ibid. 113: 

yuktan mrigamadair vastrair mahsa-hhdraih phalasavaih 

tan sa Duryapi^aco ^fra nripatin sa samdnayat. 

The two last words are here evidently out of place ; read 
“ honoured.” 

Ibid. 116: 

api Mdtanga-rdjam tarn so ^grc durdd ahhojayat ; 
kdnjam degag ca kdlag ca gariydn, na punah pumdn. 

It does not seem very flattering to the Matanga-raja that 
he is put far away ; yet the man has to be honoured because 
he is expected to do good services. The word kdryam, show- 
ing no connexion with any other part of the sentence, can- 
not be right. What then ? 

In other w'ords : business goes above personal considerations. 

425, 41 : For vdrane read fd ranc. 

426, 61 : 

tac gniti'd sd tatas tiryag-nyasta-drishtir dadarga tarn 
kdntarn tejasvindm madhye vartinam sahaedrindm. 

It would not prove much for a gill’s love if she could 
see the tejas of others where her own sweetheart is near. 
Somadeva knew women too well to have written any thing 
but tejasvinam. 

Ibid. 64 : 

idvad Mrigdnkadattas tdm npetya, tydjayan hriyam, 
sa kdlocitdm dim sma gird prema-madhu-gcyuid. 

The adjective kdlocitdm would be right if something like 
kriyd were to be found in the sentence. Here, however, the 
author means : “ M. spoke a word d propos now that is 
kdlocitam dim. 

427, 93 : tac ca tc sa-Crutadlmyo rdjdnah graddlmtus tadd. 

There being no such word as graddlmtuh, it must be an 

error for graddadhus. 

446, 160. 

dropxja givikds taig ca nritta-vddya-maddkulaih 
nito ^smi Somadattasya hhavanam vitatotsavam. 


It is impossible that one person can be put into different 
litters at the same time ; hence it follows that we have to 
read cibikam (not givi°). 

457, 2, sq, : 

“ pardrtha-phala-janmano na syiir mdrga-drumd im 
“ tapa-chido mahantag cej jirndranymn jagad bhavet,” 
yad drishtvd, tarn sa sujanah prishtvd ca ' anvaya-ndmani 
hade ^valambya \ulaharat kupdt tasmdd nvdca ca : 

The word yad is here a causal conjunction, introducing the 
whole of the former sloka, whereas the finite verb in the 
chief sentence is udaharat. A quotation is wholly out of 
question for two reasons ; firstly, because yad drishtvd is not 
synonymous with iti mated or kritvd ; secondly, because no 
sujana, especially if he be a Hindu, would call himself a noble 
or great man. Enough ; we have to do away with the 
brackets, to put a semicolon after yad, and to omit the same 
after drishtvd. The construction is, accordingly : yaj jagad 
bhavej jtrndranyaui yadi mahdnto na syus tdpacchidah | sa 
sujano drishtvd tarn prishtvd ednvayandmani avalambya hasta 
udaharat kupdt. 

458, 11, sq. : 

“ satatam asyai gdyantyai vmdydm Caurind scayam 
dattam sva-gitakam, kdshthd, gdndharve paramdhgatd. 

“ yo vddayati vindydm, tribhir grdmaig ca gdyati 
gdyidharva-kovidah sarnyag Vaishnavam stuti-gitakam, 
sa me patih syddd ” i. d. 

The first sloka ought to run thus : 

iftfrWT I 

In other words : the single brackets have to be closed after 
svagitakam; then follows according to the editor’s system : 
^‘‘kdshthdm gdndharve paramdrn gatah | yo vddayati i.d.’ ” 
i.e. “ one who having attained the highest degree of excellence 
in music, accompanies on the lute,” etc. 

Ibid. 24 : Such arsha-forms like yuhjantyds must be left 
to the Mahabharata and kindred works ; Somadeva could not 
use such forms in a style like his. 

TOL. III. — [new series.] 


178 remarks on professor BROCKHAUS’ edition of 

465, 178 : 

dJuirmasanopavishta hi durhalam halinam, param 
dtmhjam vatu jdnanti dhird nyayaiha-darginah. 

The meaning is that righteous kings and judges know 
no difference between a feeble and a powerful (or a poor and 
rich) person, between a stranger and a kinsman. The word 
^ (which at all events had to be written bata) in the printed 
text, is a mis- read ^ *f. 

466, 3 : Rishi/amukha° is a slip of the pen for Rishyamuka°, 
as it is rightly printed a little before, si. 184. 

467, 14. The word anasuya denoting here a well-known 
person from the Ramayana, should be written Anasuya. 
For my part, certainly, I consider the use of capitals in a 
Sanskrit text to be an undue concession to European habits 
or prejudices, but the system once adopted should be per- 
severed in. 

Ibid. 25 : 

Sump>dti-vacanotth'na-vdridheg ca Hanumatah 
yatndt pravrittau jdtdydm, gatvd kapilaih saha, i. d. 

Not ^xfrral blit is the word we want. 

Ibid. 30 : 

ydhhyd sam Gandharva-purdc Crdvasthn prdpito ^hhavat, 

Bhayirathayagd yasydm yena sd paryaniyata. 

If the person who had married Bhagirathayagas were not 
known otherwise, and could be indicated only by his achieve- 
ments being mentioned, the word yena would be right ; but 
not here, because it is Naravdhanadatta. Therefore the sen- 
tence requires tcna instead of yena. 

468, 38 : 

aham ca tatraiva 'eshydmi Candasihhena sunund, 
sa hi Vidyddharendraig ca svakair abhyudaydyate. 

Sa hi is out of place here ; abhyudaydyate is so every- 
where ; read saha and abhyudaydya te. 

481, 193 : 

bandhu-prdpti-prado hy esha bhdryd-vyatikaro mayd, 
ari-marde nlhund mukhyam ahgam, ity ahhinanditah. 


The sense being : “to defeat the enemy is to-day the chief 
thing,” has to be changed to 

487, 48 : It is hardly necessary to remark that ^'dganam is 
a typographical error for gdsanam. 

489, 102 ; Instead of hhava-priye the system requires 
Bhava-priye, “ Civas beloved wife,” or Bhavapriye, “ Gauri,” 
as you like it. 

515, 153 : 

vikogdsi-viniryatair lakshitam khadga-ragmibhih, 
tdrd ratndpahdrdrtham ihaserana-rajjubhih. 

In ihaserana, which has no meaning, the latter part 
must be a clerical error for “ hemp.” But what to 
make out of ihase ? Hesitatingly I propose to read ahrasva, 
“ long.” 

Ibid. IGl : 

Instead of vigvasta ! ghdtakah read vigvasta-ghdtakah, “ kill- 
ing others who feel no suspicion.” 

519, 11: 

ckas Tdrdvalokas tu, hhutvd rdjendra-mdnushah 
Vidyddhardndm samprdpya sidiiritaig cakravartitdm, i. d. 

contains two words : rdjendra (vocative case), 
and mdnushah ; the interpunction has to be modified accord- 

Ibid. 18 : 

ditgdhdbdhir-nirmala-kuld is a slip of the pen for dug- 
dhdhdhi-nirma° . 

531, 83: 

tatra ’abhud Yajnasomdkhyo brdhmano guni. 

Three syllables are wanting in the latter part of the half 
sloka; without the aid of MSS. I am not able to fiU up the gap. 

532, 113 : 

tatm prhlitau pradhdnais tau caurais tair bhaya-vddavau 
kshud-duhkhdv dpta-mmklegam sva-vrittdntam agausntdm. 

In the first place is one word. A second 

error, however, lurks in the passage. Por there may be 
“tales of woe,” no tale, no story itself can feel hunger or 
pain. Somadeva certainly wrote 


541, 5 : For eti “ goes,” read aiti “ comes.” 

Ibid. 8 : 

pita ca tat-samam tasya Candraketuh sa sainikam 
ahvdndya pratihdram visasarja rathanugam. 

A body of troops must accompany the chamberlain for 
safety’s sake, the latter alone being the messenger to call the 
prince itasya-ahvdnaya). If this be true, the edited text 
ought to have sasainikam. 

543, 55: 

kavacanam is a slip of the pen for kavacam. 

547, 32 : The word sugata has the same right to be con- 
sidered a noun proper as Buddha ; therefore we have to 
write Sugata ; likewise p. 549, 75. 

Ibid 46 : 

striyo ^pi 'icchanti pum-bhavam, yd drishtvd rupa-loluhhdli. 

tasyds te ko bhaved na ’arthi, tulya-rupah sa kirn punah? 

In this form the whole sloka is entirely unintelligible ; a 
single Anusvdra, however, is sufficient to render the meaning 
clear ; read : 

cT^% ^ ^ II 

“Who would not desire to possess you, at whose sight even 
woman should wish to be man, etc.” 

557, 68 : 

tntah sa pakshivahano — Muktdphaladhvajah. Since Mukt. 
does not carry the birds, but these carry him, the author 

580, 62: 

drishtvaiva term kodande namatyd 'dropitarn gunam, 
tac-gikshayaiva ’’ucchiraso ^py anaman sarvato nripdh. 

A form namatyd does not exist ; if it were namantyd, it 
would be the instrumental case of the feminine, but no word 
of the feminine gender has anything to do here. In short, 
is to be divided into namaty (Locat. sing, belong- 
ing to kodande) and dropiturn. Moreover, read 
eva is out of place. 


Ibid. 80 : 

evam dkhydta-vrittantam iushto vastrair vibliushanai7i 
grdmai^ ca Vikramddityo dutam rdjd ’ahhyapurayat. 

If the gifts bestowed by the king upon the ambassador 
consisted only in garments and ornaments, the word ahliya- 
purayat would, perhaps, be admissible, but an expression 
grdmair ahliyapiirayat offends against all rules of rhetoric, at 
least in Sanskrit. Moreover, we need, so to say, a ceremo- 
nious word. Such a word occurs repeatedly, and we have 
not to go further than the Kathdsarit-sdgam itselff See 
Taranga 31, si. 59. 

1 ft I 

A n ambassador ahhipujyate, not ahhipury(de by a king who 
ought to know good manners better than any one else. I 
wonder whether all manuscripts have ahhyapiirayat ; not 

582, 107 : p>^'^nartayantau is a slip of the pen ion pranar- 
iayantyau as belonging to kanyake. 

594, 261 ; For dsdsu read dgdsu. 

596, 8 : 

samdnitam visris/iteshu sm-degdn atha rdjasu, 
jagad-dnandini prdpte vasantasamayotsave, 

The editor seems to have taken samdnitam in the sense of 
samdnam, “ with honoiir.” This is hardly correct : we must 
transpose an Anusvara, and read “ after being 

treated with due honours and dismissed.” 

601, 112 : 

prahhdvam diokya ca tatra tasya tarn 

The nuptial ceremonies not being “ dejected” or “ laid 
low,” but “prepared,” we have to read 

602, 14 : deviyasim is a typographical error for daviyasim. 
608, 158; 

sa hhdrydm sadrigim prepsuh, pitror avedito grilidt 
nirgatya, degdn habhrdma i. d. 

182 the KATHASARIT-SAGARA, lamb aka ix.-xviii. 

The word avedito means “ without being informed ; what 
the sentence requires, is : “ without having informed,” with- 
out the knowledge of.” That is expressed by avidito. 

62, 111, f. : 

hhuyo ^pi ca ' ahhyanandat sa “jivajiva !” ity udirya tat; 
adrigyd cajaham 'asya grutva gakunadevatd. 

acintayac ca : “ gakioiddhishthutrt devatdpi sd.” 
aho ! murkho nyam aguhham gubham ity abhinandati ! 

I must own that I cannot see any reason why we should 
assume that a verse is omitted;* nothing is wanting to the 
completeness of the sentence. However this may be, the 
subject of acintayat is not the fool, but the gakunadevatd, or 
gakunddlmhthdtri devatd. Read accordingly; 
acintayac ca gakunddhishthdtri devatdpi sd : 
aho murkho i. d. 

' The same remark applies to all other passages in the volume where the editor 
has put dots. 


Art. VII. — The Source of Colehrooke's Essay “On the 
Duties of a Faithful Hindu Widow.” By Fitzedward 
Hall, Esq., M.A., D.C.L. Oxon. 

In the second volume of his Chips from a German Work- 
shop, p. 34, foot-note,^ the distinguished Professor Max Muller 
adverting to the above-mentioned dissertation, the earliest of 
the invaluable series which we owe to the most illustrious 
of English Sanskritists, makes the remark : “ This Essay, 
I find, is a literal translation from (xagannatha’s ‘YivMa- 
bhangarwava,’ MS. "Wilson, 224, vol. iii., p. 62.” 

Why, it may be asked, did not Professor Muller refer, in 
a popular work, to Colebrooke’s Digest,'^ a translation of the 
Vivadabhanganiava, rather than to an unprinted Sanskrit 
text, and one of which there are but three MSS. in Europe ? 
Had he so referred, a clue would have been afibrded to mere 
English readers for determining, independently, whether the 
Essay in question has, or has not, been correctly represented 
in his description of it. 

In the introduction to his primary Essay, Colebrooke says, 
with all explicitness : “ Should the following authorities from 
Sanscrit books be thought M'orthy of a place in the next 
volume of the Society’s Transactions, I shall be rewarded for 
the pains taken in collecting them.”^ 

This is not the language of a man who is simply rendering 
into his own tongue what he finds laboriously compiled ready 
to his hand by another. Colebrooke, as Professor Miiller 
justly observes, was “ the most accurate and learned Sanskrit 
scholar we [who read English] have ever had.” With equal 

• ' This ibot-note originally formed no part of the article, first published in 
1856, to which it is now attached; and, it must, therefore, be considered as the 
outcome of later and riper researches. 

* A Digest of Hindu Law, on Contracts and Successions, etc., Calcutta, 1797, 
1798, 4 vols. folio; London, 1801, 3 vols. octavo. 

^ Asiatic Researches, Vol. iv., p. 209 (1795) ; or Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. i., 
p. 114. 



truth, it ma}' be added, that he was most scrupulously candid, 
and the last of men to appropriate the due of another. 

Whoever chooses to be at the slight trouble of comparing 
the Essay On the Duties of a Faithful Jlindu Widow witb 
the corresponding chapter in Colebrooke’s Digestf will see 
much in each that is not in the other. Both are made 
up, mostly, of extracts from the Hindu sacred works, and 
comments thereon. That the extracts should, even in large 
measure, be the same, was unavoidable ; just as is the case 
where, for instance, any two or more writers discourse, dog- 
matically, on the subject of the Eucharist. 

The very first quotation in the Essay, and the longest it 
contains, should have sufficed to keep Professor Muller from 
the assertion he has hazarded. For it is not in the Vivada- 

Again, the two stanzas which Colebrooke, without more 
definite specification, designates, respectively, as “ from the 
Rlgifda,”^ aw(\. an “a, Pauruniea mantra,”^ are, likewise, not 
in the original of the Digests 

' Vol. ii., pp. 461-465 (London edition). 

2 This quotation gives the widow’s sanlcalpa, or ‘declaration of resolve’ to burn 
with her deceased husband, that was used in Bengal. A formula extremely like 
it may be read in Raghunandana’s S'lcddhitattwa ; one less like it, hut of corres- 
ponding purport, in the uicIWirac/iandrikd. Out of Bengal, the formula pre- 
scribed is widely different in expression. 

^ “ ‘ O'm ! Let these women, not to he wndowed, good wives, adorned with 
collyriura, holding clarified butter, consign themselves to the fire. Immortal, 
not childless, nor hushandless, excellent, let them pass into fire, whose original 
element is water.’ (From the Rtgveda.)” 

Where this is reprinted in the Miscellaneous Essays, “ excellent ” is exchanged 
for “ well-adorned with gems.” 

It was prior to April 18, 1794, that Colehrooke’s first Essay was presented to 
the Asiatic Society of Bengal. The revered author, in one of the latest of his 
Essays, read in 1 826, speaking of various modes of suicide, formerly or still in 
use among the Hindus, remarks, that “they are not founded on the Vedas, as 
that by burning is.” And his context shows, that he intended, no less than the 
self-cremation of males, the concremation of females. Essay On the Philosophy of 
the Hindus, Part iii. (Mimfinsh), Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, ~S (A. i., 
p. 4.68 ; or Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. i., p. 321. 

* '■"■O'm ! Let these wives, pure, beautiful, commit themselves to the fire, with 
their husband’s corpse.’ (A Paurdhica mantraf' 

“ Wives ” is amended into “ faithful wives,” in the Miscellaneous Essays. 

The passages quoted in the last note and in this are introduced and followed, 
in the Essay, by such sentences as one would reckon on meeting with in any 
Directory of Concremation. They correspond, almost literally, to sentences in the 
S' uddhitattxca and elsewhere. 

® The S'uddhitattwa adduces them, one just after the other, in this form, as 
printed : 


Once more, there is, in the Digest, a stanza which Cole- 
brooke there translates as follows : “ The faithful widow is 

XW[: ^wr: 'm ^t: i 

This is from Raghunandana’s Institutes of the Hindoo Religion (Serampore, 
183I, 1835), Vol. ii., p. 136. I have no access to any earlier or later edition. 

As to the first of these stanzas, we here find a substitute for ■^131 •1^, the 
ungrammatical the unmeaning and the immetrical 

In the written Bengalee characters, I and n, dilfering by only a dot, as ^ and 
are easily confounded. Hence, with the omission of a syllable, which some 
ignorant meddler struck out, as an erroneous repetition, for 

the true reading. 

Colebrooke’s MS. of the S'uddhitattwa exhibits these variations: 


Instead of the foregoing, the late Raja Radhakanta Deva published, in this 
Journal (Vol. xvii., p. 213), the following reading, professedly taken from the 
S'vddMtattwa, — as printed, likely enough, with exceptions that will be specified : 

At the end of the second line there is, it may be surmised, one typographical 
error, if there are not two ; for even would be nonsense. The 

Raja’s argument necessitates ; and the hint of this lection, with 

and 51 was borrowed, I suspect, from Professor Wilson. 

The reading of the Raja, as copied above, is the only one that has been edited 
from his manuscript. 

The Rigveda (x., xviii., 7,) really has : 

“Let these women, unwidowed, having good husbands, and with anointing 
butter on their eyes, enter their houses. Let the mothers, untearful, unmiserable, 
possessed of excellent wealth, go up to the house first.” 

I have here followed Sayana, save in not rendering by “ approach,” 

What is meant by Sayana’s “house,” is not obvious. 

At aU events, widows are not here addressed. In the next stanza, the object 



pronounced no suicide by the recited text of the Rigveda : 
when three days of mourning are passed, she obtains legal 

of address is changed : it is no longer a plurality of living women, but one woman, 
and that a widow, who is exhorted to “ come to the world of life.” 

“ If the custom of widow-burning had existed at that early period, there would 
have been no vidhavus, no husbandless women, because they would all have fol- 
lowed their husbands into death. Therefore the very name indicates, what we are 
further enabled to prove by historical evidence, the late origin of widow-burning 
in India.” — Chips from a German Workshop, Vol. ii., p. 34. 

Scarcely so. Suppose that the self-immolation of widows had had place in the 
days of the Rigveda : if it had been optional, as it has long been among the 
Hindus, there would have been vidhards, all the same. As to ‘‘ the late origin 
of widow-burning in India,” if Diodorus Siculus may be relied on, it must have 
antedated the third century before the Christian era. 

Sir T. E. Colebrooke has been so good as to bring to my notice what were, pre- 
sumably, the originals, barring a single word, of the two passages in question, as 
known to his father. The verses are entered, in Mr. II. T. Colebrooke’s hand- 
writing, in the margin of a copy of the Asiatic Researches, Vol. iv., p. 211, oppo- 
site the translations of them. A punctual transcript is subjoined : 

Imd ndrir avidhawdh supatnir anjanena sarpisha 

Samvisantu vibhavasum 

Anasaro’ narirdh suratnd drdhantu jalayonim agne. 

This is written at the top of the page. At the side follows : 

Jmdh pativrata * 
punydh striyo 
ya ydh susobha • • » 
saha bhartris'arir • • * 
samvisantu vib • * 

Asterisks have been supplied, to show how many letters have been cut off by the 

With regard to the stanza from the Rigveda, it is tolerably clear, from several 
facts, that Colebrooke took it from no book, but was indebted, for it, to private com- 
munication. A learned Hindu would not readily admit into his work a passage 

containing a word destructive of all metre, as here is. 

° , N* S* 

is an interpolation ; and, apparently, it was suggested by a remembrance of the 
“ Paurdhica mantra," which ends with that vocable. Again, anasaro, as uttered 
by a Bengalee, might easily be mistaken for anaswaro, which Colebrooke, as he in- 
terprets it “immortal,” no doubt thought an error for anaswaro , 

supposed to be an irregular plural, instead of the ordinary 
Further, Colebrooke’s expanded into “ not childless, nor husband- 

less,” is much the sort of venture that an indifferent Pandit would make, as a pre- 
sumed safe emendation, in lieu of the archaic and strange especially 

as the letters and differ, in the local characters, in and or by only 

a dot or a bar. The inflection “ fire,” if not mentally read must 

have been accounted an anomalous accusative ; for just before it stands what was, 
to Colebrooke’s mind, its epithet, “ whose original element is water.” 

Nor, with to dispose of, would the case have been in the least bettered by 

reading This, it has been unquestioningly affirmed by Professor 

Wilson, and implied by Professor Muller, Colebrooke did read ; and, in turn, 
they translate the words by “ to the place of the fire” and” to the womb of fire.” 


obsequies.” Dealing with tbe same passage, be had pre- 
viously written, in his Essay : “ Obsequies for suicides are 

Professor iliiller wiU have it, however, but quite gratuitously, that the Brahmans 
read, concurrently with the sophisticate the uncorrupted . 

Colebrooke’s “water,” and the fact that the words he had translated were known 
to his above-named successors by divination only, should have precluded such 
categorical positiveness. See this Journal, Tol. xvi., p. 203; and Chips from a 
German Workshop, Yol. ii., p. 36 : also, Elphinstone’s Bistory of India, edition of 
1856, p. 50, note 8 ; and Chambers’s Eneydoptedia, Yol. ix., (1867), article Suttee. 

That the two learned Professors had no guidance from Baja Radhakanta Deva 
is proved by a comparison of dates. Professor "Wilson, as just adduced, wrote in 
1854; Professor il nil er, in 1856; the Raja, in 1858. Xor, for reasons already 
given, and stiU to be produced, can I look upon the Raja’s evidence as of weight 
to corroborate the view of the other two. 

Colebrooke, as has already been stated, dissatisfied with the term “ excellent,” 

discarded it for “ weU-adomed with gems,” an expression which answers to ^ (h 
Previously he may have had some other word before him, and one indicating 
that his first text of the passage was even more incorrect than the second. On 
the whole, it appears conjecturable, that, subsequently to printing his Essay, be- 
ing desirous, from the unappealable authority of the stanza, of preserving its 
original, he recovered the words, by the aid of some Brahman, and nearly as they 
had before been given to him. Moreover, taking account of the time and cir- 
cumstances, it is not improbable, that, when Colebrooke commenced Sanskrit 
student, his Brahman assistants were unwilling, or unable, to point out a Yaidik 
text to him in a book, and that he was, therefore, obliged to rely on their 
memory, such as it was. Jlore than one of the corruptions dwelt on above is such 
as we might expect from a person recalling what is unfamiliar. 

Colebrooke’s text is, doubtless, a depravation based on one resembling Raghu- 
nandana’s. And what was Raghunandana’s ? Raja Radhakanta Deva’s 
reading of it differs, as edited, most essentially from that printed in Raghunan- 
dana’s Institutes. The former would have had no pertinency whatever to Raghu- 
nandana's context, as not containing even an aUusion to fire or burning; and 

nothing in favour of concremation can be wrested from the lection ^rw:, 
which, for the rest, as I have pointed out, is not the word that was supplied to 
Colebrooke, nor that in his MS. of the S'uddhitattwa. 

Provided with a less vitiated text than that of Colebrooke, the Rev. "VYilliam 
"Ward, conceiving, apparently, that he could improve on his translation, has 
offered the foUowing, of his own : “ 0 Fire, let these women, with bodies anointed 
with clarified butter, eyes (coloured) with stibium, and void of tears, enter thee, 
the parent of water, that they may not be separated from their husbands, 
but may be in union with exceUent husbands, be sinless, and jewels among 
women.” A View of the History, Literature, and Mythology of the Hindoos, 
London edition of 1822, Yol. iii., p. 308. 

On theUcences which pervade this it is needless to descant. But Mr."Ward surely 
had before him “in union with excellent husbands,” and v4| «1 ^ c( 

“void of tears;” and his “sinless,” hypothetically, answers to 
"What is of much greater importance to us, “ the parent of water ” presupposes 
; and “ 0 fire,” — a vocative, and that only, in correct grammar. 

A translation varying but very slightly from Mr. "Ward’s, and palpably filched 
from it, is given in the London Asiatic journal, Yol. xxvi., (1828), p. 53'6. 

Avowedly receiving the passage from the Rigveda as represented in the S'ud- 
dhitattwa, ifntyunjaya, in his elaborate opinion on widow-burning, quoted to the 
foUowing effect, if we may trust the fidelity of Sir W. H. Macnaghten : “ Let 
these women, not to be widowed, good wives, adorned with coUyrium, with dry 



forbidden ; but the RigvMa expressly declares, that ‘ the loyal 
wife [who burns herself] shall not be deemed a suicide. 

eyes, devoid of affections, and well-ornamented, ascend the fire.” Jluch of this, no 
question, is simply copied from Colebrooke. At the same time, it comes out, on 

the faith of Mrityunjaya, that MSS. of Raghunandana know the readings 

“good wives,” and “with dry eyes.” “Devoid of afi’ections ” is, 

possibly, a guess at the meaning of r; and, though the end of the 

stanza is only partially interpreted, we can trace the acceptance of a word for 
“ fire,” taken to be in the accusative, or else in the locative. 

But it signifies very little on what minor points the text accepted by Raghu- 
nandana was right or wrong. That he saw, in the stanza, something about fire, 
in connexion with the suicide of a widow at her husband’s death, is what I have 
been chiefly concerned to prove. And he, like many after him, was, with little of 
unlikelihood, satisfied with the gross mislection 

Let us revert to Professor Miiller. “It is true,” he says, “that, when the 
English Government prohibited this melancholy custom [widow-burning], and 
when the whole of India seemed on the verge of a religious revolution, the Brah- 
mans appealed to the Veda as the authority for this sacred rite ; and, as they had 
the promise that their religious practices should not be interfered with, they 
claimed respect for the Suttee. They actually quoted chapter and verse from the 
Rig-veda ; and Colebrooke, the most accurate and learned Sanskrit scholar we 
have ever had, has translated this passage in accordance with their views : 

“ ‘ Om ! Let these women, not to he widowed, good wives, adorned with colly- 
rium, holding clarified butter, consign themselves to the fire. Immortal, not 
childless, not [Colebrooke has ‘nor’] hushandless, well adorned with gems, let 
them pass into the [Colebrooke has no ‘the’] fire, whose original element is 
water.’ (From the Rig-veda). 

“ Now, this is, perhaps, the most flagrant instance of what can he done by an 
unscrupulous priesthood. Here have thousands and thousands of lives been 
sacrificed, and a fanatical rebellion been threatened on the authority of a passage 
which was mangled, mistranslated, and misapplied. If anybody had been able, 
at the time, to verify this verse of the Rig-veda, the Brahmans might have been 
beaten with their own weapons ; nay, their spiritual prestige might have been 
considerably shaken. The Rig-veda, which now hardly one Brahman out of a 
hundred is able to read, so far from enforcing the burning of widows, shows 
clearly that this custom was not sanctioned during the earliest period of Indian 
history.” Chips from a German Workshop, Vol. di., pp. 34, 35. 

This has just been literally reprinted from the Oxford Essays of 1856, p. 22. 

Professor Jliiller would have insurmountable ditfieulty in fastening the appeal 
that he speaks of on any Brahmans save a very few. “ They actually quoted 
chapter and verse from the Rig-veda.” I must be allowed to doubt this exceedingly . 
In so doing, they would have done as Brahmans very seldom indeed do. It would 
have been most singular, too, if some one, ■ndth the aid of so suicidal a proce- 
dure, had not turned to the passage in the Rigveda, made known its genuine 
wording, and shown that no plea could be based thereon, for burning widows. 
“ If anybody had been able, at the time, to verify this verse of the Rig-veda,” 
etc. Was not even Colebrooke able to do so; the Brahmans having “quoted 
chapter and verse,” and he having Sayana’s commentary at his elbow .> 

So far as has been ascertained, the adulterated passage is traceable to Raghu- 
nandana, and no further. This writer, who flourished at the beginning of the 
sixteenth century, is, according to Colebrooke, “ the greatest authority on Hindu 
law, in the Province of Bengal.” His authority is, however, of secondary rank 
beyond those limits, and in at least one part of Bengal itself, Tirhoot. Ttiat he 
may have been unconversant with the Veda is quite compatible with his deserved 
celebrity as a lawyer. His date is so recent, and his works have had such fame 
and currency, that there seems no good reason to disbelieve that he read, if not 


When a mourning of three days has been completed, the 
Srdddha is to be performed.’ This appears from the prayer 

at least -41 To tLis conclusion aU the trustworthy evidence 
that I have collected points well-nigh unequivocally. The presumption, to my 
mind, is, that he took for what it reaUy is, a vocative ; and the differ- 
ence between this and the true reading, is scarcely greater in the written Ben- 

galee characters than it is as here printed. Where Eaghunandana picked up the 
passage in its depraved form it would be idle to speculate. 

At the same time, it is, I maintain, manifestly unjust to charge this textual 
corruption on “ an unscrupulous priesthood.” India has its full share of priest- 
craft ; but I am convinced that conscious falsification or misattribution of isolated 
texts has been very rarely practised by the Brahmans, notwithstanding the extent 
of their pseudonymous literature. As a sacred dictum can be ferreted out in support 
of almost any conceivable modification of received usage, and as one such is quite 
enough for the nonce, the dissuasives from dishonesty are maximized. 

Especially in Indian commentaries and legal treatises, we constantly come upon 
quotations widely deviating from correctness, or credited to a wrong source. To 
give a single instance, out of several that I have noticed, the topic being the 
concremation of widows ; in the Jatamalla-vilusa, a Tirhoot authority, there 
occurs, as Manu’s, the following line, to he addressed to a damsel at her marriage, 
reminding her to accompany her husband in life and in death : 

This verse — not in Manu — is quoted, I think, in a work which I have not at 
hand, the Dampati-siksha ; but, unlike a Pandit, I scruple to recollect as whose. 

The truth, as to these and a thousand citations similarly misascrihed, is, I 
believe, that they were recorded ndthout reference to book. The quantity of 
memorial matter that even a second-rate Pandit will deliver himself of, on de- 
mand, connected with any subject that he has made a specialty of study, would 
astonish a person unacquainted with the peculiarities of studious Hindus. 

To say, as Professor Muller says, that Colebrooke translated the false stanza of 
the Rigvedu in accordance with the views of the Brahmans, is language that may 
easily mislead. It was not that he tied himself to any one's views in translating, 
but that he translated an adulterated text, identical, in its essence, with one that 
has been accredited, without suspicion of its true character, by the most learned 
Brahmans of Bengal. Nor was the appearance of this translation subsequent 
to the prohibition of sutteeism, — as we should naturally infer from Professor 
Muller’s phraseology, — but antecedent thereto by thirty-five years. Nor, again, 
with due advertence, would one speak, without accompanying explanation, of 
anything in Colebrooke’s first Essay, a novitial and — absit verbo invidia — im- 
mature performance, in terms so construeable as to convey the impression that we 
have, therein, a sample of the scholarship of “ the most accurate and learned 
Sanskrit scholar we have ever had.” 

Whether in his utterances or in his reticences. Professor JIUller, with most in- 
frequent exceptions, displays, greatly to his credit, such anxiety of circumspection, 
and so constant a presence of purpose, that to try him on the weigh-bridge of 
ordinary judgment, in company with the herd of the uncritical, would simply 
betray a lack of all proper appreciation. That he can be inexact is the most that 
I here insist on. His eloquence, learning, and eminent success in popularizing 
oriental and linguistic studies, one must he ignorant to gainsay, and ungenerous 
not to applaud. 

To Professor Muller’s thinking, Eaghunandana’s mislection has home fmit in 
most dire disaster. But let us examine the matter a little closely. Out of 
Bengal, widow-burning was considered as sufficiently justified apart from Yaidik 
warrant. And we may be sure that the same was the case in Bengal. There, 
notoriously, the Vaidik tradition was, for many centmdes, virtually in abeyance, 



for the occasion, directed in the Rlgveda.” Of the source of 

and has only very recently undergone a galvanized resuseitation. Of this position 
■we have satisfaetory proof in the writings of Bengal Pandits. How many among 
them have commented on the Veda, or expounded the Mimansa Until very 
recently, the learned of Bengal have long been satisfied, substantially, to do with- 
out the Veda. They were ignorant of it, and they valued it lightly, and they 
seldom appealed to it. As they set little store by it, so did the commonalty ; and 
it seems entirely unwarranted to imagine that the spiritual prestige of the priest- 
hood would have been affeeted in the least degree, or that a single widow would 
have escaped an untimely end, had it been evulgated, ever so widely, that 
Raghunandana had mistaken a false text of the Rigveda for a true one. It 
would have been quite enough in Bengal, just as it actually was quite enough in 
parts of India where the Veda was held in higher esteem, to be able to name, in 
support of widow-burning, such venerable sages as Angiras, Vishnu, Vyasa, and 
S'ukra, or even the Mahabharata and the Puranas. Nay, in default of all these, 
a Hindu would fain content himself with the proverbial Pauranik line,— inci- 
dentally quoted, with approval, by Mrityunjaya, in his famous on widow- 

burning, — which imports, that “ the very eonvention of the good is authority like 
that of the Veda 

wrx!! i 

According to Professor M iiller, in consequenee of the Government prohibition 
of widow-burning, ‘‘ the whole of India seemed on the verge of a religious revo- 
lution.” Was it indeed so > 

“ The apprehensions which had been entertained of the probable evil conse- 
quences of the abolition of the Suttee, and of the violent resentment and tumul- 
tuary resistance which it was likely to provoke, were singularly falsified. Some 
few attempts to evade or defy the law were at first tried, and with occasional 
success ; * * « * and the people quietly submitted to the law. Enact- 

ments of a similar tendency were promulgated at Madras and at Bombay, and 
with the like result as in Bengal. Some feeble attempts were made, in Bengal, to 
obtain a reconsideration of the measure ; and petitions were presented against it 
by a number of Hindus, chiefly persons of opulence, both in the interior and in 
Calcutta. • * * * As the application to the Governor-General, by the 

votaries of the ancient superstition, proved unavailing, the petitioners had recourse 
to the remaining legal source of redress, an appeal to the King in Council. Their 
cause was deliberately and dispassionately argued before the Privy Council in 
June, 1832; and, after hearing the arguments of the appellants, and of the ad- 
vocates of the Court of Directors, as respondents, the Council recommended that 
the petition should be dismissed ; and it was dismissed accordingly. The re- 
jection of the petition was not followed by any excitement. An uneasy and 
sullen suspicion of the objects and intentions of the British Government con- 
tinued, for a while, to pervade a considerable portion of the Hindu population ; 
but it never assumed the form of popular agitation : and the progress of time, 
and the continued caution with which the British Government has abstained from 
further interposition, have dissipated any alarm and apprehension that might 
have been generated by its conduct in the prohibition of the Suttee.” Professor 
Wilson, llislortj of British India from 1805 to 1835, Book III., Chapter vi. 

From a foot-note on the above ; “ One case of serious resistance occurred in 
1835, in a dependency of the Bombay Presidency, where, upon the death of the 
Raja, five of his wives were foreibly burned, in defiance of the efforts of the 
Assistant Political Commissioner to prevent it. Although he had a force of 300 
men at his command, a still larger body of armed men was assembled, who were 
not dispersed without loss of life, and the necessity of calling in regular troops.” 

In 1828, Professor Wilson had written ; “I should be one of the warmest ad- 
vocates for the abolition of so inhuman a rite, if I was not strongly impressed 
with the apprehension that serious evil may attend any measures proposed for its 
absolute suppression. The attempt, whilst it will be attended with but partial 


this passage^ Colebrooke was, as yet, unaware; and he mis- 
took a substantive part of it for commentatorial introduction, 
or else he would have begun his quotation immediately after 
the word “ forbidden.”® Like the Vivadahhangarnava, Eaghu- 

success, will, in my opinion, inspire extensive dissatisfaction and distrust, will 
alienate, in a great degree, the affections of the natives from their rulers,” etc. 
* * * “ The people will not regard the prohibition.” • * * “If, then, 

it should be resolved to prohibit suttees, the Government must be prepared to let 
the prohibition remain inoperative, or to enforce it by measures which will par- 
take very much of the nature of religious persecution, and which, whilst they 
confirm the adherence of the Hindus to their national superstitions, will diffuse a 
very extensive dread and detestation of the British authority.” 

Mr. Marshman, in his History of India, just completed, says, likewise : “Not 
the slightest feeling of alarm, stiU less of resentment, was exhibited in the army, 
or in the country. * • * * Lord William Bentinck was enabled, within a 

twelvemonth, to assure the Directors that there never was a greater bugbear than 
the fear of revolt. The only circle in which the abolition created any sensation 
was that of the rich and orthodox bahoos of Calcutta, who resented the decision of 
Government, and, more especially, the promptitude with which it had been 
carried into execution, as it deprived them of the gratification of obstructing it. 
They drew up a petition to the Government, ****** demand- 
ing the restoration of the rite, as part and parcel of Hindooism, with which Par- 
liament had pledged itself not to interfere. The native organ of the party, in his 
weekly journal, affirmed that the signataries to the petition for restoring the 
‘ sacred rite of Suttee ’ included ‘ the learned, the wealthy, the virtuous, the noble, 
the polite, and the mild.’ ” Vol. iii., pp. 55, 56. 

See, further, Mr. Kaye’s Administration of the East India Company, pp. 540, 
541 ; and Mr. Marshmau’s Life and Times of Carey, Marshman, and Ward, Vol. 
ii., pp. 417, 418. 

The cremation of widows has no warranty in the extant Rigveda ; and it seems 
most likely that the Hindus, in the earliest ages, did not burn even their dead, but 
buried them. Still, sutteeism has been more or less in vogue, in India, during the 
past two thousand years and upwards. For some time before its abolition. Lower 
Bengal was its favourite theatre. In Central India, however, it must have been, 
formerly, very prevalent. There, not far from the banks of the Nerbudda, I 
have counted, within the radius of a single mile, several hundred suttee-stones, 
with their suggestive symbols of obtestation, — an uplifted hand, the sun, the 
moon, and a group of stars. To these are added the figures of a man and 
woman. In some representations, the pair stand hand in hand ; in others, the 
wife shampooes her husband’s legs. In some instances there is a horse, also. The 
sculptures are, generally, executed in bass-relief. The oldest of these monuments, 
bearing dates, that 1 have examined, were erected in the tenth century. 

' For, in the article of indicating his ancient authorities, so far as they were 
known to him, though it might be only at second-hand, no one could be more 
invariably punctilious than Colebrooke. 

’ The original words are as follows : — 

irratfH ii 

As will have been perceived, Colebrooke might have corrected his first Essay by 
his Digest ; and, while engaged on the latter, he must, of course, have noticed 
the misapprehension which he laboured under, concerning these verses, when pre- 
paring the other. His collected Essays were published during his last illness, 
when he was disabled, by blindness, from scrutinizing them anew. It might 
not, else, have been left to others to observe on the very venial defects of his 
preliminary effort as an orientalist, — a mere “task,” as he' himself has called it. 



nandana^ refers this stanza to the Brahma-purana,^ to which 
also he refers the ‘■^Pm.rdnica mantra”^ spoken of above ; facts 
unknown to Colebrooke, when he composed his Essay. “ The 
prayer for the occasion,” as Colebrooke calls it, Eaghu- 
nandana, further, finds^ in the stanza “ from the Rigveda.” 

It is seen, thus, that, when Colebrooke wrote on the duties 
of a Hindu widow, he could not have availed himself of the 
Vitadabhangdrnava. Neither, as has been evinced in passing, 
could he have been indebted to the Suddhitattwa of Ea^hu- 


nandana; for Eaja Eadhakanta Deva, anticipating Pro- 
fessor Muller in precipitancy of statement, has pronounced‘s 
that therefrom Colebrooke derived the materials of his first 
Essay. In both works the subject of widow-burning is de- 
spatched within the compass of a few pages. Those pages, 
we may be assured, Colebrooke, if he had read them at all, 
would have read through ; and, in that case, his Essay would, 
in several particulars, here pointed out, have been different 
from what it is. 

November, 1867. 

1 Institute), Vol. ii., p. 132. 

2 Assuming that the stanza actually appertains to this Purana, the alternative 
question arises, whether allusion is made, in it, to the corrupted stanza of the 
Rigveda which we have had under consideration, or whether to a like passage that 
belonged to some recension of the Rigveda now lost. 

3 Institutes, Vol. ii., p. 133. This is the first of the two places where Raghu- 
nandana quotes the stanza referred to. 

< Ibid., Vol. ii., p. 132. 

5 In this Journal, Vol. xvii., p, 213. 



Further Detail of Proofs that Colebrooke s Essay “ On the 
Duties of a Faithful Hindu Widow ” was not indebted to 
the Vivadabhangdrnava. 

If the crucial instance which has already been adduced 
and laboured, for the intent indicated above, should be re- 
garded as anywise inconclusive, the ensuing particulars will 
be found to complete my argument. 

As for the passage referred to, Colebrooke, in his first 
Essay,^ presents us with a rendering of it in a decapitated 
form, and, instead of noting its source at the end, — after his 
usual custom, — premises that we have, in it, an express 
declaration of the Rigveda. In the Digest,'^ the passage is 
rendered in its integral shape, and is attributed to the 
Brahma-purdna, where it actually occurs. Colebrooke, with 
his heedful and conscientious eye, would not, here or any- 
where else, have overlooked the specification of an authority ; 
and, if the specification had been noticed, but considered to 
be doubtful, he would have made mention of the doubt. 
This may safely be taken for granted. Again, the original 
of the Digest leaves no room for question where the extract, 
a single stanza, begins ; whereas Colebrooke was grievously 
misled, on this point, at the time he compiled his 
Essay. Nor is an error of the press to be presumed here ; 
for Colebrooke never paraphrased, where he professed to 
translate. The words Rigved°, as being taken for no con- 
stituent part of the extract, but for introduction to it, he 
preferred to paraphrase, rather than translate, and repre- 
sented them, without inverted commas, by “but the Rig- 
vMa expressly declares, that his subsequent translation, 
when he came to look upon those words as a portion of the 
extract, being “by the recited text of the Rigveda.” Most 
of this I have said before ; and the rest could be gathered by 
the attentive reader. Simply for clearness, it has here been 
stated afresh. 

^ Tide supra, pp. 187-189. 2 supra, pp. 185-187. 

VOL. III. —[new series.] 13 



Among the first Hindu law-books read by Colebrooke was the 
Acharachandrikd, in his MS. of which are numerous marginal 
notes, in pen and pencil. For example, on folios 60 and 62, 
he has written : “Widow’s burning with the corpse,” “ Water 
given after burning,” ‘‘Hiatus valde deflendus,” etc., etc. 

Now, the stanza under discussion is often quoted, along 
with one or more constituting its previous context ; as in the 
Vivadahhangdrnava, the Suddhitattwa^ etc. In the Achdra- 
chandrikd, too, it is meant to be quoted, with the stanza im- 
mediately preceding it, which is announced by the words 
Yatha Brahmye. The first of these two stanzas is translated 
by Colebrooke, in his Essay and is referred to the Brahma- 
purdna. The passage that follows, which, also, should be 


metrical,^ is read, in his MS. of the AchdrachandHlidy Rig- 
veddB etc.^ That Colebrooke, during the preparation of his 
Essay, came upon a better reading than the one there given, 
his translation clearly evinces. But it is almost demon- 
strably certain that his view respecting the words Rigveddt ^ — 
namely, that they were no corruption, and no part of a 
stanza, — was due to his MS. of the Achdrachandrikd ; for it is 
scarcely to be supposed that he found this mislection of a 
well-known metrical passage in any second work. It is now 
patent, furthermore, why he did not assign this extract to 
the Brahma-purdna, in his Essay, where it is disjoined from 
the stanza that comes just before it, which he interprets further 
on.® We should not have had these results, if he had been 
subsidizing the Vivddahhangdrnava. 

Though I could accumulate kindred justifications of my 
general position, I shall hold my hand, after bringing 
forward three more. In his Essay,'' Colebrooke translates, 
as anonymous, a stanza to which is tacked the prose addi- 
tion : “So said Nareda to the mother of Sagara.” The same 

* Eaghunandana’s Institutes, Vol. ii., p. 132. 

2 Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. i., p. 120. 

3 For the true form of the passage, vide supra, p. 191, note 2. 

® Rigvedavudat is required, prosodially ; and .Riyrerfiii is unidiomatical. 

6 Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. i., p. 120. ’ Ibid,, Vol. i., p. 119. 



stanza is translated in the Digest ^ ; — there, as in the Suddhi- 
tattwa^ purporting to be taken from the Brihan-naradiga- 
purdna : — and annexed to it is a gloss from Raghunandana : 
“‘Princess’; addressing the mother of Sagara.”^ The 
Digest, thus, is, here, both fuller and less full than the Essay. 
It states whence the passage came ; and it does not state who 
addressed Sagara’s mother. These facts certainly make for 
the conclusion, that the Essay was not beholden to the Vi- 

Again, there occurs, in the Essay an extract entitled 
“ The Smriti,” in which are the words “ She shall eat no 
other than simple food.” But the Vivddahhangarnava — with 
which the Suddhitattwa^ coincides, — authorizes Colebrooke’s 
later rendering : “ She must not again use perfumed sub- 
stances.” It cannot be contended that Colebrooke had, on 
both occasions, the same Sanskrit words before him. In the 
Essay, he borrows, in a foot-note, one of the comments on this 
extract, from the Madana-pdrijdta. Whether he copied it 
directly, or indirectly, it is impossible to decide.® 

Once more, the Essay^ contains the translation of a stanza 
and its relative comment, the whole as from Brihaspati. In 
the Digest, the text and the explanation are duly dis- 
tinguished ; and the latter, which is in prose, is there as- 
signed to E-aghanandana. It was by something very wide, 
in point of distinctness, from the Vivddabhangdrnava that 
Colebrooke was betrayed into the errors of commission and 
omission just pointed out. 

^ Vol. ii., p. 456. 

* Ragbunandana’s Institutes, Vol. ii., p. 132. The verses are there quoted 
through the Krityatattwarnava. 

* The alternative, a gross absurdity, is, that the venerable Essayist at once sup- 
pressed the mention of an authority, and foisted into a sentence of some Sanskrit 
glossator a proper name of which that glossator knows nothing. 

® Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. i., pp. 117, 118. 

® Eaghunandana’s Institutes, Vol. ii., p. 132. 

’’ Digest, VoL ii., p. 460. The original here follows : 

^ I 

® It is quoted in the Digest, in the S'uddhitattwa, etc. etc. Colebrooke possessed 
a MS. of the Madana-purijuta at an early period of his Sanskrit studies. 

® Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. i., p. 119. 

Vol. ii., pp. 456, 457. 



Every dogmatic or ceremonial topic offers, again and again, 
in almost any methodical treatise, the phenomenon not only of 
community of authoritative texts with other similar treatises, 
but of the same collocation of those texts that is observed 
elsewhere. Common-sense has dictated to the Hindu law- 
writers what has become, to some extent, an established, as 
being the most advantageous, disposition of their stock 
material ; and Colebrooke only made good his soundness of 
judgment, if he respected a precedent, where he saw no reason 
for setting it aside. We can, therefore, draw no certain in- 
ference from the fact, that, here and there, the passages which 
the Digest and the Essay cite in common appear in the same 
order in both. Among Colebrooke’s extracts^ are, in one 
place, three which the Vivadahhangurnava? exhibits — with 
intercalations, — in like sequence to his own ; but this sequence 
is, just as strictly, that of the Suddhitattwa,^ also, and of other 
works, very likely. In the case of three other extracts,'* his 
arrangement of them is, again, as we find it — with textual 
insertions, — in the Digest? These extracts are in the Sicddhi- 
tattwa^ too, but ordered otherwise ; and, for two,’^ out of the 
three, the Vivudnhhangarnava could not have been laid under 
contribution, as I have made out a little higher up. 

The aggregate quotations in the Essay take up one hundred 
and fifty lines, whole and broken. Out of this total, sixty-five 
lines are common between the Essay and the Sanskrit Digest ; 
and these sixty-five, not one excepted, are, likewise, in the 
Suddhitattwa? Even if we had no other evidence than this 
fact, it would, then, be hazardous to maintain that Colebrooke 
derived them from the Vivddahhangdniam? 

1 Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. i., pp. 117, 118. These extracts are from Vishnu 
and Prachetas, and “The Sniriti." Colebrooke’s reading of the last varies, as has 
been shown, from that of the Vivudabhangarnava. 

2 Eigest, Vol. ii., pp. 459-461. 

® Raghunandana’s Institutes, Vol. ii., pp. 131, 132. 

* Respectively given as anonymous, from Brihaspati, and from Gotama. See 
Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. i., pp. 119, 120. 

s Vol. ii., pp. 456-458. ® Raghunandana’s Institutes, Vol. ii., p. 132. 

That really from the Brihan-naradiya-puruna and that from Brihaspati and 
Raghunandana combined. 

® In writing thus positively, I only expect it to he conceded that the identity 
of a passage is not destroyed by slight various readings. 

® Inasmuch as, against sixty-five lines of citation common between the Essay 



To recapitulate, Colebrooke, in putting together his Essay 
on the Duties of a Faithful Hindu Widow, could not have 
been acquainted with the corresponding section of the Vim- 
dahhangdniava ; else he would not have given, in it, extracts 
unaccompanied by those particulars which he was most care- 
ful to note to the best of his power, while the Sanskrit work 
states who wrote those extracts, or from what books they are 
taken. Nor would he have passed unheeded the readings of 
passages there inserted ; above all, when consideration of 
them would have enabled him, in one place, to avoid undeni- 
able error, and, in another place, to distinguish text from 
commentary. Why, further, if he levied drafts on that work, 
should he have declined to avail himself of it to render his 
Essay more complete than it is ? For it contains more than 
one passage that, if impressed, would have conduced to enrich 
the Essay perceptibly. And what is here urged touching the 
Vivddabhangdrnava may, wdth much the same pertinency, be 
urged touching the Suddhitattwa, which, likewise, — as I have 
evidenced in my former paper, and, in passing, in this, — 
Colebrooke cannot have explored for the purposes of his 
Essay. Finally, with reference to quotations common be- 
tween the Essay and the Vivddabhangdrnava, where Cole- 
brooke’s readings of them, in the Essay, are pecidiar, it may 
not be surmised that such readings were in some copies of the 
Vivddabhangdrnava, and not in others. The Sanskrit Digest 
was compiled at the instance of Sir William Jones ; it is not 
known to have been recast, or amended ; its authorities, with 
few reservations, are familiar legal commonplaces ; and 
neither age nor currency has affected its text with variants. 
If copies of it differ, their differences are wholly attributable 
to mere clerical inadvertence. 

Colebrooke seems to have begun the study of Sanskrit 
about 1792. In a letter written Oct. 22, 1794, he first men- 
tions his enterprise of translating the Vivddabhangdrnava; and 

and the Viv&ddbhangarnava, there are at least ninety lines common between the 
Essay and the S'uddhitattwa, one might, in ignorance of the truth, be disposed to 
substitute this work, as the main promptuary of the Essay, in place of the Vivuda- 
bhangdrnava ; especially as the other was, probably, quite as accessible to Cole- 
hrooke, if not more accessible. 



at that time he had not been in Calcutta for five years and a 
half. Writing imder date of Aug. 11, 1795, he speaks of 
his translation as imdertaken “ a year ago and the task 
was completed before Jan. 3, 1797. His first Essay was read 
before the Asiatic Society of Bengal, in April, 1794. The 
death of Sir William Jones took place, at Calcutta, in the 
same month. Sir William was to have dressed the Sanskrit 
Digest in English ; and there is no proof that, during his 
life-time, Colebrooke’s attention was directed to it.^ 

How Colebrooke came by the quotations in his Essay it 
would be idle to speculate at large. Of course, he had not 
read through all their original sources, among which is the 
Mahdbhdrata. Very likely he had not read through any one 
of them. As almost anybody would have done in his cir- 
cumstances, it is not improbable that he took them, at second- 
hand, from some of the scores of treatises in which they are 
adduced. No one can say that he did not assemble them 
from volumes as numerous as themselves. At aU events, we 
are quite safe in accepting the implication of his words, 
where he speaks of “the pains taken in collecting them.” 
That from two certain quarters he did not collect them must, 
by this time, be accounted as pretty evident. 

In the year 1854, I toiled from end to end of the volu- 
minous Vivddabhangdrnava, with Colebrooke’s translation at 
my side, entering in Professor Wilson’s Sanskrit Dictionary 
some twenty-five thousand supplementary words and mean- 
ings. At the same time I compared Colebrooke’s Essay with 
the Digest, on the subject of widow-burning, and also the 
Suddhitattwa. All these I scored over with references, cross- 
references, and other notes; and, but for a repugnance to 
composition, I should have worked up those materials years 
ago. I was recently led to glance at them ; and the product 
of that glance is now before the reader. 

F. H. 

March, 1868. 

1 See this Journal, Vol. v., pp. 16-26. Some of my facts I have taken from 
other sources. 


Art. VIII. — The Sixth Hymn of the First Book of the Rig 

Veda. By Professor Max Muller, M.A., Hon. M.R.A.S. 

Ma^^^/ala I., Sukta 6. 

Ash^aka I., Adhyaya 1, Varga 11-12. 

Hymn to Indra and the Maruts (the Storm-gods.). 

1. Yun^anti bradlmam aruskam /larantam pari tastkusha/i, 
ro>^ante ro^ana divi. 

1. Those who stand around him while he moves on, harness 
the bright red steed ; ^ the lights in heaven shine forth.^ 

1. 'Wilson: The circumstationed (inhabitants of the three worlds) associate with 
(Indra), the mighty (Sun), the indestructive (fire), the moving (wind), and the 
lights that shine in the sky. 

Benfey : Die rothe Sonne schirr’n sie an, die wandelt um die stehenden, 
Strahlen strahlen am Himmel auf. 

Langlois : Places autour du (foyer, les hommes) preparent le char (du dieu) 
hiillant, pm- et rapide ; (cependant) brUlent dans le ciel les feux (du matin). 

2. Yuhyanti asya kamya hari(iti) vi-pakshasa rathe, s6«a 
dhrishnu(iti) nri-v^asa. 

2. They harness to the chariot on each side his (Indra’s) ^ 
two favourite bays, the brown, the bold, who can carry the 

2. Wilson : They (the charioteers) harness to his car his two desirable coursers, 
placed on either hand, bay-coloured, high-spirited, chief-hearing. 

Benfey : Die lieben Falben schirren sie zu beiden Seiten des Wagens an, braime, 
kiihne, held-tragende. 

Langlois : A ce char sont atteles ses deux coursiers, beaux, brillants, impetueux, 
rougeatres, et dignes de porter un heros. 

3. Ketum kn?ivan aketave pesa/t mary^j apesase sam 
ushadbhi/^ a^ayatha/j. 

3. Thou who createst light where there was no light, and 
form, o men ! ^ where there was no form, hast been born to- 
gether with the dawns.^ 

3. WBson : Mortals, you owe your (daily) birth (to such an Indra), who, with 
the rays of the morning, gives sense to the senseless, and to the formless, form. 

Benfey : Licht machend — -Manner ! — das Dunkele und kenntlich das Unkennt- 
liche, entsprangst du mit dem Morgenroth. 

Langlois : 0 mortals, (voyez-le) mettant I’ordre dans la confusion, donnant la, 
forme au chaos. 0 Indra, avec les rayons du jour tu viens de naitre. 



4. At aha svadhum anu puna/i garbha-tvam a-irire, da- 
dhana/i nama ya^niyam. 

4. Thereafter they (the Maruts), according to their wont/ 
assumed the form of new-born babes, ^ taking their sacred 

4. Wilson ; Thereafter, verily, those who bear names invoked in holy rites, 
(the Maruts), having seen the rain about to be engendered, instigated him to 
resume his embryo condition (in the clouds). 

Benfey : Sodann von freien Stiicken gleich erregen wieder Schwangerschaft die 
heUgeu Namen tragenden. 

Langlois : A peine la formule de I’olfrande a-t-eUe ete prononcee, que les 
(Marouts), dont le nom merite d’etre invoque dans les sacrifices, viennent exciter 
(de leur souffle) le feu a peine sorti du seiu (de I’arani). 

5. Vi/u /lit aru(/atnubhi/i guha Ait indra vahnibhiA, avinda/i 
usriya/i anu. 

5. Thou, 0 Indra, with the swift Maruts^ who break even 
through the stronghold,- hast found even in their hiding 
place the bright cows^ (the days). 

5. ‘Wilson : Associated with the conveying Maruts, the traversers of places 
diffi cult of access, thou, Indra, hast discovered the cows hidden in the cave. 

Benfey: Mit den die Festen brechenden, den Sturmenden fandst, Indra, du die 
Kiihe in der Grotte gar. 

Langlois : Avec ces (Marouts), qui brisent tout rempart et supportent (la nue) 
Indra, tu vas, du sein de la caverne, delivrer les vaches (celestes). 

6. Deva-yanta>^ ydtha matim akkha vidat-vasum giraA, 
maham anushata srutam. 

6. The pious singers^ (the Maruts) have shouted after their 
own mind^ towards the giver of wealth, the great, the glorious 

6. Wilson ; The reciters of praises praise the mighty (troop of Maruts), who are 
celebrated, and conscious of the power of bestowing wealth in like manner as they 
(glorify) the counsellor (Indra). 

Benfey : Nach ihrer Einsicht verherrlichend besingen Sanger den Schatzeherrn, 
den heriihmten, gewaltigen. 

Langlois ; Voila pourquoi I’hymne qui chante les dieux celebre aussi le grand 
(dieu des vents), qui assiste (Indra) deses conseUs, et decouvre les heureux tresors. 

7. Tndre;ja sam hi drikshase sam-gragmanaA abibhyusha, 
mandu(iti) samana-varAasa. 

7. Mayest thou^ (host of the Maruts) be verily seen^ coming 
together with Indra, the fearless : you are both happy-making, 
and of equal splendour. 

7. Wilson : May you be seen, Maruts, accompanied by the undaunted (Indra) ; 
both rejoicing, and of equal splendour. 

Benfey : So lass mit Indra denn vereint, dem furchtlosen, erblicken dich, beide 
erfreu’nd und glanzesgleich. 

Langlois : Avec I’intrepide Indra, (6 dieu), on te voit accourir ; tous deux 
pleins de bonheur, tous deux egalement resplendissants. 



8. Anavadyaf/« abliidyubhi/j makba/i sabasvat ar/^ati, gaHal/ii 
indrasya kamyai/^. 

8. AVitb the beloved hosts of Indra, with the blameless, 
heavenward-tending (Maruts), the sacrificer^ cries aloud. 

8. Wilson : This rite is performed in adoration of the powerful Indra, alon» 
with the irreproachable, heavenward-tending, and amiable bands (of the Maruts). 

Benfey : Durch Indra’s Hebe Schaaren, die untadligen, himmelsturmenden 
strahlt das Opfer maohtiglich. 

Langlois ; Notre sacrifice confond, dans un homage aussi empresse, Indra et la 
troupe (des Marouts) bien faisante, irreproohable, et brillante des feux (du matin). 

9. Ata/i pari-^man a gahi diva/} va ro/:anat adhi, sam asmin 
Hn^ate gira/«. 

9. From yonder, o traveller (Indra), come hither, or down 
from the light of heaven ; ^ the singers all yearn for thee ; — 

9. Wilson : Therefore, circumambient (troop of Maruts), come hither, whether 
from the region of the sky, or from the solar sphere ; for, in this rite, (the priest) 
fully recites your praises. 

Benfey: Von hier, oder vom Himmel komm oh dem ^ther, Umkreisender ! zu 
dir streben die Lieder aU. 

Langlois : (Dieux des vents), qui parcours le monde, viens vers nous, ou de ton 
sejours habituel, ou de la demeure celeste de la lumiere ; notre voix aujourd'hui 

10. Ita4 va satim imahe divaA va parthivat adhi, indram 
maha/i va r%asa//. 

10 Or we ask Indra for help from here, from heaven, above 
the earth, or from the great sky. 

10. Wilson : We invoke Indra, — whether he come from this earthly region, or 
from the heaven above, or from the vast firmament, — that he may give (us) wealth. 

Benfey; Von hier, oder vom Himmel ob der Erde begehren Spende wir, oder, 
Indra ! aus weiter Luft. 

Langlois ; Nous invoquons aussi la liberalite d’Indra ; (qu’il nous entende), 
soit d’ici-bas, soit de I’air qui enveloppe la terre, soit du vaste sejour de la lumiere. 


Verse 1, note 1. This hymn begins with a somewhat abrupt 
description of a sunrise. Indra is taken as the god of the 
bright day, whose steed is the sun, and whose companions the 
Maruts, or the storm- gods. Arusha, meaning originally red, 
is used as a proper name of the horse or of the rising sun, 
though it occurs more frequently as the name of the red 
horses or flames of Agni, the god of fire, and also of the 
morning light. In our passage, Arusha, used as a kind of sub- 
stantive, has taken bradhna as an adjective, — bradhna meaning, 
as far as can be made out, bright in general, though, as it is 



especially applied to the Soma-juice, perhaps bright-brown or 
yellow. Names of colour are difficult to translate from one 
language into another, for their shades vary, and withdraw 
themselves from sharp definition. We shall meet this diffi- 
culty again and again in the Veda. 

The following passages will illustrate the principal mean- 
ings of arushd, and justify the translation here adopted : — 

Arusha as an Adjective. 

Arusha is used as an adjective in the sense of red : 

vii. 97, 6. Tam sagmasa/i arushasa/i asvaA brihaspatim saha- 
vaha/i vahanti, — nabha/i na rupam arusham vasanaA. 

Powerful red horses, drawing together draw him,Brihaspati: 
horses clothed in red colour like the sky. 

iii. 1, 4. /Svetam graf/nanam arusham mahitva. 

Agni, the white, when born ; the red, by growth. 

iii. 15, 3. Krish?iasu ague arushaA vi bhahi. 

Shine, o Agni, red among the dark ones. 

iii. 31, 21. Antar (iti) krishwan arushaiA dhamabhiA gat. 

He (Indra) went among the dark ones with his red com- 

iv. 15, 6. Arushdm na divaA sisum. 

Like the red child of heaven, i.e. like the sun. One might 
also translate, like Arusha (i.e. the sun), the child of heaven. 

V. 47, 3. ArushaA supar/^aA. 

The red (the sun) with beautiful wings. 

vi. 27, 7. Yasya gavau arusha. 

He (Indra) whose two cows are red. 

TO. 75, 6. Prati dyutanam arushasaA asvaA AitraA adnsran 
ushasam vdhantaA. 

The red horses, the beautiful, are seen bringing to us the 
bright dawn. 

V. 43, 12. Hirawya-var?iam arusham sapema. 

Let us worship the gold-coloured, the red, i.e. Brihaspati 
(the fire). 

i. 118, 5. Pari vam a-svaA vapushaA patangaA vayaA vahantu 
arusha A ab'jike. 



May the winged beautiful horses, may the red birds bring 
you (the Asvins) back near to us. 
iv. 43, 6. Grhrina vayaA arushasaA pari gman. 

The red birds (of the Asvins) came hack by day. 

V. 73, 5. Pari vam arushaA vayaA gh/dwa varante a-tapa^. 
The red birds shield you (the Asvins) arormd by day from 
the heat. 

i. 36, 9. Vi dhumam agne arusham sn<7a. 

Send off, o Agni, the red smoke. 

vii. 3, 3. AAAAa dyam arushaA dhumaA eti. 

The red smoke goes up to the sky. 

vii. 16, 3. UT dhumasaA arushasaA divi-spnsaA. 

The clouds of red smoke went up touching the sky. 

X. 45, 7. Tyarti dhumam arusham. 

He (Agni) rouses the red smoke. 

i. 141, 8. Dyam ahgebhiA arushebhiA iyate. 

He (Agni) goes to the sky with his red limbs. 

ii. 2, 8. SaA idhanaA ushasaA ramyaA anu svaA na didet 
arushena bhanuna. 

He (Agni) lit after the lovely dawns, shone like the sky 
with his red splendour. 

iii. 29, 6. AsvaA na va^/f arushaA. 

Like a stallion, a red one (o Agni). 

iv. 58, 7. ArushaA na va^f kash^AaA bhindan. 

Like a red staUion, breaking the bounds. 

i. 114, 5. DivaA varaham arusham. 

Him (Rudra) the boar of the sky, the red. 

V. 59, 5. AsvM-iva it arushasaA. 

Like red horses, o Maruts. 

V. 12, 2. Aitam sapami arushasya vnsh«aA. 

I follow the law of the red hero (Agni). The meaning 
here assigned to v/ishanwill be explained hereafter, page 213. 
V. 12, 6. Aitam saA pati arushasya vrishwaA. 

He observes the law of the red hero (Agni). 
vi. 8, 1. Prikshasya vrishnaA arushasya mi sahaA pra voAam. 
I celebrate the power of the quick red hero (Agni Vaisva- 

vi. 48, 6. ^Syavasu arushaA vrisha. 



In the dark (nights) the red hero (Agni). 
iii. 7, 5. trananti vrish«a/i arushasya sevam. 

They know the treasure of the red hero (of Agni). 

In one passage vrishan arusha is intended for fire in the 
shape of lightning. 

X. 89, 9. Isi amitreshu vadham indra tumram vnshan 
vrisha«am arusham sisihi. 

"Whet, 0 strong Indra, the heavy weapon, the red lightning, 
against thy enemies. 

X. 43, 9. U't j/ayatam parasu/j ^ydtisha saha — vi ro/i-atam 
arusha/? bhanuna 5u/'i//. 

May the axe (the thunderbolt) appear with the light — 
may the red one blaze forth, bright Avith splendour. 

X. 1, 6. ArushaA gkikh pade i/aya/?. 

Agni, born red in the place of the altar, 
vi. 3, 6. Naktam \kh im arushaA yah diva. 

He (Agni) who is red by night and by day. 
vi. 49, 2. Diva/i sisum sahasa/i sunum agnim ya; 7 nasya 
ketum arusham ya^adhyai. 

To worship Agni, the child of the sky, the son of strength, 
the red light of the sacrifice, 
vi. 49, 3. Arushasya duhitara. 

The two daughters of the red, i.e. night and day. 

Here arusha points back to the preceding verse, and may 
therefore be taken as an adjective. 

X. 20, 9. Krishjja/i 5veta/i arusha/i yama/< asya bradhna/i 
lAgrkh uta sonah. 

His (Agni’s) path is black, white, red, bright, reddish, and 

Here it is extremely difficult to keep all the colours distinct. 
Arusha is frequently applied to Soma, particularly in the 
9th Ma^dala. There we read : 
ix. 8, 6. Arusha/^ hariA. 
ix. 71, 7. Arusha/i divaA kavi/j vrisha. 
ix. 74, 1. Ya^i ai’usha//. 
ix. 82, 1. Arusha/i vrisha hari/i. 
ix. 89, 3. Harim arusham. 

ix. Ill, 1. ArushaA hari/i. See also ix. 25, 5 ; 61, 21. In 



ix. 72, 1, aruslia seems used as a substantive in the sense of 
red horse. 

There are some passages where it is doubtful whether arusha 
should be taken as an adjective or as a substantive. Thus we 
read : 

vii. 71, 1. Apa svasu/i ushasaA nak ^/ihite ri«akti k/’ishm/i 
arushaya pantham. 

The night retires from her sister, the dawn ; the dark one 
jdelds the path to the red. 

Here the most natural explanation would be to take arusha 
as a name of the sun. For though arusha by itself does never 
exactly mean the sun in the Hig-veda, it comes very near to 
it in passages like i. 6, 1. It is possible, however, that 
arushaya, the dative masculine, might be intended for 
arushayai, the dative feminine, and then it would be the red 
sister, the dawn, in opposition to the dark sister, the night. 

Arusha as a Substantive. 

Arusha is used as a substantive, and in the followins: 
senses : 

1. The one red horse of the Sun, the two or more red horses 
of Agni. 

i. 6, 1. Yuh(7anti bradhnam arusham. 

They yoke the bright red-horse (the Sun). 

i. 94, 10. Yat ayukthaA arusha rohita rathe. 

When thou (Agni) hast yoked the ruddy red-horses to the 

i. 146, 2. Rihanti udhaA arushasaA asya. 

His (Agni’s) red-horses lick the udder. 

ii. 10, 2. iSruyaA agniA — hWamme — syava riitham vahataA 
rohita va uta arusha. 

Mayest thou, Agni, hear my call, whether the two black, or 
the two ruddy, or the two red-horses carry you. 

Here three kinds of colours are distinguished, and an inten- 
tional difference is made between rohita and arusha. 

iv. 2, 3. Arusha yu^anaA. 

Agni having yoked the two red-horses. 



iv. 6, 9. Tava tye agne harita/j — rohitasa^ — arushasaA vrisli- 

To (Agni) belong these bays, these ruddy, these red- 
horses, the stallions. 

Here, again, three kinds of horses are distinguished — Harits, 
Rohitas, and Arushas. 

viii. 34, 17. Ye ngvah vata-ra?«hasaA arushasa/i raghu- 

Here arusha may be the subject and the rest adjectives ; 
but it is possible, too, to take all the words as adjectives, re- 
ferring them to asu in the next verse. The fact that rigrra 
likemse expresses a peculiar red colour is no objection, as 
may be seen from i. 6, 1 ; 94, 10. 

vii. 16, 2. Sah yoyate arusha visva-bho^asa. 

He (Agni) yokes the two all-nourishing red-horses, 
vii. 42, 2. Yuiikshva — haritaA rohita/i ka. ye va sadman 

Yoke (o Agni) the bays, and the ruddy horses, or the red- 
horses which are in thy stable. 

2. The cloud, represented as the enemy of Indra, as re- 
taining like Vritra, the waters which Indra and the Maruts 
wish to liberate. 

i. 35, 5. Hta arushasya vi syanti dhara/«. 

(When you go to the battle, o Maruts), the streams of the 
red enemy flow oflP. 

V. 56, 7. Uta sya/i va^i arusha/i. 

This strong red-horse, — meant for the cloud, as it would 
seem ; but possibly, too, for one of the horses of the Maruts. 

Arushi as an Adjective. 

Arushi, like arusha, is used as an adjective, in the same 
sense as arusha, i.e. red : 

i. 71, 1. (Syavim arushim — ushdsam. 

The dark, the red dawn {i.e. the gloaming or the twilight), 
iii. 55, 11. /Syavi Aa yat arushi A:a svasarau. 

The dark and the red sisters. 

i. 92, 1 and 2. GavaA arushi/* and arushi/* ga/^. 

The red cows of the dawn. 



i. 92, 2. Rusantam bhanum arusbiA asisrayu^. 

The red dawns obtained bright splendour. Here ushasa//, 
the dawns, occurs in the same line, so that we may take 
arushiA as an adjective, referring to the dawns, and not as a 
substantive, as a name of the cows. 

i. 30, 21. Asve na /^itre arushi. 

Thou bright, red dawn, thou, like a mare. Here, too, the 
vocative arushi is to be taken as an adjective. 

The same in iv. 52, 2. 

Asva-iva ^itra arushi mata gavam ritavari sakha abhut 
a-svinoA usha/?. 

The dawn, bright and red, like a mare, the mother of the 
cows (days), the never-failing, she became the friend of the 

X. 5, 5. Sapta svasrir arushiA. 

The seven red sisters. 

Arushi as a Substantive. 

If used as a substantive, arushi seems to mean the dawn. 
It is likewise used as a name of the horses of Agni, Indra, 
and Soma ; also as a name for a mare. 

It means dawn in x. 8, 3, though the text points here so 
clearly to the dawn, and the very name of dawn is mentioned 
so immediately after, that this one passage seems hardly snffl- 
cient to establish the use of arushi as a recognized name of 
the dawn. 

Arushi means the horses of Agni, in i. 14, 12 : yukshva hi 
arushiA rathe haritaA deva rohitaA. 

Yoke, 0 god (Agni), the red horses to the chariot, the bays, 
the ruddy. 

i. 72, 10. Pra niAiA ague arushiA a^anan. 

They knew the red horses, Agni, coming down. 

In viii. 69, 5, arushi refers to the horses of Indra, whether 
as a noun or an adjective, is somewhat doubtful : 

A harayaA sasri(/ire arushiA. 

The bay horses were let loose, the red horses ; or, possibly, 
thy bright red-horses were let loose. 

Soma, as we saw, was frequently spoken of as arushaA hariA. 



In ix. Ill, 2, tridhatubhiA arusbibbiA seems to refer to 
tbe same red borses of Soma, tbougb this is not quite clear. 

Tbe passages where arusbi means simply a mare, without 
any reference to colour, are viii. 68, 18, and viii. 55, 3. 


As some of tbe meanings assigned to Arusha are more or 
less dependent on tbe exact signification of vrisban when joined 
with arusha, it becomes necessary to ascertain, as far as possible, 
tbe real import of that word. In vrishan we have one of those 
words which it is almost impossible to translate accurately. It 
occurs over and over again in the Vedic hymns, and if we once 
know tbe various ideas which it either expresses or implies, we 
have little difficulty in understanding its import in a vague and 
general way, though we look in’ vain for corresponding terms in 
any modern language. In the Veda, and in ancient languages 
generally, one and the same word is frequently made to do 
service for many. Words retain their general meaning, 
though at the same time they are evidently used with a 
definite purpose. This is not only a peculiar phase of lan- 
guage, but a peculiar phase of thought, and as to us this 
phase has become strange and unreal, it is very difficult to 
transport ourselves back into it, still more to translate the 
pregnant terms of the Vedic poets into the definite languages 
which we have to use. Let us imagine a state of thought and 
speech in which virtus still meant manliness, though it might 
also be applied to the virtue of a woman ; or let us try to speak 
and think a language which expressed the bright and the 
divine, the brilliant and the beautiful, the straight and the 
right, the bull and the hero, the shepherd and the king by 
the same terms, and we shall see how difficult it would be to 
translate such terms without losing either the key note that 
was still sounding, or the harmonies which were set vibrating 
by it in the minds of the poets and their listeners. 

Vrishan, being derived from a root vHsh, spargcre, meant 
no doubt originally the male, whether applied to animals or 
men. In this sense vrishan occurs frequently in the Veda, 
either as determining the sex of the animal which is mentioned. 



or as standing by itself and meaning tbe male. In either 
case, however, it implies the idea of strength and eminence, 
which we lose whether we translate it by man or male. 

Thus a5va is horse, but vii. 69, 1, we read : 

K vam ratha/i — vrishabhiA yatu asvai/i. 

May your chariot come near with powerful horses, i.e. with 

The Haris, the horses of Indra, are frequently called vrisha« a. 
i. 177, 1. Yukta hari(iti) vrishana. 

The bay stallions are yoked. 

Yrishabha/^, though itself originally meaning the male 
animal, had become fixed as the name of the bull, and in this 
process it had lost so much of its etymological import that 
the Yedic poet did not hesitate to define vnshabha itself by 
the addition of vrishan. Thus we find, viii. 93, 7 : 

Sa/i v/’isha vrishabha/i bhuvat. 

May he (Indra) be a strong bull, 
i. 54, 2. Yrisha vrisha-tva vrishabha^. 

Indra by his strength a strong bull ; but, literally, Indra by 
his manliness a male bull. 

Even vrishabha loses again its definite meaning ; and as 
bull in bull-calf means simply male, or in bull-trout, large, 
so vnshabha is added to atya, horse, to convey the meaning 
of large or powerful. 

i. 177, 2. Ye te vnsha? 2 aA vrishabhasaA indra — atya/?. 

Thy strong and powerful horses ; Kterally, thy male bull- 

When vrishan and vnshabha are used as adjectives, for 
instance with sushma, strength, they hardly difier in meaning : 
vi. 19, 8. A na/i bhara vnsha^zam sushmam indra. 

Bring to us thy manly strength, o Indra. 

And in the next verse : 

vi. 19, 9. A te sushma/? vnshabha/? etu. 

May thy manly strength come near. 

Yawsaga, too, which is clearly the name for bull, is defined 
by vrishan, i. 7, 8. 

Yrisha yutha-iva vawisaga/?. 

As the strong bull scares the herds. 

VOL. m. — [new series.] 




The same applies to varaha, which though by itself mean- 
ing boar, is determined again by vrishan. 

X, 67, 7. Vrishabhi/i varahai/i. 

With strong boars. 

In hi. 2, 11, we read, vrisha — nanadat na siwha/«. 

Roaring like a male lion. 

If used by itself, vrishan, at least in the Rig-veda, can 
hardly be said to be the name of any special animal, though 
in later Sanskrit it may mean bull or horse. Thus if we 
read, x. 43, 8, vrisha na kruddha/i, we can only translate like 
an angry male, though, no doubt, like a wild bull, would seem 
more appropriate. 

i. 186, 5. Yena napatam apam ^unama mana/t-^uvaA vrish- 
a«a/i( yam vahanti. 

That we may excite the son of the water (Agni), whom the 
males, quick as thought, carry along. 

Here the males are no doubt the horses or stallions of Agni. 
But, though this follows from the context, it would be wrong 
to say that vrishan by itself means horse. 

If used by itself vrishan most frequently means man, and 
chiefly in his sexual character. Thus : 

i. 140, 6. Yrisha-iva patniA abhi eti roruvat. 

Agni comes roaring like a husband to his wives. 

i. 179, 1. Api uw(iti) nu patniA vrishanaA yagamyuA. 

Will the husbands now come to their wives ? 

ii. 16, 8. Sakrit su te sumatibhiA — sam patnibhiA na vri- 
shaaaA nasimahi. 

May we for once cling firmly to thy blessings, as husbands 
cling to their wives. 

V. 47, 6. Upa-prakshe vrishanaA modamanaA divah patha 
vadhvaA yanti aAAha. 

The exulting men come for the embrace on the path of 
heaven towards their wives. 

In one or two passages vrishan would seem to have a still 
more definite meaning, particularly in the formula suraA 
drisike v>’ishawaA Aa pau?«sye, which occurs iv. 41, 6 ; x. 92, 7. 
See also i. 179, 1. 

In all the passages which we have hitherto examined vrishan 



clearly retained its etymological meaning, though even then 
it was not always possible to translate it by male. 

The same meaning has been retained in other languages 
in which this word can he traced. Thus, in Zend, arshan is 
used to express the sex of animals in such expressions as 
a.spahe arshno, gen. a male horse ; varazahe arshno, gen. a 
male boar ; geus arshno, gen. a male ox ; but likewise in the 
sense of man or hero, as arsha husrava, the hero Hu.STava. 
In Grreek we find dparjv and dpprjv used in the same way to 
distinguish the sex of animals, as dpaeve<; Xiriroi, ^ovv dpaeva. 
In Latin the same word may be recognised in the proper 
name Varro, and in vdro and bdro. 

We now come to another class of passages in which v>'ishan 
is clearly intended to express more than merely the masculine 
gender. In some of them the etymological meaning of spa?-- 
(jere, to pour forth, seems to come out again, and it is well 
known that Indian commentators are very fond of explaining 
v/'ishan by giver of rain, giver of good gifts, bounteous. The 
first of these meanings may indeed be admitted in certain 
passages, but the others are more than doubtful. 

i. 181, 8. Yrisha vam megha/i may be translated, your 
raining cloud. 

i. 129, 3. DasmaA hi sma vnsha«am pinvasi tvaA'am. 

Thou art strong, thou fillest the rainy skin, i.e. the cloud. 

See also iv. 22, 6 ; and possibly v. 83, 6. 

It may be that, when applied to Soma too, vHshan retained 
something of this etymological meaning, that it meant gush- 
ing forth, poured out, though in many places it is impossible 
to render vrishan, as applied to Soma, by any thing but 
strong. All we can admit is that vrishan, if translated by 
strong, means also strengthening and invigorating, an idea 
not entirely absent even in our expression, a strong di’ink. 

i. 80, 2. Sa/i tva amadat vnsha mada/i, s6ma/i — suta/i. 

This strong draught inspirited thee, the poured out Soma- 

i. 91, 2. Tvam vrisha vrishatvebhiA. 

Thou, Soma, art strong by strength. 

i. 175, 1. V/’isha te vrishne indu/i va^i sahasra-satama/i. 



For thee, the strong one, there is strong drink, powerful, 

In the ninth MawtMa, specially dedicated to the praises of 
Soma, the inspiriting beverage of gods and men, the repetition 
of vrishan, as applied to the juice and to the god who drinks 
it, is constant. Indo v/’isha or v?’isha indo are incessant in- 
vocations, and become at last perfectly meaningless. 

There can be no doubt, in fact, that already in the hymns 
of the Veda, vrishan had dwindled away to a mere epitheton 
onians, and that in order to understand it correctly, we must, 
as much as possible, forget its etymological colouring, and 
render it by hero or strong. Indra, Agni, the A.svins, Yish«u, 
the i^ibhus (iv. 35, 6), all are vrishan, which means no longer 
male, but manly, strong. 

In the following passages vrishan is thus applied to Indra : 
i. 54, 2. Yah dhrishuuna savasa r6dasi(iti) ubhe(iti) vrisha 
vrishatva vrishabhaA ni-/ih^ate, 

(Praise Indra) who by his daring strength conquers both 
heaven and earth, a bull, strong in strength. 

i. 100, 1. Sa/i jah vrisha vrish»iyebhi/j sam-okaA maha/i 
diva/i prithivya/i A'a sam-ra^ satina-satva havyaA bhareshu 
marutvan naA bhavatu indraA utf. 

He who is strong, wedded to strength, who is the king of 
the great sky and the earth, of mighty might, to be invoked 
in battles, — may Indra with the Maruts come to our help ! 


i. 16, 1. A tva vahantu harayaA vrisha«am soma-pitaye, 
indra tva sura-AakshasaA. 

May the bays bring thee hither, the strong one, to the Soma- 
draught, may the sunny-eyed horses (bring) thee, o Indra. 

iv. 16, 20. Eva it indraya vrishabhaya vrishtte brahma 
akarma bhrigavaA na ratham. 

Thus we have made a hymn for Indra, the strong bull, as 
the Bhrigus make a chariot. 

X. 153, 2. Tvam vrishan vrisha it asi. 

Thou, o hero, art indeed a hero ; and not. Thou, o male, art 
indeed a male ; still less. Thou, o bull, art indeed a bull. 

i. 101, 1. AvasyavaA vrishaaam vayra-dakshi«am marut- 
vantam sakhyaya havamahe. 



Longing for help we call as our friend the hero who wields 
the thunderbolt, who is accompanied by the Maruts. 

viii. 6, 14. Ni sush«e indra dhar«asim vayram ^aghantha 
dasyavi, vrisha hi ugra sri«vishe. 

Thou, o Indra, hast struck the strong thunderbolt against 
/Sush«a, the fiend ; for, terrible one, thou art called hero ! 

viii. 6, 40. Vav?’idhana/i upa dyavi vnsha vayri aroravit, 
vritra-ha soma-patama/i. 

Growing up by day, the hero with the thunderbolt has 
roared, the Vritra- killer, the great Soma-drinker. 

V. 35, 4. Vrisha hi asi radhase vrish«i te 


Thou (Indra) art a hero, thou wast born to be bounteous ; 
in thee, the hero, there is might. 

It is curious to watch the last stage of the meaning of 
vrishan in the comparative and superlative varshiyas and 
varshish//«a. In the Veda, varshish^/^a still means excellent, 
but in later Sanskrit it is considered as the superlative of 
vriddha, old, so that we see vrishan, from meaning originally 
manly, vigorous, young, assuming in the end the meaning of 
old. (M. M. Sanskrit Grammar, § 252.) 

Yet even thus, when vrishan means simply strong or hero, 
its sexual sense is not always forgotten, and it breaks out, for 
instance, in such passages as : 

i. 32, 7. VrishwaA vadhriA pratimanam biibhushan puru- 
tra vritra/i asayat vi-asta/i. 

Vritra, the eunuch, trying to be like unto a man (like unto 
Indra), was lying, broken in many pieces. 

The next passages show vrishan as applied to Agni : 

iii. 27, 15, Vrishawam tva vayam vrishan vrisha«a4 sam 

0, strong one, let us the strong ones light thee, the 
strong ! 

V. 1, 12. AvoA'ama kavaye medhyaya vaAaA vandaru vrisha- 
bhaya vrishwe. 

We have spoken an adoring speech for the holy poet, for 
the strong bull (Agni). 

Vishrau is called vrishan, i, 154, 3. 



Pra vislinave susham etu maruna giri-ksliite uru-gayaya 

May this hymn go forth to Vishwu, he who dwells in the 
mountain (cloud), who strides wide, the hero. 

Rudra is called vrishan : 

ii. 34, 2. Rudra/i yat va/« maruta/i rukma-vakshasa/« vrisha 
ayani prisnya/i sukre udhani. 

When Rudra, the strong man, begat you, o Maruts with 
briUiant chests, in the bright bosom of Primi. 

That the Maruts, the sons of Rudra, are called vrishan, we 
have seen before, and shall see frequently again (i. 165, 1 ; 
ii. 33, 13 ; vii. 56, 20 ; 21 ; 58, 6). The whole company of 
the Maruts is called vrisha ga«a4, the strong or manly host, 
i.e. the host of the Maruts, without any further qualification. 

Here lies, indeed, the chief difiiculty which is raised by the 
common use of vrishan in the Yeda, that when it occurs by 
itself, it often remains doubtful who is meant by it, Indra, or 
Soma, or the Maruts, or some other deity. We shall examine 
a few of these passages, and first some where vrishan refers 
to Indra : 

iv. 30, 10. Apa usha/« dnasaA sarat sam-pishfat aha bibhyu- 
shi, ni 3 ^at sim si.mathat vrisha. 

Ushas went away from her broken chariot, fearing lest the 
hero should do her violence. 

Here vrishan is clearly meant for Indra, who, as we learn 
from the preceding verse, was trying to conquer Ushas, as 
Apollo did with Daphne ; and it should be observed that the 
word itself, by which Indra is here designated, is particularly 
appropriate to the circumstances. 

i. 103, 6. Bhuri-karma?m vrishabhaya vrishne satya-sush- 
maya sunavama somam, ya/< a-dritya paripanthi-iva sura/i 
ayaffvana/i vi-bha^an eti vMaA. 

Let us pour out the Soma for the strong bull, the performer 
of many exploits, whose strength is true, the hero who, watch- 
ing like a foot-pad, comes to us dividing the wealth of the 

Here it is clear again from the context that Indra only can 
be meant. 



But in other passages this is more doubtful : 
iii. 61, 7. i2itasya budhne ushasam ishanyan v^-isha mahi 
(iti) rodasi (iti) a vivesa. 

The hero in the depth of the heaven, yearning for the 
dawns, has entered the great sky and the earth. 

The hero who yearns for the dawns, is generally Indra ; 
here, however, considering that Agni is mentioned in the 
preceding verse, it is more likely that this god, as the light 
of the morning, may have been meant by the poet. That 
Agni, too, may be called vrishan, without any other epithet 
to show that he is meant rather than any other god, is clear 
from such passages as : 

vi. 3, 7. Yrisha ruksha/i oshadhishu nunot. 

He the wdld hero shouted among the plants. 

In vii. 60, 9, vnshanau, the dual, is meant for Mitra and 
Vanma ; in the next verse, vrishawa/?, the plural, must mean 
the same gods and their companions. 

That Soma is called simply vrishan, not only in the ninth 
Maw(/ala, but elsewhere, too, we see from such passages, as : 
iii. 43, 7. Tndra piba vrisha-dhutasya vrish??aA (a yam te 
syena/i u-sate grabhara), yasya made Ayavayasi pra knsh^iA 
yasya made apa gotra vavartha. 

Indra drink of the male (the strong Soma), bruised by the 
males (the heavy stones), inspirited by whom thou makest the 
people fall down, inspirited by whom thou hast opened the stables. 

Here Sayawa, too, sees rightly that the male bruised by the 
males is the Soma-plant, which, in order to yield the intoxi- 
cating juice, has to be bruised by stones, which stones are 
again likened to two males. But unless the words, enclosed 
in brackets, had stood in the text, words which clearly point 
to Soma, I doubt whether Saya»a would have so readily ad- 
mitted the definite meaning of vrishan as Soma. 

i. 109, 3. Ma A7iedma rasmin iti nadhamana/; pitriwam sak- 
t\h anu-yaZ:^7?amana/i, indragnibhyam kam vrisha?;a/j madanti 
ta hi adri (iti) dhishawayaA upa-sthe. 

We pray, let us not break the cords (which by means of 
the sacrifices offered by each generation of our forefathers 
unite us with the gods) ; we strive after the powers of our 



fathers. The Somas rejoice for Indra and Agni ; here are 
the two stones in the lap of the vessel. 

First, as to the construction, the fact that participles are 
thus used as finite verbs, and particularly when the subject 
changes in the next sentence, is proved by other passages, 
such as ii. 11, 4. The sense is that the new generation does 
not break the sacrificial succession, but offers Soma, like their 
fathers. The Soma plants are ready, and, when pressed by 
two stones, their juice flows into the Soma- vessel. There may 
be a double entendre which Sanskrit scholars will easily per- 

When vrishan is thus used by itself, we must be chiefly 
guided by the adjectives or other indications before we deter- 
mine on the most plausible translation. Thus we read : 
i. 55, 4. Sa/« it vane namasyubhi/i vaA-asyate karu ^aneshu 
prabruva??aA indriyam, vrisha ^/mnduA bhavati haryata/< 
vrisha kshemena dhenam maghava yat invati. 

In the first verse the subject is clearly Indra : “ He alone is 
praised by worshippers in the forest, he who shows forth 
among men his fair power.” But who is meant to be the sub- 
ject of the next verse ? Even Saya«a is doubtful. He trans- 
lates first : “ the bounteous excites the man who wishes to 
sacrifice ; when the sacrificer, the rich, by the protection of 
Indra, stirs up his voice.” But he allows an optional trans- 
lation for the last sentences : “ when the powerful male, 

Indra, by his enduring mind reaches the praise offered by 
the sacrificer.” 

According to these suggestions, Wilson translated : “ He 
(Indra) is the granter of their wishes (to those who solicit 
him) ; he is the encourager of those who desire to worship 
(him), when the wealthy offerer of oblations, enjoying his 
protection, recites his praise.” 

Benfey : “ The bull becomes friendly, the bull becomes 
desirable, when the sacrificer kindly advances praise.” 

Langlois: “When the noble Maghavan receives the hom- 
age of our hymns, his heart is flattered, and he responds to 
the wishes of his servant by his gifts.” 

As far as I know, the adjective A/iandu does not occur 



again, and can therefore give us no hint. But haryata/i, 
which is applied to vrishan in our verse, is the standing 
epithet of Soma. It means delicious, and occurs very fre- 
quently in the ninth Ma?«ffala. It is likewise applied to Agni, 
Pushan, the Haris, the thunderbolt, but wherever it occurs 
our first thought is of Soma. Thus, without quoting from 
the Soma-Manr/ala, we read, x. 96, 1, haryatam madam, the 
delicious draught, i.e. Soma. 

X. 96, 9. Pitva madasya harjmtasya andhasah, means, 
having drunk of the draught of the delicious Soma. 

viii. 72, 18. Padam haryatasya nidhanyam, means the place 
where the delicious Soma resides, 
iii. 44, 1. Haryata/i s6ma/i. 

Delicious Soma. 

ii. 21, 1. Bhara indraya somam ya^ataya haryatam. 

Bring delicious Soma for the holy Indra. 
i. 130, 2. Madaya haryataya te tuvish^amaya dhayase. 
That thou mayest drink the delicious and most powerful 
draught, i.e. the Soma. 

If, then, we know that vrishan by itself is used in the sense 
of Soma, haryata/i vrishan can hardly be anything else, and 
we may therefore translate the second line of i. 55, 5, “ the 
strong Soma is pleasing, the strong Soma is delicious when 
the sacrificer safely brings the cow.” 

That Indra was thirsting for Soma had been said in the 
second verse, and he is again called the Soma-drinker in the 
seventh verse. The bringing of the cow alludes to the often 
mentioned mixture with mUk which the Soma undergoes be- 
fore it is offered. 

That the Maruts are called vrishan, without further ex- 
planations, will appear from the following passages : — 
i. 85, 12. Bayim naA dhatta vrisha«a4 su-viram. 

Give us wealth, ye heroes, consisting of strong men. 
viii. 96, 14. Tshyami va/i vrisha? 2 a/« yudhyata a^au. 

I wish for you, heroes (Maruts), fight in the race ! 

In aU the passages which we have hitherto examined, 
vrishan was always appKed to living beings, whether animals, 
men, or gods. But as, in Greek, dpprjv means at last simply 



strong, and is applied, for instance, to the crash of the sea 
KTVTTo<i dparjv ttovtov, so in the Veda vrishan is applied to the 
roaring of the storms and similar objects. 

V. 87, 5. SvanaA vrisha. 

Your powerful sound (o Maruts). 

X. 47, 1. 6'agribhma te dakshinam indra hastam vasu-yavaA 
vasu-pate vdsunam, vidma hi tva go-patim sura gonam asma- 
bhyam Adtram vrishjiam rayim da/<. 

We have taken thy right hand, o Indra, wishing for trea- 
sures, treasurer of treasures, for we know thee, o hero, to be 
the lord of cattle ; give us bright and strong wealth. 

Should kitra here refer to treasures, and vrishan to cattle ? 

X. 89, 9. Ni amitreshu vadham indra tumram vnshan 
vrisha^am arusham sisihi. 

Whet, o hero, thy heavy strong, red weapon, against the 

The long a in vnshawam is certainly startling, but it 
occurs once more, ix. 34, 3, where there can be no doubt that 
it is the accusative of vrishan. Roth takes vrishan here in 
the sense of bull (s.v. tumra), but he does not translate the 
whole passage. 

iii. 29, 9. Kn?^6ta dhumam vnshawam sakhaya/i. 

Make a mighty smoke, o friends ! 

Strength itself is called vrishan, if I am right in translating 
the phrase vrishawam sushmam by manly strength. It occurs 

iv. 24, 7. Tasmin dadhat vrishanam sushmam indraA. 

May Indra give to him manly strength. 

vi. 19, 8. A naA bhara vrishanam sushmam indra. 

Bring to us, o Indra, manly strength. 

vii. 24, 4. Asme (iti) dadhat vrishawam sushmam indra. 

Giving to us, o Indra, manly strength. 

See also vi. 19, 9. SushmaA vrishabhaA, used in the same 

This constant play on the word vrishan, which we have 
observed in the passages hitherto examined, and which give 
by no means a full idea of the real frequency of its occurrence 
in the Veda, has evidently had its influence on the Vedic 
Eishis, who occasionally seem to delight in the most silly and 



unmeaning repetitions of this word, and its compounds and 
derivatives. Here no language can supply any adequate trans- 
lation ; for though we may translate words which express 
thoughts, it is useless to attempt to render mere idle play 
with words. I shall give a few instances : 

4 / 

i. 177, 3. A tish^/<a ratham vnsha?^am vrisha te sutaA somaA 
pari-sikta madhuni, yuktva vrishahhyam v/’ishahha kshitinam 
haribhyam yahi pra-vata upa madrik. 

Mount the strong car, the strong Soma is poured out for thee, 
sweets are sprinkled round ; come down towards us, thou bull 
of men, with the strong bays, having yoked them. 

But this is nothing yet compared to other passages, when 
the poet cannot get enough of vrishan and vrishabhas. 

ii. 16, 6. Ynsha te va^ra/i uta te vrisha ratha/« vrisha??a 
hari(iti) vrishabhawi ayudha, vrishwah madasya vHshabha 
tvam isishe indra somasya v/*ishabhasya tn.pwuhi. 

Thy thunderbolt is strong, and thy car is strong, strong 
are the bays, the weapons are 'powerful, thou, bull, art lord of 
the strong draught, Indra rejoice in powerful Soma ! 

V. 36, 5. Vrisha tva vrisha??am vardhatu dyau/i vrisha vri- 
shabhyS,m vahase haribhyam, saA na/i vrisha vrisha-ratha/i 
su-sipra vrisha-krato (iti) vrisha va^rin bhare dha/i. 

May the strong sky increase thee, the strong ; a strong one 
thou art, carried by two strong bays ; do thou who art strong, 
with a strong car, o thou of strong might, strong holder of the 
thunderbolt, keep us in battle ! 

V. 40, 2-3. Vrisha grava vrisha mada/i vrisha somaA ayam 
suta/?, vrishan indra vrishahhi/i vritra-hantama, vrisha tva vri- 
shawam huve. 

The stone is strong, the draught is strong, this Soma that 
has been poured out is strong, o thou strong Indra, who killest 
Vritra with the strong ones (the Maruts), I, the strong, call 
thee, the strong. 

viii. 13, 31-33. Vrisha ayam indra te rathaA uto(iti) te 
vrishawa hari(iti), vrisha tvdm sata-krato(iti) vrisha havaA. 
Vrisha grava vrisha mMa/« vrisha somaA ayam sutaA, vrisha 
gagnkh yam invasi vrisha havaA. Vrisha tva vrishawam huve 
va^rin AitrabhiA utibhiA, vavantha hi prati-stutim v/-isha 



This thy car is strong, o Indra, and thy hays are strong ; 
thou art strong, o omnipotent, our call is strong. The stone 
is strong, the draught is strong, the Soma is strong, which is 
here poured out ; the sacrifice which thou orderest, is strong, 
our call is strong. I, the strong, call thee, the strong, thou 
holder of the thunderbolt, with manifold blessings ; for thou 
hast desired our praise ; our call is strong. 

There are other passages of the same kind, but they are too 
tedious to be here repeated. The commentator, throughout, 
gives to each vrishan its full meaning either of showering 
down or bounteous, or male or bull ; but a word which can thus 
be used at random has clearly lost its definite power, and calls 
forth no definite ideas in the mind of the listener. It cannot 
be denied that here and there the original meaning of vrishan 
would be appropriate even where the poet is only pouring out 
a stream of majestic sound, but we are not called upon to 
impart sense to what are verha ct prcetcrquam nihil. When 
we read, i. 122, 3, vata/i apam vnsha??-van, we are justified, no 
doubt, in translating, “ the wind who pours forth water ; ” and 
X. 93, 5, apam vnsha«-vasu suryamasa means “ Sun and Moon, 
givers of water.” But even in passages where vrishan is fol- 
lowed by the verb vrish, it is curious to observe that vrish is 
not necessarily used in the sense of raining or poui’ing forth, 
but rather in the sense of drinking. 

vi. 68, 11. Tndravaru«a madhu-mattamasya vrisha«a/i s6- 
masya vnsha??a* a vrishetham. 

Indra and Varu;;a, you strong ones, may you drink of the 
sweetest strong Soma. 

That avrish means to drink or to eat, was known to Saya? 2 a 
and to the author of the /Satapatha-brahma«a,who paraphrases 
a vnshayadhvam by asnita, eat. 

* The dual vnshawau occurs only when the nest word begins with a vowel. 
Before an initial a, a, i, the au is always changed into av in the Sanhita (i. 108, 
7-12; 116,21; 117,19; 153,2; 157,5; 158,1; 180,7; yii. 61, 5). Before 
u the preceding au becomes a in the Sanhita, but the Pada gives au, in order to 
show that no S^andhi can take place between the two vowels (vii. 60, 9 ; x. 66, 7). 
Before consonants the dual always ends in a, both in the Sanhita and Pada. But 
there are a few passages where the final a occurs before initial vowels, and where 
the two vowels are allowed to form one syllable. In four passages this happens 
before an initial a (i. 108, 2; vi. 68, 11 ; i. 177, 1 ; ii. 16, 5). Once and once 
only it happens before u, in viii. 22, 12. 



The same phrase occurs i, 108, 3. 

i. 104, 9. Uru-vydA-aA ya^/iare a vrishasva. 

Thou of vast extent, drink (the Soma) in thy stomach. 

The same phrase occurs x. 96, 13. 

viii. 61, 3. A vrishasva — sutasya indra andhasa/i. 

Drink, Indra, of the Soma that is poured out. 

In conclusion, a few passages may be pointed out in which 
vrishan seems to be the proper name of a pious worshipper, 
i. 36, 10 ; vi. 16, 15 (pathya). 

Verse 1, note 2. A similar expression occurs iii. 61, 5, where 
it is said of Dshas, the dawn, that she lighted the lights in the 
sky, pra ro/iana ruruA-e ra7^va-sa?«drik. 

Verse 2, note 1. Although no name is given, the pronoun 
asya clearly refers to Indra, for it is he to whom the two 
bays belong. The next verse, therefore, must likewise be 
taken as addressed to Indra, and not to the sun, spoken of as 
a horse in the first verse. 

Verse 3, note 1. The vocative maryaA, which I have trans- 
lated by 0 men, had evidently become a mere exclamation at 
a very early time. Even in our passage it is clear that the 
poet does not address any men in particular, for he addresses 
Indra, nor is marya used in the general sense of men. It 
means males, or male offspring. It sounds more like some 
kind of asseveration or oath, like the Latin mehercle, or like 
the English, 0 ye powers, and it is therefore quoted as an 
nipata or particle in the Vay. Pratis. ii. 16. It certainly 
cannot be taken as addressed to the Maruts, thouo-h the 
Maruts are the subject of the next verse. 

Verse 3, note 2. DshadbhiA, an instrumental plural which 
attracted the attention of the author of the Varttika to Pa«. vii.4, 
48. It occurs but once, but the regular form, ushobhiA, does not 
occur at all in the Rig- Veda. The same grammarian mentions 
mas, month, as changing the final s of its base into d before bhis. 
This, too, is confirmed by Rv. ii. 24, 5, where mMbhiA occurs. 
Two other words, svavas, offering good protection, andsvatavas, 
of independent strength, mentioned together as liable to the 
same change, do not occur with bhiA in the Rig-Veda, but 
the forms svavadbhiA and svatavadbhiA probably occurred in 



same other Yedic writings. Svatavadbliya/i has been pointed 
out by Professor Aufrecht in the Ya^asan. Sanhita, xxiv. 16, 
and svatavobhya/i, in ^Satap. Br. ii. 5, 1, 14. That the nom. 
svavan, which is always trisyllabic, is not to be divided into 
sva-van, as proposed by >S'akalya, but into su-avan, is implied 
by Yarttika to Pan. viii. 4, 48, and distinctly stated in the 
Siddhanta-Kaumudi. That the final n of the nom. su-avan 
disappeared before semi-vowels is confirmed by the ySakala- 
pratisakhya, Sutra 287 ; see also Ya^asan. Prati.s. iii. Sutra 
135 (Weber, lud. Stud. iv. p. 206). On the proper division 
of su-avas, see Aufrecht, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- 
landischen Gesellschaft, vol. xiii. p. 499. 

Yerse 4, note 1. Svadha, literally one’s own place, afterwards, 
one’s own nature. It was a great triumph for the science of 
Comparative Philology that, long before the existence of such a 
word as svadha in Sanskrit was known, it should have been 
postulated by Professor Benfey in his Griechische Wurzel- 
lexicon, published in 1839, and in the appendix of 1842. 
Svadha was known, it is true, in the ordinary Sanskrit, but 
there it only occurred as an exclamation used on presenting 
an oblation to the manes. It was also explained to mean food 
offered to deceased ancestors, or to be the name of a personifi- 
cation of Maya or worldly illusion, or of a nymph. But 
Professor Benfey, with great ingenuity, postulated for Sanskrit 
a noun svadha, as corresponding to the Greek e^o? and the 
German sitte, O.H.G. sit-u, Gothic sicl-u. The noun svadha 
has since been discovered in the Yeda, where it occurs very 
frequently, and its true meaning in many passages where 
native tradition had entirely misunderstood it, has really been 
restored by means of its etymological identification with 
the Greek e6o<; or rj6o<i. See Kuhn’s Zeitschrift, ii. 134; 
xii. 158. 

The expressions, anu svadham and svadham anu are of fre- 
quent occurrence. They mean, according to the nature or 
character of the persons spoken of, and may be translated by 
as usual, or according to a person’s wont. Thus in our 
passage, we may translate. The Maruts are born again, i.e., 
as soon as Indra appeared with the dawn, according to their 



wont ; they are always born as soon as Indra appears, for such 
is their nature. 

i. 165, 5. Tndra svadhara anu hi na/i babhutha. 

For, Indra, according to thy wont, thou art ours. 

viii. 20, 7. Svadham anu sriyam nara/i — vahante. 

According to their wont, the men (the Maruts) carry splen- 
dour. ^ 

viii. 88, 5. Anu svadham vavakshitha. 

Thou hast grown (Indra) according to thy nature. 

iv. 33, 6. Anu svadham ribhava/i (/agmu/j etam. 

According to their nature, the iiibhus went to her, scil. the 
cow ; or, according to this their nature, they came. 

iv. 52, 6. T/shaA anu svadham ava. 

Uawn, help ! as thou art wont. 

i. 33, 11. Anu svadham aksharan apa/« asya. 

As usual, or according to his nature, i.e. his strength, the 
waters flowed. 

i. 88, 6. Asam anu svadham. 

Accordino- to the nature of these libations. 

^ A/ A/ 

vii. 56, 13. Anu svadham ayudhaiA ya/iMamanaA. 

According to their nature, stretching forth with their 

iii. 51, 11. Ykh te 4nu svadham asat sute ni ya/iMa tanvam. 

Direct thy body to that libation which is according to thy 
nature, or better, according to thy taste. 

In all these passages svadha may be rendered by manner, 
habit, usage, and anu svadham would seem to correspond to 
the Greek eOovi. Yet the history of these words in Sans- 
krit and Greek has not been exactly the same. First of all 
we observe in Greek a division between e^o? and and 

whereas the former comes very near in meaning to the Sans- 
krit svadha, the latter shows in Homer a much more primi- 
tive and material sense. It means in Homer, not a person’s own 
nature, but the own place, for instance, of animals, the haunts 
of horses, lions, fish ; in Hesiod, also of men. Svadha in the 
Veda does not occur in that sense, although etymologically 
it might take the meaning of one’s own place. (Cf. dha-man, 
familia, etc.) Whether in Greek from meaning lair, 



haunt, home, came, like w/ 1.69 and v6/j,o<;, to mean habit, manner, 
character, which would be quite possible, or whether ^6o<i in 
that meaning represents a second start from the same point, 
which in Sanskrit was fixed in svadha, is impossible to de- 
termine. In Sanskrit svadha clearly shows the meaning of 
one’s own nature, power, disposition. It does not mean power or 
nature in general, but always the power of some one, the 
peculiarity, the individuality of a person. This will appear 
from the following passages : — 

ii. 3, 8 . TisraA devi/i svadhaya barhiA a idam aA'AVadram 

May the three goddesses protect by their power the sacred 
pile unbroken. 

iv. 13, 5. Kaya yati svadhaya. 

By what inherent power does he (the Sun) move on ? 

iv. 26, 4. AAakraya svadhaya. 

By a power which requires no chariot, i.e. by himself with- 
out a chariot. 

The same expression occurs again x. 27, 19. 

In some places “mad” joined with svadhaya, seems to 
mean to delight in his strength, proud of his might. 

V. 32, 4. Svadhaya madautam. 

YHtra who delights in his strength. 

vii. 47, 3. Svadhaya inadantiA. 

The waters who delight in their strength. See x. 124, 8 . 

In other passages, however, as we shall see, the same phrase 
(and this is rather unusual) requires to be taken in a different 
sense, so as to mean to rejoice in food. 

i. 164, 38. Svadhaya gribhita/!. 

Held or grasped by his own strength. 

iii. 17, 5. Svadhaya Aa sambhu/i. 

He who blesses by his own strength. 

iii. 35 , 10 . Tndra plba svadhaya Adt sutasya agneh va pahi 
yihvaya ya^/atra. 

Indra drink of the libation by thyself (by thy own power), 
or with the tongue of Agni, o worshipful. 

To drink with the tongue of Agni is a bold, but not unusual 
expression, v. 51, 2. ague/i pibata (/ihvaya. 



X. lo, 3. Ye svadhaya sutasya bhayanta pitva/^ 

Those who by themselves share in the offered draught. 

X. 15, 12. Tvam ague iliikh ^ata-veda/?, avaif havyani sii- 
rabhiwi kritvl, pra adaA pitnbhya/i svadhaya te akshan addlu 
tvam deva pra-yata haivm^shi. 12. Ye A’a iha pitara/i ye 7>:a na 
iha yan A-a vidma yan u Aa na pra-vidma, tvam vettlia yati te 
yata-veda/i svadhabhiA yayham su-kritam ^ushasva. 13. |Ye 
agni-dagdhaA ye anagni-dagdhaA madhye divaA svadhaya 
madayaute, tebhiA sva-ra7 asu-nitim etam yatha-va.sam tan- 
vam kalpayasva. 

Thou, 0 Agni (ratavedas, hast carried, when implored, the 
offerings which thou hast rendered sweet : Thou hast given 
them to the fathers, they fed on their share. Eat thou, 
0 god, the proffered oblations. Our fathers who are here, and 
those who are not here, our fathers whom we know and 
those whom we do not know, thou knowest how many they are, 
0 6'atavedas, accept the well-made sacrifice with the sacrificial 
portions. 13. They who, whether burnt by fire or not burnt by 
fire, rejoice in their offering in the midst of heaven, give to them, 
0 king, that life, and thy (their) own body, according to thy 

i. 165, 6. Kva sya vaA marutaA svadha asit yat mam ekam 
sam-adhatta ahi-hatye. 

Where was that custom of yours, o Maruts, that ye should 
have joined me who stand alone in the fight with Ahi ? 

vii. 8, 3. Kaya na/j ague vi vasaA su-vriktim kam um (fti) 
svadham rinavaA sasyamanaA. 

In what character dost thou light up our altar, and what 
character dost thou assume when thou art praised ! 

iv. 58, 4. Yenat ekam svadhaya nlA tatakshur. 

They (the gods) made one out of the sun, by their own power. 

iv. 45, 6. V i.svan aim svadhaya 7>:etathaA patha7i. 

You (A.svins) look after all the paths by your own strength. 

i. 64, 4. Sakam ^a^rnire svadhaya. 

They (the Maruts) were born together according to their 
nature ; very much like anu svadham, i. 6, 4. One can hardly 
render it here by “ they were born by their own strength,” or 
“ by spontaneous generation.” 

VOL. III. — [new SEalE.S.] 




Svadh^a, however, meaning originally by its own powers, 
or nature, comes to mean in several passages, by itself, 
sponte sua. 

* A/ ^ ^ 

vii. 78, 4. A asthat ratham svadhaya yu^yamanam. 

She, the dawn, mounted the chariot which was harnessed by 
itself, by its own power, without requiring the assistance of 
people to put the horses to. 

X. 129, 2. Anit avatam svadhaya tat ekam. 

That only One breathed breathlessly, by its own strength, 
i.e., by itself. 

In the same sense svadhabhi/i is used in several passages : 

i. 113, 13. Amrita A'arati svadhabhiA. 

The immortal Dawn moves along by her own strength, i.e. 
by herself. 

viii. 10, 6. Yat va svadhabhi/j adhi-tish^/jatha/i ratham. 

Or whether ye mount your chariot by your own strength, ye 


i. 164, 30. Giwkh mritasya A'arati svadhabhiA araartyaA 
inartyena sa-yoni^. 

The living moves by the powers of the dead, the immortal 
is the brother of the mortal. 

iii. 26, 8. Vdrshish^/«am ratnam akrita svadhabhiA. 

He (Agni) made the best jewel by his own powers, i.e. by 

V. 60, 4. Yara/i-iva it raivatasa/^ hiranyaiA abhi svadhabhiA 
tanvaA pipisre. 

Like rich suitors, they (the Maruts) by their own strength, 
i.e., themselves, adorn their bodies with gold ornaments. 

There are doubtful passages in which the meaning of 
svadhabhiA, too, is doubtful. Thus, i. 180, 6. In vi. 2, 8, 
svadha looks like an adverb, instead of svadhaya, and would 
then refer to pariyma. • 

But svadha means also food, lit. one’s own portion, the 
sacrificial offering due to each god, and lastly, food in general. 

i. 108, 12 Yat indragni (iti) lit-ita suryasya madhye divaA 
svadhaya mMayethe (iti). 

Whether you, Indra and Agni, delight in your food at the 
rising of the sun or at mid-day. 



iii. 4, 7. Sapta prikshasaA svadhaya madanti. 

The seven horses delight in their food, 

X. 14, 7. Ubha rai/ana svadhaya madanta. 

The two kings delighting in their food. 

ix. 113, 10. Yatra kama/i ni-kamaA Aa, yatra bradhnasya 
vish^apam, svadha Aa yatra triptiA Aa tatra mam amrltam 

Where wishes and desires are, where the cup of the bright 
Soma is, where there is food and rejoicing, there make me im- 

i. 154, 4. Yasya trf ph^^a madhura padani akshiyamawa 
svadhaya madanti. 

He (Vishnu) whose three places, full of sweet. Imperishable, 
delight or abound in food. 

viii. 32, 6. I/pa svadhaA gahi. 

Gome towards thy portions. 

v. 34, 1. Svadha a?nita. His unlimited portion or offering. 

ii. 35, 7. DhenuA svadham pipaya. 

The cow yields her food, her portion, her milk. 

i. 168, 9. At it svadham ishiram pari apasyan. 

Thereafter (the Maruts) saw the vigorous food. 

i. 176, 2. j^nu svadha yam upyate. 

A fter whom, or for whom, his food is scattered. 

In the tenth book svadha is used very much as it occurs in 
the later Sanskrit, as the name of a peculiar sacrificial rite. 

X. 14, 3. Yan Aa devaA vavridhuA ye Aa devan svahaanye 
svadhaya anye madanti. 

Those whom the gods cherish, and those who cherish the 
gods, the one delight in Svaha, the others in Svadha ; or, in 
praise and food. 

Verse 4, note 2. The expression garbhatvam a-irire, is 
matched by that of iii. 60, 3, SaudhanvanasaA amrita-tvam 
a irire, the Saudhanvanas (the i2ibhus) obtained immor- 
tality. The idea that the Maruts assumed the form of a 
garbha, lit. of an embryo or a new-born child, is only 
meant to express that the storms burst forth from the womb 
of the sky as soon as Indra arises to do battle against the 
demon of darkness. As assisting Indra in this battle, the 



Maruts, whose name retained for a long time its purely ap- 
pellative meaning of storms, attained their rank as deities by 
the side of Indra, or, as the poet expresses it, they assumed 
their sacred name. This seems to be the whole meaning of 
the later legend that the Maruts, like the iiibhus were not 
originally gods, but became deified for their works. 


Verse 5, note 1. Siryawa explains vahnibhiA in the sense of 
MarudbhiA, and he tells the oft-repeated story how the cows 
were carried ofi’ by the Pa«is from the world of the gods, and 
thrown into darkness, and how Indra with the ISIaruts con- 
quered them and brought them back. Everybody seems to 
have accepted this explanation of Saya??a, and I myself do 
not venture to depart from it. Yet it should be stated that 
the use of vahni as a name of the Maruts is by no means 
well established. Vahni is in fact a most difficult word in the 
Veda. In later Sanskrit it means fire, and is quoted also as 
a name of Agni, the god of fire, but we do not learn why a 
word which etymologically means carrier, from vah, to carry, 
should have assumed the meaning of fire. It may be that 
vah, which in Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin means chiefly to 
carry, expressed originally the idea of moving about (the 
German be-wegen), in which case vah-ni, fire, would have 
been formed with the same pui-pose as ag-ni, ig-nis, fire, from 
Sk. ay, a 7 -tB, ag-o. But in Sanskrit Agni is so constantly 
represented as the carrier of the saerifical oblation, that some- 
thing may bo said in favour of the Indian scholastic interpreters 
w'ho take vahni, as applied to Agni, in the sense of carrier. 
However that may be, it admits of no doubt that vahni, in the 
Veda also, is distinctly applied to the bright fire or light. In 
some passages it looks very much like a proper name of Agni, 
in his various characters of terrestrial and celestial liofht. It 
is used for the sacrificial fire. 

V, 50, 4. Yatra vahniA abhl-hitaA. 

Where the sacrificial fire is placed. 

It is applied to Agni : 

vii. 7, 5, asadi vntaA vahniA a-yaganvan agniA brahma. 



The chosen light came nigh, and sat down, Agni, the 

Here Agni is, as usual, represented as a priest, chosen like 
a priest, for the performance of the sacrifice. But, for that 
very reason, vahni may here have the meaning of priest, which, 
as we shall see, it has in many places, and the translation would 
then be more natural : He, the chosen minister, came near and 
sat down, Agni, the priest. 

viii. 23, 3. VahniA vindate vasu. 

Agni finds wealth (for those who offer sacrifices ?) 

More frequently vahni is applied to the celestial Agni, or 
other solar deities, where it is difficult to translate it in English 
except by an adjective. 

iii. 5, 1. Apa dvara tamasa/i vahni/i avar (ity ava/^). 

Agni opened the two doors of darkness. 

i. 160, 3. Sa/i vahni/i putra/i pitroA pavitra-van punati 
dlnraA bhuvanani mayaya. 

That light, the son of the two parents, full of brightness, 
the wise, brightens the world by his power. 

Agni is even called vahni-tama (iv. 1, 4) which hardly 
means more than the brightest. 

ii. 17, 4. At rodasi (iti) ^yotisha vahniA a atanot. 

Then the luminous (Indra) stretched out or filled heaven and 
earth with his light. 

ii. 38, 1. UT mn (Iti) syaA devaA savita — vahniA asthat. 

The bright Savitai’, the luminous, arose. 

Besides this meaning of light or fire, however, there are 
clearly two other meanings of vahni which must be admitted 
in the Yeda, first that of a carrier, vehicle, and, it may be, 
horse ; secondly, that of minister or priest. 

vi. 57, 3. Agah anyasya vahnayaA liari (iti) anyasya sam- 

The bearers of the one (Pushan) are goats, the bays are 
yoked for the other (Indra). 

i. 14, 6. Ghrita - prish^AaA mauaA-yuyaA ye tva vahanti 

The horses with shining backs, obedient to thy will which 
carry thee (Agni). 



viii. 3, 23. Yasmai anje dasa prati dhuram vahanti vah- 

(A horse ) against whom other ten horses carry a weight ; 

i.e. it requires ten horses to carry the weight wliich this one 
horse carries. (See x. 11, 7 : vahamana/i asvaiA.) 

ii. 37, 3. Medyantu te vahnaya/i yebhiA lyase. 

May thy horses be fat on which thou goest. 

ii. 24, 13. Uta asish^/«aA anu sriwvauti vahnayaA. 

The very quick horses (of Brahmanaspati) listen. These 
may be the flames, but they are conceived as carriers or horses. 

i. 44. 13. ASrudhi srut-kar«a vahnibhi/j. 

Agni, who hast ears to hear, hear, on thy horses. Unless 
vahnibhi/i is joined with the words that follow, devaiA saya- 

iii. 6, 2. YaAyantam te vahnayaA sapta-yiliv^i.* 

May thy seven-tongued horses be called. Here vahnayaA 
is clearly meant for the flames of Agni, yet, I doubt whether 
we should be justified in dropping the simile, as the plural of 
vahni is nowhere used in the bald sense of flames. 

In one passage vahni is used as a feminine, or at all events 
applied to a feminine subject : 

viii. 94, 1. Yukta vahniA rathanam. 

She is yoked as the drawer of the chariots. 

The passages in which vahni is applied to Soma in the 9th 
Manrfala throw little light on the subject, (x. 9, 6 ; 20, 5 ; 
G ; 86, 2 ; 64, 19 ; 89, 1 ; x. 101, 10.) 

Instead of vi.sam vi.spatiA, lord of men (vii. 7, 4), we find 
ix. 108, 10, visam vahniA na vis-patiA. One feels inclined to 
translate here vahni/i by leader, but it is more likely that 
vahni is here again the common name of Soma, and that it is 
inserted between visam na vis-patiA, wliich probably forms one 

In ix. 97, 34, tisraA vaAaA irayati pra vahniA, we may take 
vahni as the common appellation of Soma. But it may also 
mean minister or priest, as in the passages which we have now 
to examine. Cf. x. 11, 6. 

* Cf. i. 58, 7 : sapt&. ^hvaA. 



For besides these passages in which vahni clearly means 
vector, carrier, drawer, horse, there is a large class of verses in 
which it can only be translated by minister, i.e. officiating 
minister, and, as it would seem, chiefly singer or reciter. 

The verb vah was used in Sanskrit in the sense of carrying 
out (ud-vah, ausfiihren), or performing a rite, particularly as 
applied to the reciting of hymns. Hence such compounds as 
uktha-vahas or stoma-vahas, ofi’ering hymns of praise. Thus 
we read : 

V. 79, 4. Abhi ye tva vibha-vari stomaiA grmanti 

The minsters who praise thee, splendid dawn, with hymns. 

i. 48, 11. Ye tva grinanti vahnayaA. 

The ministers who praise thee. 

vii. 75, 5. UshaA uAAAati vahnibhiA grinana. 

The dawn lights up, praised by the ministers. 

vi. 39, 1. Mandrasya kaveA divyasya vahneA. 

Of the sweet poet, of the heavenly priest .... 

vii. 82, 4. Yuvam it yutsu pritanasu vahnayaA yuvam 
kshemasya pra-save mita-f^iiavaA isana vasvaA ubhayasya 
karavaA indravaruna su-hava havamahe. 

We, as ministers, invoke you only in fight and battles ; we, 
as supplicants, (invoke) you for the granting of treasure ; we, 
as poets, (invoke) you the lords of two-fold wealth, you, Indra 
and Varuwa, who listen to our call. 

vi. 32, 3. SaA vahnibhiA rikvabhiA goshu sasvat mita-^nu- 
bhiA puru-kritva pigaya. 

He (Indra) was victorious often among the cows, always 
with celebrating and suppliant ministers. 

I have placed these two passages together because they seem 
to me to illustrate each other, and to show that although in the 
second passage the celebrating and suppliant ministers may be 
intended for the Maruts, yet no argument could be drawn from 
this verse in favour of vahni by itself meaning the Maruts. 
See also viii. 6, 2 ; 12, 15 ; x. 114, 2. 

iv. 21, 6. Hota yaA naA mahan sam-vara?jeshu vahniA. 

The Hotar who is our great priest in the sanctuaries. 



i. 128, 4. Yahni/i vedhaA ayayata. 

because the wise priest (Agni) was born. 

The same name which in these passages is applied to Agni, 
is in others, and, as it will be seen, in the same sense, applied 
to Indra. 

ii. 21, 2. Tuvi-graye vahnaye. 

To the strong- voiced priest. 

The fact that vahni is followed in several passages by ukthaiA 
would seem to show that the office of the vahni was chiefly 
that of recitation or of addressing prayers to the gods. 

iii. 20, 1. Agnim ushasam asvina dadhi-kram vi-ushflshii 
havate vahuiA ukthaiA. 

The priest at the break of day calls with his hymns Agni, 
Ushas, the A.svins, and Dadhikra. 

i. 184, 1. Ta vam adya tail aparam huvema uAMantyam 
ushasi vahni/i ukthaiA. 

Let us invoke the two Asvins to-day and to-morrow, the 
priest with his hymns is there when the dawn appears. 

In a similar sense, it would seem, as vahniA ukthaiA, the 
Vedic poets frequently use the words vahniA asa. This asa is 
tlie instrumental singular of as, mouth, and it is used in other 
phrases also of the mouth as the instrument of praise. 

vi. 32, 1. Va^ri«e sam-tamani vaka?«si asa sthaviraya 

I have shaped with my mouth blessed words to the wielder 
of the thunderbolt, the strong Indra. 

X. 115, 3. Asa vahnim na soAisha vi-rapsinara. 

He who sings with his flame as the poet with his mouth. 
See also i. 38, 14. Mimilii slokam asye, make a song in the 

Thus we find vahniA asa in the same place in the sixth and 
seventh Ma«f/alas (vi. 16, 9 ; vii. 16, 9) in the phrase vahniA 
asa viduA-taraA, applied to Agni in the sense of the priest wise 
with his mouth, or taking vahniA asa as it were one word, the 
wise poet. 

i. 129, 5. VahniA asa, vahniA naA aAAAa. 

Indra, as a priest by his lips, as a priest coming towards us. 

From the parallelism of this passage it would seem that 



Professor Roth concluded the meaning of asa* to be near, or 

i, 76, 4. Pra^/a-vata vaA'asa vahni/i asa a A-a huve ni A-a 
satsi iha devaiA. 

With words in which my people join, I, the poet, invoke, 
and thou (Agni) sittest down with the gods. 

vi, 11, 2. Pavakaya 5'uhva vahniA asa. 

Thou, a poet with a bright tongue, o Agni ! 

The question now arises in what sense vahni is used when 
applied without further definition to cei’tain deities. Most 
deities in the Yeda are represented as driving or driven, and 
many as poets or priests. When the Asvins are called vahni, 
viii, 8, 12 ; vii, 73, 4, it may mean riders. But when the 
Visve devaA are so called, 1, 3, 9, or the ^ibhus, the exact 
meaning is more doubtful. The Maruts are certainly riders, 
and we can even prove that they were supposed to sit on 
horseback and to have the bridle through the horse’s nostrils 
(v, 61, 2). But if in our verse 1, 6, 5, we translate vahni as 
an epithet, rider, and not only as an epithet, but as a name of 
the Maruts, we cannot support our translation by independent 
evidence, but must rely partly on the authority of Sayawa, 
partly on the general tenour of the text before us, where the 
Maruts are mentioned in the preceding verse, and, if I am 
right, in the verse following also. On the other hand, if 

* As, mouth, the Latin os, oris, has been derived from a root as, to breathe, 
presented in the Sanskrit as-u, spirit, asu-ra, endowed with spirit, living, the 
living god. Though I agree with Curtins in admitting a primitive root as, to 
breathe, from which as-u, breath, must have sprung, 1 have always hesitated 
about the derivation of ds, and asya, mouth, from the same root. I do not think, 
however, that the lengthening of the vowel in as is so great a difficulty as has 
been supposed (Kuhn, Zeitschrift, xvii. 145). Several roots lengthen their vowel 
a, when used as substantives without derivative suffixes. In some cases this 
lengthening is restricted to the Anga base, as in anaifvah ; in others to the Anga 
and Pada base, as in visvavai, visvava«?bhi/t etc. ; 'in others again it pervades the 
whole declension, as in turashai. (See Sanskrit Grammar, § 210, 208, 175.) 
Among ordinary words va^ offers a clear instance of a lengthened vowel. In the 
Veda we find ritishaham, vi. 14, 4, and rAishaham (Sanhita), i. 64, 15. We 
find vah in apsu-vah (Sam. Ved.), indra-vah, havya-vah. Sah at the end of 
compoimds, such as nri-sah, pritana-sah, bhuri-sah, satra-sah, vibha-sah, sada- 
sah, varies between a long and short a. (See Eegnier, Etude sur Tidiome du 
Vedas, p. 111.) At all events no instance has yet been pointed out in Sanskrit 
showing the same contraction which we should have to admit if we derived as 
from av-as, or from an-as. From an we have in the Veda ank, mouth or face, 
i. 52, 15. From as, to breathe, the Latin omen, originally, os-men, a whisper, 
might likewise be derived. 



vahni can be tlius used as a name of the Maruts, there is at 
least one other passage which would gain in clearness by the 
admission of that meaning, viz., 

X, 138, 1. Tava tye indra sakhyeshu vahnayaA — vi adardi- 
ru/i val4m. 

In thy friendship, Indra, these Maruts tore asunder the 

Verse 5, note 2. I have translated vi/u by stronghold, though 
it is only an adjective meaning firm. Dr. Oscar Meyer, in his 
very able essay Qusestiones Homericse, specimen prius, Bonnae, 
1867, has tried to show that this vi/u is the original form of 
’'IXto?, and he has brought some further evidence to show that 
the siege and conquest of Troy, as I pointed out in my 
Lectures on the Science of Language, vol, ii. p. 470, was 
originally described in language borrowed from the siege and 
conquest of the dark night by the powers of light, or from the 
destruction of the cloud by the weapons of Indra. It ought 
to be considered, however, that vi/u in the Veda has not 
dwindled down as yet to a mere name, and that therefore it 
may have originally retained its purely appellative power in 
Greek as well as in Sanskrit, and from meaning a stronghold 
in general, have come to mean the stronghold of Troy. 

Verse 5, note 3. The bright cows are here the cows of the 
morning, the dawns, or the days themselves, which are repre- 
sented as rescued at the end of each night by the power of Indra, 
or similar solar gods. Indra’s companions in that daily rescue 
are the Maruts, the storms, or the breezes of the morning, the 
same companions who act even a more prominent part in the 
battle of Indra against the dark clouds ; two battles often 
mixed up together. 

Verse 6, note 1. The reasons why I take giraA as a mascu- 
line in the sense of singer or praiser, have been explained in 
a note to i. 37, 10. 

Verse 6, note 2. Yatha matim, lit. according to their mind, 
according to their heart’s desire. Cf. ii, 24, 13. 

Verse 7, note 1. The sudden transition from the plural to 
the singular is strantre, but the host of the Maruts is fre- 
quently spoken of in the singular, and nothing else can here 



be intended. It may be true, as Professor Benfey suggests, 
that the verses here put together stood originally in a different 
order, or that they were taken from different sources. Yet 
though the Sama-veda would seem to sanction a small altera- 
tion in the order of the verses, the alteration of verses 7, 4, 5, 
as following each other, would not help us much. The 
Atharva-veda sanctions no change in the order of these verses. 

The transition to the dual at the end of the verse is 
likewise abrupt, not more so, however, than we are prepared 
for in the Veda. The suggestion of the Nirukta (iv. 12) that 
these duals might be taken as instrumentals of the singular, 
is of no real value. 

Verse 7, note 2. Drikshase, a very valuable form, a second 
person singular conjunctive of the First Aorist Atmanepada, the 
termination “sase” corresponding to Greek arj, as the conjunc- 
tive takes the personal terminations of the present in both 
languages. Similar forms, viz., prikshase, x, 22, 7, mawsase, 
X, 27, 10; Ath. Veda, vii, 20, 2-6, and possibly vivakshase, 
X, 21, 1-8, 24, 1-3, 25, 1-11, will have to be considered 
hereafter. (Nirukta, ed. Both, p. 30, Notes). 

Verse 8, note 1. Ar^ati, which I have here translated by he 
cries, means literally, he celebrates. 1 do not know of any 
passage where ar^ati, when used, as here, without an object, 
means to shine, as Professor Benfey translates it. The real 
difficulty, however, lies in makha, which Sayawa explains by 
sacrifice, and which I have ventured to translate by priest or 
sacrificer. Makha, as an adjective, means, as far as we can 
judge, strong or vigorous, and is applied to various deities, such 
as Pushan, i, 138,1, Savitar, vi. 71, 1, Soma, xi. 20, 7, Indra, 
iii. 34, 2, the Maruts, i. 64, 11 ; vi. 66, 9. By itself, makha 
is never used as the name of any deity, and it cannot there- 
fore, as Professor Both proposes, be used in our passage as 
a name of Indra, or be referred to Indra as a significant ad- 
jective. In i. 119, 3, makha is applied to men or warriors, 
but it does not follow that makha by itself means warrior, 
though it may be connected with the Greek in crvfi- 

(See Curtius, Grundziige, p. 293 ; Grassmann, in 
Kuhn’s Zeitschrift, xvi, 164.) 



There are two passages where makha refers to an enemy 
of the gods, ix. 101, 13; x. 171, 2. 

Among the remaining passages there is one where makha 
is used in parallelism with vahni, x. 11, 6. vivakti vahni/«, 
svapasyate makha/i. Here I propose to translate. The poet 
speaks out, the priest works well. The same meaning seems 
to me applicable likewise to the phrase makhasya davane, to 
the offering of the priest, 

i. 134, 1. A yahi davane, vayo, makhasya davane. 

Come, Vayu, to the offering, to the offering of the priest. 

viii, 7, 27. A naA makhasy adavane — devasa/i lipa gantana. 

Come, gods, to the offering of our priest. 

Professor Roth proposes to render makha in these passages 
by ‘ attestation of joy, celebration, praise,’ and he takes davane, 
as I have done, for a dative of davan, a nomen actionis, mean- 
ing, the giving. But although davane may thus be taken as 
a dative sinsular of davan, I doubt whether it can be so inter- 
preted in every passage in which it occurs. There seem to 
me to be certain passages where we have to admit a noun 
davana, and to take davane as a locative sing. 

vi. 71, 2. Devasya vayam savitii/i savimani 
&esh^/<e syama vasuna/i Z:a davane 

May we be in the favour of the god Savitar, and in the best 
award of his treasure. 

Here sresh^/m, though it might be drawn back to savimani, 
is more naturally joined with davane, while, if we took davdne 
as a dative, the parallelism of the two lines would be destroyed. 
We should then have to translate : May we be in the best 
favour of the god Savitar, and for the giving of treasure. 

I should prefer the locative likewise in ii. 11, 1, syama te 
davane vasunam, and ii. 11, 12, sadya/i te raya/i davane 
syama, though I am aware that the majority of passages* where 
davane occurs favours Professor Roth’s explanation. 

Verses 9 and 10, note 1. Although the names for earth, 
sky, and heaven vary in different parts of the Veda, yet the 

* Kv. i. 61, 10 ; 122, 5 ; 134, 2 ; 139, 6 ; ii. 1, 10 ; iv. 29, 5 ; 32, 9 ; v. 59, 
1, 4 ; vi. 65, 3 ; viii. 25, 20 ; 45, 10 ; (92, 6) ; 46, 25 ; 27 ; 63, 5 ; 69, 17 ; 70, 
12 ; ix. 93, 4 ; x. 32, 5 ; 44, 7 ; 50, 7. 



expression cliva/» ro/ianam occurs so frequently that we can 
hardly take it in this place in a sense different from its 
ordinary meaning. Professor Benfey thinks that roAana may 
here mean ether, and he translates “ come from heaven above 
the ether ; ” and in the next verse, “ come from heaven above 
the earth.” At first, every reader would feel inclined to take 
the two phrases, diva/i va roA'anat adhi, and divaA va parthivat 
adhi, as parallel ; yet I believe they are not quite so. 

The following passages will show that the two words ro/^a- 
nam diva4 belong together, and that they signify the light 
of heaven, or the bright place of heaven. 

viii. 98, 3. Aga/d-ha/i roAanam diva/i. 

Thou (Indra) wentest to the light of heaven. 

i. 155, 3. Adhi roAane diva/i. 

In the light of heaven. 

iii. 6, 8. Urau va je antarikshe — diva/i va ye ro/.-ane. 

In the wide sky, or in the light of heaven. 

viii. 82, 4. Upame roAane diva/i. 

In the hio-hest lio-ht of heaven. 

O O 

ix. 86, 27. Ti'itTye pi’ish//ie adhi roAane diva/i. 

On the third ridge, in the light of heaven. See also i. 105, 
5 ; viii. 69, 3. 

The very phrase which we find in our verse, only with Alt 
instead of va, occurs again, i. 49, 1 ; viii. 8, 7 ; and the same 
sense must probably be assigned to viii. 1, 18, adha i/ma/i 
adha va diva/i bilhata/i roAanat adhi. 

Either from the earth, or from the liirht of the jrreat 
heaven, increase, o Indra ! 

RoAana also occurs in the plural ; 

i. 146, 1. Vlsva diva/i roA’ana. 

All the brio-ht regions of heaven. 

(Say. ; All the bright palaces of the gods). See iii. 12, 9. 

The same word roA'ana, and in the same sense, is also 
joined with surya and naka. 

Thus, i. 14, 9. Suryasya roAanat visvan devan — hota ilia 

May the Hotar bring the Vfrve Devas hither from the 
light of the sun, or from the bright realm of the sun. 



iii. 22, 3. YaA rokane parastat suryasya. 

The waters which are above, in the bright realm of the 
sun, and those which are below. 

i. 19, 6. Ye nakasya adhi roAane, divi devasaA asate. 

They who in the light of the firmament, in heaven, are 

enthroned as gods. 

Here divi, in heaven, seems to be the same as the light of 
the firmament, nakasya ro7>:ane. 

Thus roAana occurs also frequently by itself, when it clearly 
has the meaning of heaven. 

It is said of the dawn, i. 49, 4 ; of the sun, i. 50, 4 ; and 
of Indra, iii. 44, 4, 

Vi.5vam a bhati roZ:anam, they light up the whole sky. 

We also read of three roA-anas, where, though it is difficult 
to say what is really meant, we must translate, the three 
skies. The cosmography of the Yeda is, as I said before, 
somewhat vague and varying. There is, of course, the 
natural division of the world into heaven and earth (dyu and 
bhumi), and the threefold division into earth, sky, and heaven, 
where sky is meant for the region intermediate between 
heaven and earth (prithivi, antariksha, dyu). There is also 
a fourfold division, for instance, — 

viii. 97, 5. Yat va asi roAane' divaA 

Samudrasya adhi visli7api, 

Yat parthive sadane vntra-hantama, 

Ydt antarikshe a rahi. 


Whether thou, o greatest killer of Vritra, art in the light 
of heaven, or in the basin of the sea, or in the place of the 
earth, or in the sky, come hither ! 

V. 52, 7. Ye vavridhanta parthivaA ye uraii antarikshe a, 
vri,gane va nadinam sadha-sthe va mahaA divaA. 

The Maruts who grew, being on the earth, those who are in 
the wide sky, or in the compass of the rivers, or in the abode 
of the great heaven. 

But very soon these three or more regions are each spoken 
of as threefold. Thus i. 102, 8, tisraA bliumiA trmi ro/cana. 

The three earths, the three skies. 

ii. 27, 9. Tri roAaua divya dhfirayanta 



The Adityas support the three heavenly skies. 

V. 69, 1. Tri ro^ana varuwa trm uta dyun trmi mitra 
dharayatha/i ragamsi. 

Mitra and Yaru?^a, you support the three lights, and the 
three heavens, and the three skies. 

Here there seems some confusion, which Sayana’s com- 
mentary makes even worse confounded. What can ro^ana 
mean as distinct from dyu and ra_^as ? The fourth verse of the 
same hymn throws no light on the subject, and I should feel 
inclined to take divya-parthivasya as one word, though even 
then the cosmic division here adopted is by no means clear. 
However, there is a still more complicated division alluded to 
in iv. 53, 5 : 

Tri/i antariksham savita mahi-tvana tri rkgkm^i pari-bhu/« 
truzi rokana, tisra/i divaA pnthivi7« tisra/i invati. 

Here we have the sky thrice, three welkins, three lights, 
three heavens, three earths. 

A careful consideration of all these passages will show, I 
think, that in our passage we must take divaA va ro/ianat adhi 
in its usual sense, and that we cannot separate the two words. 

In the next verse, on the contrary, it seems equally clear 
that divah and parthivat must he separated. At all events 
there is no passage in the Rig-Yeda where parthiva is joined 
as an adjective with dyu. Parthiva as an adjective is fre- 
quently joined with rayas, never with dyu. See i. 81, 5 ; 90, 
7 ; viii. 88, 5 ; ix. 72, 8 ; in the plural, i. 154, 1 ; v. 81, 3 ; 
vi. 31, 2 ; 49, 3. 

Parthivani also occurs by itself, when it means the earth, 
as opposed to the sky and heaven. 

X. 32, 2. Yi indra yasi divyani rokana vi parthivani ra^rasa.. 

Indra thou goest in the sky between the heavenly lights 
and the earthly. 

viii. 94, 9. A ye visva parthivani paprathan rokana divaA. 

The Maruts who stretched out all the earthly lights, and the 
lights of heaven. 

vi. 61, 11. A-praprushi parthivani uru raya/t antariksham. 

Sarasvati filling the earthly places, the wide welkin, the sky. 
This is a doubtful passage. 


Lastly, partliivani by itself seems to signify earth, sky, and 
heaven, if those are the three regions -which Vish?m measured 
with his three steps; or East, tlie zenith, and West, if these 
were intended as the three steps of that deity. For we read: 
i. 155, 4. Ykh parthivani tribhiA it vi-gamabhiA uru kra- 

He (Vish?m) who strode wide with his three strides the 
regions of the earth. 

Oxford, March, 1868. 



(d ablets JTos. 1, 2, 8, A, Gomprise the Qhald,<^o-<Pehlvi Version. 
‘Tablets os. § and 6 give the comnxenaernent of the Bassanian 
counterpart text. 

Art. IX . — Sassanian Inscriptions. By E. Thomas, Esq. 

So long ago as the year 1847, during a temporary absence 
from my duties in India, I volunteered to undertake the classi- 
fication of certain imperfectly determined and but partially 
deciphered series of coins in the East India House collection — 
in continuation and completion of Professor Wilson’s compre- 
hensive description of the more popular departments of 
Central-Asian Numismatics already embodied in his xlriana 
Antiqua. Among the subdivisions so treated may be cited 
the Kufic Mintages of the Ghaznavides, a detailed notice of 
which was inserted in the J ournal of the Boyal Asiatic Society 
in 1848 (vol. ix.),^ as well as a second article, bearing more 
immediately upon the subject under review, on “the Pehlvi 
Coins of the early Muhammadan Arabs,” which appeared in 
the twelfth volume of that Journal. In entering upon the 
examination of the available specimens of the latter class of 
national representative currencies, I found myself called upon 
to encounter a novel and very difficult branch of Oriental 
Palaeography, the study of which, indeed, had but recently 
been inaugurated by the publication of Professor Olshausen’s 
most instructive work “Die Pehlwie-Legenden : while it was 

manifest that the obscure language, of which this imperfect 
alphabet constituted the graphic exponent, was dependent for 
its elucidation upon still more fragmentary and defective 
grammatical or lexicographical means : obstacles which the 
since accelerated progress of modern ethnography has, up to 
this time, failed to remove. Under these conditions I 

1 A further paper on tlie same subject will he found in vol. xvii. J.E.A.S.for 1858. 

2 Die Pehlwie-Legenden auf den Miinzen der letzten Sasaniden, etc. Kopen- 
hagen, 1843. A translation of this work is to be found in the London Numis- 
matic Chronicle, vol. ix., 1848. 

VOL. III. — [new sekies.] 




naturally approached this new investigation with sufficient 
diffidence, and sought to secure the critical soundness of any 
suggestive deductions that might present themselves, by a 
decisive appeal to every archaeological test within reach. 
Foremost among these were the monumental writings of 
the earlier Sassanian kings, who, in traditional imitation of 
the Achaemenians, from whom, indeed, they boasted a but 
temporarily obscured descent — indulged ostentatiously in 
mural sculpture and attendant lapidary -epigraphy. The 
Rock Inscriptions of Ardashir Babekan and his proximate 
successor are couched in duplicate versions, varying dialec- 
tically, and written in mere modifications of the same normal 
alphabet ; the one ordinarily employed to define the Pehlvi 
of Eastern Persia, and out of whose literal elements modern 
Zend was elaborated, is now conventionally termed “Sas- 
sanian:” its counterpart transcript, which adheres more 
closely to Chaldoean literal forms, was once designated “ Par- 
thian,” from its occasional official employment under that 
intrusive dynasty, but has latterly been known as Chaldaeo- 
Pehlvi. The parallel versions of the original inscription of 
Sapor I. in the Hajiabad Cavern, which had been secured many 
years ago in the form of direct plaster impressions by Sir 
E. Stannus,^ sufficed to furnish a thoroughly trustworthy out- 
line of the manipulative type of each letter of the concurrent 
alphabets ; these forms were separately compared, selected 
examples copied, and, finally, the duplicate series were in- 
corporated into a classified table, which may be cited with 
still undiminished confidence, as freely representing the 
epochal current forms of the joint Pehlvi characters, and as 
furnishing an efficient illustration of the divarications from a 
given standard gradually introduced in succeeding ages. 

On a later occasion, following up the same subject, I 
availed myself of another hopeful source of palaeographic 
data, afforded by the signets and seals of the Persian nation 
at large, fabricated during the period of the Sassanian rule, 

' The original impressions are now in Dublin ; secondary casts are to be found 
in the Assyrian Room in the British Museum, and the Royal Asiatic Society pos- 
sesses parallel reproductions. It is from the latter that the illustrative Photograph 
has been derived. 



the identificatory legends of which almost uniformly followed 
the Eastern type of the concurrent systems of writing. I had 
scarcely, however, arranged my materials for the elucidation 
of this branch of the enquiry, when I was called upon to re- 
turn to the scene of more important avocations ; hut desiring 
that the various Antiquarian remains I had succeeded in bring- 
ing together should be placed at the disposal of those who 
might, perchance, have both greater leisure and ability to do 
justice to the study, I published a cursory notice, pretending 
to be little more than an introductory explanation of the con- 
tents of the three plates of gem and other legends already pre- 
pared, which figure in the thirteenth volume of the Journal 
of the Royal Asiatic Society. 

The leading object of the present notice, as confessedly 
preliminary and tentative as its predecessors, is to draw the 
attention of resident European officials or chance travellers in 
the East to an elaborate biliteral inscription, originally engraved 
along the face of the terrace of the Fire Temple at Pai Kiili^ 
(lat. 35° 1' 16'' N., long. 45° 34' 35" E.), eye transcripts of 
which were made, under considerable disadvantages, by Sir H. 
Rawlinson and Mr. Hector in 1844, and from whose pencil fac- 
similes the modernized version now printed has been derived. 

Sir Henry Rawlinson describes the present condition of 
the engraved slabs as anything but promising for the acqui- 
sition of a full and complete copy of the ancient writings. 
The inscribed stones, which formed the terrace-wall sup- 
porting the edifice, are stated to have become displaced, and 
to have mostly rolled down the slope of the hill at hazard, so 
that their relative continuity would with difficulty be re- 
established, even if in the majority of cases the beginnings 
and ends of the lines of each block had not seemingly suffered 
extensive damage and abrasion. But, with all this, there is so 

* “At the northern extremity of the district of Zohhb is the little plain of 
Semiram, a natural fastness of the most extraordinary strength, which is formed 
by a range of lofty and precipitous mountains extending in a semicircle from the 
river Diyalah, here called the ’Abi-Shirwan, and enclosing an area of about 
eight miles in length and four in breadth.” . . . “ I searched eagerly for ancient 
monuments, and though I failed to discover any in the plain itself, yet across the 
river, at a distance of about three farsakhs, on the road to Sulei'manfyah, I heard 
of sculptures and statues which would well merit the attention of any future 
traveller in this country. The place is called Pa’ikal’ah, the foot of the castle, 
or Rut Khanah, the idol temple.” — Rawlinson, Jour. R. Geog. Soc., ix. pp. 28-30. 



much, to excite interest in the broken sections we are already 
in possession of, that I confidently make the appeal to those 
who may happen to be in a position to improve our existing 
copies by means of photography, impressions, rubbings, new 
hand-tracings, or, better still, by intelligent transcripts in mo- 
dern Pehlvi — for aid in the cause, towards which the portions 
of the text, now printed, will contribute something in the 
way of a first proof, and for the encouragement otherwise 
of future Palaeographers, we may hope that, under a closer 
examination, the duplicate legends may aid each other both 
in defective passages and in the correction of the present 
disjointed order of sequence : while, as the first investigation 
was necessarily hasty, new discoveries of materials may 
happily reward more deliberate explorers, even as we can now 
appeal to the immense advance upon the imperfect transcripts 
of Niebuhr and Morier, achieved by the less hurried and 
amplified facsimiles of M.M. Flandin and Coste.^ 

In order to bring the entire subject under one view, I 
have collected together all the fragmentary inscriptions of 
the Sassanidae at present known, commencing with those 
interpreted by De Sacy, which I simplj'’ reproduce in their 
corresponding literal equivalents in modern Hebrew and 
Persian type. The same course has been pursued vfith 
the highly interesting bilingual inscription of Sapor, from 
Hajiabad. Sir H. Pawlinson’s unpublished copies of the 
Pai Kuli legends, as well as his improved transcripts of the 
Tak-i-Bustan epigraphs have, however, been more exactly 
imitated in modern Pehlvi type, which has been made so far 
competent to resume its primitive duty by the introduction 
of three letters of the earlier alphabet, which have been lost 
in the degraded writing of the extant MSS., and finally a 
similar plan has been followed in the representation of the 
legible portions of two long and, for the present, most tan- 
talizing inscriptions of Sapor : artists’ designs of which have 

1 Ker Porter remarks (i. p. 574), M. de Sacy “has followed Niebuhr’s copy, 
which, strange to say, having been made so many years anterior to mine, exhibits 
an inscription much more defaced than I found it. This may be seen by com- 
paring the large letters in my copy on the drawing with the large letters in M. de 
Sacy’s Greek transcript.” [Mem. sur div Ant. p. 31]. 



been given in Flandin’s great work,^ though I am not aware 
that any attempt has hitherto been made to decipher or explain 
these singularly comprehensive documents. I am indebted to 
the same publication for the unique inscription of Narses, at 
Shahpur, which, together with the legends from the Royal 
signets of Varahran Kir man SJidh have equally been admitted 
to the honours of the adapted semblance of their contemporary 

None of the original drawings or published engravings of 
the more important inscriptions are sufficiently exact or con- 
tinuously complete to recommend them for imitation in fac- 
simile engravings, and even the plaster-casts from Hajiabad, 
however well they reproduce portions of the associate inscrip- 
tions, as exhibited in the Photograph, would not, in their pre- 
sent state, suffice to form an unbroken or perfect copy. The 
expedient has therefore been again adopted of recognizing 
these absolute impressions from the sculptured rock as a basis 
for the construction of standard alphabets of either class. In 
each case, the best examples of the normal character have been 
selected from the often-varying outlines of the same letter as 
fashioned by the local mason, and regard has always been 
paid to the corresponding outline of the given letter in other 
monuments of the period, whether lapidary, numismatic, or 
sigillary. The result has been embodied in the double column 
of aljjhabets engraved on wood, arranged with the ordinary 
type in the accompanying table ; and, as in the absence of all 
other positive examples of lapidary writing, these letters have 
to play a conspicuous part as representative types of their 
several palaeographic systems, no effort, short of cutting the 
individual letters, has been spared on my part to secure a 
true and effective rendering of the special characteristics of 
each symbol. 

The primary derivation of these alphabets may obviously be 
traced to Phoenico-Babylonian teachings. Specimens of that 
form of writing occur, so to say, in situ, as early as the time 

1 Voyage en Perse, M. M. Eugene Flandin et Paul Coste, entrepris par ordre 
de M. le Ministre des Affaires Etrangeres. D’apres les instructions dressees par 
rinstitut. Paris, 1851. 6 vols. folio, plates, etc., and 2 vols. 8vo. text. 



of Sargon, b.c. 721, when the individual characters present 
themselves in a fixed and cultivated form, far removed from 
the early stages of crude invention, an indication that, apart 
from the almost simultaneously established geographical range 
of cognate letters, would claim for them an extended anterior 
currency, which it would be as difficult to limit as to define ; 
my own impressions have always leant towards the concession 
of a far earlier development of that division of national 
civilization, which is comprised in the “ art of writing,” than 
the majority of Palaeographers are prepared to recognize. 
Let Hieroglyphics and Cuneiform retain their ancient fame ; 
but the question succeeds, as to how close upon their earliest 
traces did other systems of writing assert themselves, more 
facile in materials and more suitable for the purposes of 
commercial and private life than the formal sculptured 
figures of the Egyptian temples, or the complicated arrow- 
headed syllabary of Mesopotamian Palaces, which latter 
mechanism, however, in its transitional variations, so firmly 
retained popular favour in virtue of its applicability to the 
ever-ready clay, the comparative indestructibility of which 
had been established by many ages of local use.^ 

Egyptologers, on their part, concede a very archaic date 
for the use of parallel systems of writing, and the age of 
Phoenician, with our present information, need no longer be 
narrowed within the limits defined by its surviving monu- 
ments, the majority of which must be held to have dis- 
appeared with the perishable material chiefly used for their 
reception. It it is clear that some form of Phoenician, con- 
stituting a kind of current hand, was in official use under 
the Assyrian kings, as the authoritative definition of the 
lion-weights in the letters of that alphabet sufficiently de- 
clares ; and. we are further justified in assuming, in all cases 
where two Scribes are represented in the royal sculptures, 
that in intentional contrast to the Cuneiform manipulator, 
the second amanuensis, who uses a reed and a parchment 

' Rawlinson, J.R.A.S. x, pp. 32, 340, and vol. i. N.S. p. 245. See also the 
names of Seleucus Philopater (187-175 b.c.), Antiochus (175-164 b.c.), and 
Demetrius (146-139 b.c.), upon the Cuneiform tablets of terra-cotta in the British 
Museum, deciphered by Oppert, “ Expedition en Mesopotamie,” ii. 357. 



roll, is designed to portray a man writing witli ink in some 
one of the, as yet, but slightly divergent provincialisms of 
archaic Phoenician. 

Sargon’s Record Chamber has already proved itself a perfect 
storehouse of palajographic data, and, if I am not mistaken, 
may claim to add another to its list of contemporary alphabets. 
Mr. Layard, in his admirable description of his own dis- 
coveries at Koyunjuk, interested his readers in an unusual 
degree by an account of the still surviving association of the 
hieroglyphic signet of Suhaco, with that of the Assyrian 
king on a lump of clay, which was supposed to have formed 
the connecting attestation of the less permanent substance 
upon which some royal treaty or compact had been engrossed. 
In the same closet were found several impressions of smaller 
seals on suitably-sized bits of clay, which at the time attracted 
no attention ; these, however, on closer scrutiny, seem to hear 
four varying letters, which can scarcely represent anything 
but ancient Ethiopian characters ; at least two, if not three 
out of the four letters are readily identifiable with certain cor- 
responding characters of the modern alphabets.^ It is not 
necessary, for the purpose of proving the currency of this 
form of writing, that we should be able to detect any of the 
leading names, either of Suhaco, his relatives, or ministers. 
The importance of the identification consists in the very unex- 
pected determination of the definite antiquity of the writing 
of the Ethiopian and cognate nationalities, and the very close 
bearing this date has upon the alphabetical schemes of the 

^ Mr. Layard’s account of the discovery of these seals is as follows : — “ In a 
chamber or passage [leading into the archive chamber] in the south-west corner 
of the palace of Kouyunjik, were found a large number of pieces of fine clay bear- 
ing the impressions of seals, which, there is no doubt, had been aflBxed, like 
modern official seals of was, to documents written on leather, papyrus, or parch- 
ment. Such documents, with seals of clay still attached, have been discovered in 
specimens are still preserved in the British Museum. The writings 
themselves have been consumed by the fire which destroyed the building or had 
perished from decay. In the stamped clay, however, may still be seen the holes 
for the string or strips of skin by which the seal was fastened ; in some instances 
the ashes of the string itself remain, with the marks of the fingers and thumb. 
The greater part of these seals are Assyrian ; but with them are others bearing 
Egyptian, Phcenician, and doubtful symbols and characters. But the most re- 
markable and important of the Egyptain seals are two impressions of a royal 
signet, which, though imperfect, retain the cartouche, with the name of the king, 
so as to be perfectly legible. It is one well known to Egyptian scholars as that 
of the second Sabaco, the ^Ethiopian of the twenty-fifth dynasty. On the same 



Indian Ethiopians,* and the kindred nations to the south- 
eastward, in which many points of constructive identity have 
already been recognized. 

piece of clay is impressed an Assyrian seal, with a device representing a priest 
ministering before the king, probably a royal signet.” 

The annexed woodcut outlines represent six of the Ethiopian seals, copied from 
the extant clay-impressions of the original signets, that have survived both “Nineveh 
and Babylon.” My object in this, and I trust in all similar cases, is not to force 

identities, hut to place before my fellow labourers coincidences that may perchance 
elicit new truths. It is not pretended ttiat the literal symbols here found asso- 
ciated with Egyptian hieroglyphics and Assyrian cuneiform wdll tally or accord 
exactly with the transmutations incident to the alphabetical developments of 
the once powerful, hut for many centuries obscure, nationalities that in the interval 
must have remained more than ordinarily indebted to the advancing world around 
them. Under this latitude of identification, we may freely appeal to the later 
forms of Ethiopic, Amharic, or other cognate conservators of traces of the ancient 
writing, though it is more to the general palmographic configuration than to 
absolute and complete uniformity of outline that any test must be applied. 

It may he said in regard to the seals now presented, that they convey in all but 

five independent letters ; the most marked of the number is the 

which occurs 

with sufficient clearness on three occasions. There can he little hesitation in asso- 

ciating this form w’ith the modern Ilimyaritic sh or the Ethiopian j*| sha, 
especially when the subjunct vowel i is added, which is so distinctly seen in 
a varied form, even nnder possible repetition, in the ancient example. 

The second figure of special mark is the /A , which offers a more dubious 

range of identification among the derivative Ethiopian forms of hi, be, 
extending even to the Amharic kha, and many other possible renderings ; but 
the most curious coincidence is in the near connection of the sign with the Sanskrit 
(Uj of Northern India (Prinsep’s Essays, ii. p. 40, pi. xxxviii.). 

The third character, which almost seems to have been in a transition stage at 
the time these seals were fashioned, may he reduced in the modem alphabets to 
the Ethiopian ta or tJU ma ; but of the prevailing coincidencies of formation 
under the general Ethiopian scheme there can be little question. 

The imperfect outline , which recurs on four occasions, may he an Amharic 
'I j[' ja, or other consonantal combination of j, with a different vowel : an approxi- 
mate likeness is also to be detected to the Coptic j\ or the old figure may, per- 
chance, constitute the prototype of the modern Ilimyaritic Q m. 

' Herodotus, ii. 94 ; vii. 70. Rawlinson’s Herodotus, vol. i. 650 ; iii. 264, 
note 1 ; iv. p. 220. J. R. A. S. xv. 233. 



The career of Phcenician writing in Mesopotamia and the 
proximate provinces of Western Persia, during the nine 
centuries and a half intervening between the reigns of Sargon 
and Ardeshir Babekan, can only be obscurely traced. We 
know that the same twenty-two letters, which fulfilled their 
foreign mission in the creation of the alphabets of Greece 
and Rome, penetrated but little changed in their normal 
forms to the pillars of Hercules ; while in the opposite direc- 
tion, under the treatment of the Vedic Aryans, they constituted 
the basis of an elaborate alphabet of forty-nine signs, the date 
of whose adaptation is unascertained, but which has now been 
discovered to have attained full and complete development from 
Bactria up to the banks of the Jumna, in 250 b.c.^ How the 
original alphabet matured its literal forms nearer home we are 
not in a condition to determine ; ^ there is little doubt but that 
Cuneiform writing on its part maintained its position in ofiicial 
and commercial documents for a far longer period than might 
have been anticipated, but whether this extended vitality was 
due to the improved intelligence of professional scribes, to its 
superior accuracy of definition as compared with the limited 
scope of Phoenician,^ or to the more material question of the 
cheapnesss and durability of the clay, whose surface, on the 

1 Prinsep’s Essays, ii. 114; Journ. R. A. S. vol. i. N.S. p. 468 ; Numismatic 
Chromcle, vol. iii. N.S. (1863) pp. 229, 23.5, “ Bactrian Alphabet.” 

M. de Vogiie has given us a comprehensive resume of the progress of 
Phoenician writing to the westward, which I quote in his own words : — 
“ 1. Anterieurement au VI® siecle, I'alphabet commun a toutes les populations 
semitiques de la Syrie est 1’ alphabet phenicien archaique, souche de I’ecriture 
grecque et de tons les systeraes graphiques de I’ocoident. 2. Vers le Vie siecle, 
I’ecriture phenicienne type, celle que j’ai appelee Sidonienne, se constitue defini- 
tivement : le plus beau monument de cette ecriture est le celebre sarcophage d’ 
Esmunazar ; en meme temps la branche arameenne se separe de la souche com- 
mune. Le caractere principal de ce nouvel alphabet est I’ouverture des boucles 
des lettres beth, daleth, ain, resch. Mais pendant deux siecles environ, a cote de 
ces formes nouvelles se maintient un certain nombre de formes anciennes ; 
I’alteration de toutes les lettres n’est pas siraultanee, de sorte que I’alphabet con- 
serve un caractere mixte qui m’a conduit a lui donner le nom d’ Arameo-Phe- 
nicien. Le meilleur example de cette ecriture est Tinscription du Lion d’ Abydos. 
3. Vers la fin du V. siecle, I’alphabet arameen se constitue definitivement sur les 
pierres gravees, sur les medailles des satrapes de I’Asie mineure.” Rev. Arch. ix. 
(1864), p. 204. 

3 M. Oppert makes some interesting remarks upon this subject; among the 
rest, “ L’epigraphie assyrienne, d’ailleurs, malgre les complications inherentes 
a I’ecriture anarienne, a un avantage precieux sur l’6pigraphie des autres peuples 
semitiques. Les mots y sont separes et les voyelles sont exprimes, ce qui con- 
stitue un avantage encore plus important pom- I’interprete des textes.”— Journal 
Asiatique, 1863, p. 478. 



other hand, was so eminently unfitted for the reception of the 
curved lines of the latter, we need not now stop to enquire. 

Many incidental examples of the local Phcenico-Bahylonian 
of various epochs are to be found associated with the con- 
current Cuneiform on the clay tablets described by Sir H. 
Rawlinson (b.c. 700-500).^ 

Towards the westward the Persian Satraps of the Achm- 
raenidae employed the indigenous Phoenician,® and anony- 
mous Paries, presumably of the Great king, bear upon their 
surfaces the word in similar characters.^ 

But the earliest occasion upon which we can detect a tendency 
towards the identities and characteristics subsequently deve- 
loped in the Chaldaeo-Pehlvi is upon the coinage of Artaxias 
of Armenia, b.c. 189.^ In this instance the letters b '> D, and 

notably depart from the style of the Phoenician of Sargon, 
and seem to have already assumed a near approach to the 
forms ultimately accepted as conventional in the alphabet 
reproduced in the woodcuts (p. 265). The peculiarities of this 
type of writing may afterwards be traced through the Armeno- 
Parthian coinages,^ and irregularly on the Imperial Parthian 
mintages, both in silver and copper, dating from 113 a.d. up to 
the close of the dynasty.® These, with the casual appearance 
of some of the more marked Chaldaeo-Pehlvi forms on the 
dubiously- classed money of Characene,’’’ added to the odd 
juxtaposition of some of their special symbols with the 
local writing on the Kerman coins of Kodes (Kobad),® com- 
plete the list of examples at present known. 

Of the fellow or Sassanian-Pehlvi alphabet no writing what- 
ever has as yet been discovered prior to Ardeshir Babekan, 

* Journ. E. A. S. (new series), vol. i. pp. 187, 244. 

^ M. de Luynes “ Essai sur la Numismatique des Satrapies et de la Phenicie. 
Paris, 1846. 

3 Gesenius, PI. 36, fig. c. ; Mionnet, Nos. 35, 36. Tresor de Numismatique, 
PI. Ixvi. figs. 1, 2. 

^ Numismatic Chronicle, xviii. 143; vol. vi. N.S. p. 245, and vii. 237. 

® Numismatic Chronicle, vol. vi. N.S. 1866, note, p. 245. 

® Numismatic Chronicle, xii. 68 ; xvii. 164; Lindsay, Coinage of Parthia, pi. 
iv. figs. 87, 89, 90, 93-96. 

Prinsep’s Essays, i. 32. 

® Numismatic Chronicle, iv. p. 220. (A new coin in the possession of General 
Cunningham gives the local name in full riNlH). 



witli the exception of isolated letters, probably referring to 
local mints occasionally to be met with on the field of some 
of the Drachmas of the Partbiansd 

The differences between the rival alphabets we are more 
immediately concerned with, will be seen to be rather con- 
structive than fundamental ; one leading theory evidently 
regulated the contrasted forms of the letters in each, the 
eventual divarications of the two systems, as in so many 
parallel cases, being due to the fortuitously most suit- 
able and readily available material for the reception of the 
writing, which so often determined the ultimate method of 
graphic definition. The seemingly more archaic structure of 
the Chaldaeo-Pehlvi clearly carried with it the reminiscence 
of Babylonian teachings, in which the formation of the letters 
was largely influenced by the obvious facilities of delineation. 
The ancient scribes of the Assyrian sculptures are represented 
as making use of a reed, or other description of pen, with 
which they wrote upon a flexible leather or parchment scroll, 
employing the indicator or, possibly, the first and second 
fingers of the left hand, to support the material at the point 
of contact of the pen in the ordinary line of writing ; under 
these conditions the most obvious tendency would be towards 
down strokes, and thus it is found that almost every letter of 
Sargon’s Phoenician consists primarily of a more or less per- 
pendicular line, the minor discriminations being effected by 
side strokes more varied in construction but of less thickness 
and prominence ; as time went on, the practice developed itself 
of forming as many letters as possible after one and the same 
process of manipulation, the essential difference between the 
characters being marked by scarcely perceptible variations in 
the leading design ; hence arose the perplexing result of the 
general sameness and uniformity, and consequent difficulty of 
recognition of the imperfectly contrasted letters so marked in 
Chaldaeo-Pehlvi, and still so troublesome in modern Hebrew. 

The course followed by the pen in the Chaldaeo-Pehlvi 

^ Parthian coin of Sanahares, dated 313 (a.d. 2), in the British Museum, with a 
Parthian D s and a Sassanian JJ a on the obverse field. See also Numismatic 
Chronicle, xvii. 169; Lindsay, pi. xi. Arsaces XXX. 



caligraphy was singularly repetitive, starting from a given 
point at the top of the line of writing, it proceeded slightly 
downwards with a backward sweep, more or less prolonged ; 
from this angle the characteristic perpendicular curve com- 
menced, to be supplemented by the concluding turn of the 
pen which so often constituted the effective definition of the 
value of the letter. This formation is followed in the letters 

“1, and less obviously in .J. The letters PI, D, and J2 
commence with similar leading lines, but have discriminating 
marks added by a second application of the pen ; in like 
manner “1 is distinguished from ^ by a separate foot crescent, 
a sign which finds its parallel in the dot of the Syriac ?. 
The remaining letters also had much in common, but in 
these instances the initial point of the character was thrown 
slightly backwards on the head-line of the writing, and 
the down-stroke proceeded more abruptly, finishing with a 
minute and nearly uniform curve to the left ; under this 
heading may be classed the simple forms ' and and the 
combined outlines S, Pi, S (!3), PI, and Even the letter 

probably consisted originally of an inclined duplication of the 
', with a prolonged foot-line connecting the two down-strokes. 
The single exception to the descending curves is afforded by 
the letter 1, which must be sujDposed to have been constructed 
like the upward arch of the associate Pi, which in the Syriac 
u'mv grew into a round o, the Chaldoeo-Pehlvi form of which, 
passing through the Sassanian 2, finally settled itself into the 
Arabic y 

The variation in the configuration of the letters of the 
Sassanian Pehlvi, as compared with its fellow alphabet of 
more determined Semitic aspect, may be attributed to the 
simple action of a different method of manipulation, in- 
volving a less restrained movement of the hand, and greater 
freedom in the onward or backward sweep of the pen than was 
compatible with the conventional restrictions of the caligraphy 
of Western Asia. There is every reason to believe that the 
ancient races to the east of the Tigris, in common with the 
partially civilized populations ranging over Central Asia and 
the Himalayas, very early in the world’s history, appreciated 



the utility of birch-bark, and, even in the infancy of letters,^ 
its applicability to the purposes of writing would readily 
have suggested itself. At all events, we have direct and 
independent evidence of its use in Afghanistan some centuries 
b.c., 2 and we can cite very credible and unconstrained testi- 
mony to the fact that much of the sacred literature of the 
Ancient Persians was engrossed upon this substance,^ con- 

^ To show how forms of writing in early times must have been determined by 
circumstances and accessible materials, it may be noted that even so late as the days 
of Muhammad, when there were civilized teachers from the many nations around 
them, the Arabs had still to engross the stray sayings of their Prophet upon stones 
and other strange and readily available substances. Sir Wm. Muir tells u.s, “ after 
each passage was recited by Muhammad before the Companions or followers who 
happened to be present, it was generally committed to writing by some one amongst 
them upon palm-leaves, leather, stones, or such other rude material as conveniently 
came to hand.” Life of Mahomet. London, 1861. Vol. i. p. iii.— Dr. Sprenger, 
ill his Life of the Prophet (German edit. Berlin, 18G.5, iii. p. xxxix.), enumerates 
leather and parchment, slate, palm-leaves, camel’s shoulder-blades. Said’s copy 
was written on leaves of palm or on scrolls and papyrus. 

2 H. H. Wilson. Ariana Antiqua, pp. 59, 60, 83, 84, 94, 106-7, 111. 

3 I am quite aware that tradition affirms that the substance employed was 
12,000 “Cow-skins” or parchments (Masaudi, French edition, ii. p. 125. Hyde 
de relig. vet. Persar. 318), which might be understood as perfectly consistent with 
all the probabilities if it were admitted that, of the two copies of the sacred books 
mentioned in the subjoined extract from the Dinkard, the one deposited at 
Persepolis and the other at Ispahan, that the former was written in the Chaldoeo- 
Pehlvi on skins, and the latter in the corresponding alphabet on birch-bark. 

The following passages from the Dinkard, lately published by Dr. Haug, 
relating to the original collection, destruction, and subsequent attempts at the 
recovery of the sacred writings of the Zoroastrians are of sufficient interest, both 
historically and geographically, to claim a notice in this place. This portion of 
the Pehlvi text is admitted to have been added and incorporated only on the 
final rearrangement of the scattered materials of the ancient books. Nor does 
Dr. Haug himself seem quite satisfied with his own interpretation, which, con- 
sidering the degraded character of the text, is scarcely to be wondered at. 

1. “'Phe book ‘ Dinkard’ is a book on the religion, that people may obtain (a 
knowledge of) the good religion. The book ‘ Dinkard ’ has been compiled from 
all the knowledge acquired (to be) a publication of the Mazdayasnian (Zoro- 
astrian) religion. 2. It was at first made by the first disciples of the prophet 

Zertosht Sapetmen 3. The excellent king Kai Vishtasp ordered to write 

down the information on each subject, according to the original information, 
embracing the original questions and answers, and deposited them, from the first 
to the last, in the treasury of Shaspigan (“ Pasargadse,” Haug). He also issued 
orders to spread copies (of the original). 4. Of these he sent afterwards one to 
the castle (where) written documents (were preserved), that the knowledge 
might be kept there. 5. During the destruction of the Iranian town (Persepolis. 
'The dazhn-i-nipisht is supposed to have been the library of that metropolis — Haug) 
by the unlucky robber Alexander after it had come into his posses- 

sion, that (copy which was) in the castle (where) written documents (were kept) 
was burnt. The other which was in the treasury of Shashpigan fell into the 

hands of the Eomans (Greeks). From it a Grecian [clioLi'y ] 

translation was made that the sayings of antiquity might become known. 6. 7. 
Ardeshir Babekan, the king of kings ^ J 



siderable remains of which, indeed, preserved with unusual 
care, were discovered at Isfahan by the Arabs in a.d. 9614 
This material, while it would on the one hand, in its smooth 
surface, offer ample facilities for the unchecked flow of the 

appeared. He came to restore the Iranian empire ; he collected all the writings 
from the various places were they were scattered. . . . It (the D'mkart) was then 
(thus) restored, and made just as perfect as 'the original light (copy) which had 
been kept in the treasury of Shapan (‘ Shaspighn’ — Haug) [ = See 

extract from Hamza, note 1, below.] 

“The beginning of the Ardai Virhf Namah” (from two Pahlavi MSS.). 

1. “ It is thus reported that after the religion had been received and established 
by the holy Zertosht, it was up to the completion of 300 years in its purity, and 
men were without doubts (there were no heresies). 2. After (that time) the evil 
spirit, the devil, the impious, instigated, in order to make man doubt the truth of 

religion, the wicked Alexander, the Roman residing in 

Mudhrai (Egypt) that he came to wage a heavy fight and war against the 
Iranian country. 3. He killed the ruler of Iran, destroyed the residence 
and empire, and laid it waste. 4. And the religious books, that is, the whole 
Avesta and Zand, which were written on prepared cow-skins with gold ink, were 
deposited at Istakhr Babegan, in the fort of the library. But Aharman, the 
evil-doer, brought Alexander, the Roman, who resided in Egypt, that he burnt 
(the books), and killed the Desturs, the Judges, the Herbads, the Mobeds,” etc. 

3 3 3 “An old Zand- 

Pahlavi Glossary, or the “ Farhang-i-oim yak,’’ the original Pehlvi work upon 
which Anquetil’s vocabulary was based, edited by Hoshengji Jamaspji, and printed 
under the supervision of Dr. Martin Haug. Stuttgart, 1867.” 

' Hamza Isfahani (ohiit. a.h. 350, a.d. 961) gives an interesting narrative of 
the discovery of certain ancient Persian archives, written on birch-bark. I quote 
the substance of the passage in the Latin translation of Dr. Gottwaldt— Anno 
cccL. (a.d. 961), latus ejus aedificii quod Saraveih nominator atque intra urbem 
Djei (Isfahan) situm est, corruit et domum retexit, in qua fere L utres erant, e 
corio confecti atque inscripti literis, quales an tea nemo viderat. Quando ibi 
depositi fuissent, ignotum erat. Cum a me quaesitum esset, quae de mirabili illo 
ccdificio scirem, hominibus promsi librum Abu Mascharis, astrologi Balchensis, 
cujus nomen est : Liber do diversitate Tabularum astronomicarum. Ibi ille : 
Reges (Persarum), inquit, tan to studio tenebantur disciplinas conservandi, tanta 
cupiditate eas per omne aevum perpetuandi, tanta sollicitudine eas ab injuriis 
aeris et humi defendendi, ut iis inter materias scriptorias earn eligerent, quae illas 
injurias optime ferret, vetustati diutissime resisteret ac mucori et obliteration! 
minime obnoxia esset, id est, librum (corticem interiorem) fagi, qui liber vocatur 
tuz. Hoc exemplum imitati Seres et Indi atque populi iis finitimi ad arcus, 
quibus ad sagitandum utuntur .... Ad arcem igitur, quse nunc intra Djei sita 
est, profecti ibi disciplinas deposuerunt. Illud cedificium, nomine Saraveih, ad 
nostra usque tempora perduravit ; atque ex eo ipso cognitum est, quis id condi- 
derit, propterea quod abhinc multos annos latere ejus aidificii collapso camera in 
conspectum venit, ex argilla secta constructa, ubi multi majorum libri invent! 
sunt, in quibus depositae erant variae eorum disciplinae, omnes lingua persica 
antiqua script! in cortice tuz. Hamzae Ispahanensis (Annalium Libri, x. pp. 152, 
XXV.) St. Petersbourg, 1844. — Abii Rihan A1 Binini (circa 940 a.d.) also records : 
Mais dans les provinces du centre et du nord de I’lnde, on emploie I’ecorce 
interieure d un arbre appele C’est avec I’ecorce d’un arbre du meme 

genre qu’on recouvre les arcs; celle-ci se nomme boudj (Bhiirjja). 

Renaud, Mem. sur I’lnde, p. 305. Sec also Prinsep’s Essays, ii. 45. 



pen, would, in the extreme tenuity of its texture, demand 
some more equable and uniform support than the primitive 
expedient of extended forefingers : and, as improved appliances 
were enlisted in its cause, it may have come to be held in 
deserved favour, especially when its other merits, so gravely 
enlarged upon by the local annalist, are taken into consider- 
ation. Certain it is that to this day, among the Bhoteahs 
and other natives of the Himalaya, birch-bark maintains its 
ancient uses, and many a petition and other documents en- 
grossed on its surface find their way among the “ stamped 
papers ” and the like civilized records of the Courts of the 
British Government in those mountains. It is then to the en- 
hanced freedom of penmanship incident to the employment of 
birch-bark that I am disposed to attribute the leading peculiari- 
ties of this style of writing. The material in question secured 
to the amanuensis an unchecked power of forming curves and 
an unrestrained action of the pen in any given direction ; but 
its ultimate effect upon the identity of the Sassanian character 
was mainly due to the gift of continuous onward movement 
in the line of writing, which eventually developed itself into 
the Kufic scheme, where a single line drawn from right to 
left constituted the basis of the entire alphabet in its con- 
junct form,^ and the innate contrast between the two styles of 
writing maintains itself to the last, and may be detected at 
the present day in the pervading descending stroke of the 
Hebrew finals, and in the prolonged sweep, in the general 
line of writing, of certain Arabic terminal letters ; while, 
under the larger and more comprehensive view of the same 
question, we may trace in the contrasted formation and rela- 
tive location of the short vowels, a practical and conclusive 
illustration of the original caligraphic type of either system. 

The ruling ideal of this Pehlvi scheme of writing pro- 
ceeded upon a groundwork of curves, the leading model of 
which declares itself in the letter I, which commenced to- 
wards the top of the general line of writing, being extended 
slightly upward and continued backwards and downwards, 

1 I do not know whether the singular identity of the eraplojunent of a central 
leading-line, in our own Oghams, has as yet been the subject of notice. 



after tlie fashion of a reversed Eoman C. This formation 
enters more or less into the composition of the letters ci;, 

^ J, and i long. In process of time, 

as the wridng became more cursive, the initial point of the i, 
and of those letters which more immediately followed its 
tracing, was throwm higher up and further back in the 
ordinary line, while the concluding turn of the curve was 
prolonged and occasionally run into other letters. The single 
character in this alphabetical series that was discriminated in 
its final form, from its normal initial or medial representative, 
was the short i ; and the manner in which this was effected 
woidd almost imply that it was intended in the very act to 
check the onw'ard flow of the warding in the way of an up- 
ward stop, as the final was made to commence even below the 
middle of the horizontal line of letters and the concluding- 
point of the three-quarters of a circle was not allowed to 
reach the ordinary foot lines [ ^ ]. 

It remains for me to notice more particularly a few of the 
letters of either alphabet with reference to their derivation 
and values, and their relative bearing upon the corresponding 
signs of other systems. First in order presents itself the 
independently-organized symbol for ch, a letter of considerable 
importance in Aryan tongues, but which the Greeks and 
liomans, iu servilely following Semitic originals, so strangely 
failed to provide a literal representative for. The Chaldoeo- 
Pehlvi contented itself with a like deficiency, and supplied 
the place of the ch by sh. The Sassanian character ^ ch 
was clearly based upon the h of its own alphabetical 
scheme, the additional power being given by the foot-stroke 
backwards, which was one of the leading peculiarities of this 
style of writing. The letter in its adapted form bears a faint, 
but not impossibly an intentional, resemblance to the Bactrian 

^ ch. 

The Sassanian alphabet, again, is itself defective in the 
Semitic aspirate H hJi, which the Greeks converted into H, a 
sound that fell short of the compound p Jui in Sassanian, 



whicli was, perhaps, the best equivalent that the latter writing 
admitted of. It is to be remarked that, in spite of Indian 
influences, the Bactrian kh itself did not, for some time, 
assume a very definite or constant form.^ 

The greatest obstacle, without any exception, to a satisfactory 
and positive interpretation of the early Sassanian inscriptions 
is incident to the inconvenient identity of the sign which has 
to answer for the sounds both of r and w. The Chaldaeo- 
Pehlvi forms of ^ r and ^ w, like the Bactrian ^ r and v, 
have something in common, and the association survives in the 
modern Hebrew “1)1; but in all these cases there is a distinct, 
though not very marked, means of discrimination. Whereas, 
in the Sassanian-Pehlvi, there is not only no aid to the 
determination of whether the symbol 2. stands for ^ or but 

in many cases, where it is clearly the former, it has often to 
be read by the light of modern interpretation, as J. More- 
over, whenever two of these signs occur together, thus aa. 
they present all the above alternatives, and, in addition, may 
chance to represent an oft-recurring malformation of the 
letter due either to imperfect execution in the original, 
or, more frequently, to faulty copying by the modern drafts- 
man ; but in some cases the double aa constitutes the au- 
thorised and constant formation of the altogether apart 
from any possible errors of original designers, contemporary 
engravers, or travellers from the West, who have in later days 
made these inscriptions known to us. The alphabet had not 
yet arrived at the equally perplexing transformation whereby 
the letters w and n came to hold a single literal repre- 
sentative in common in the J=w and t=N of the Arabico- 
Pehlvi coins and modern MSS. writing;^ but this latter, 
the “ grand Schiboleth du Pehlvie” of Joseph MiiUer,® is far 

1 Prinsep’s Essays, ii. 147. 

* The eventual complication or conglomeration of signs under which the 2 . sis j 

fell into community and association with the symbol [ , the ancient , is still an 
enigma; hut as it does not come within the range of the writing of the Sassanian 
Inscriptions, I commend it to the attention of those who still find a difficulty in 
reconciling the Parsi “Awhoma” with the proper Awharma of earlier date. 
(See, for instance, O'lm Tak, p. xxvii.) 

3 Journal Asiatique, 1839. “ Essai sur la langue Pehlvie.” J.E.A.S. xii. 269. 

VOL. III.— [new seeies.] 17 



less obstructive in practice than the earlier association of r 
and w. In order to meet this peculiarity in the Sassanian 
writing, I have bad tbe letter a cut in facsimile and pre- 
pared for use with tbe modern Peblvi type. 

Tbe s of tbe joint alphabets demands a passing comment, 
as in its near identity in both systems, and the complete 
dissimilarity of either outline to any archaic or other deriva- 
tive form of the letter in Phcenician, it would seem that its 
origin must be sought for elsewhere ; it is singular that the 
Bactrian symbol for s If in 250 B.c. H (.hi Aryan Indian /T^ ), 
and the Armenian correspondent of s D in b.c. 189, should so 
nearly accord, and that their general formation shoidd be pre- 
served so completely in the Peblvi alphabets of the Sassanians, 
The following are the gradational representatives of each class 
n n 0 >j- The concluding example is taken from the 
Sassanian section of the Hajiabad sculpture, and its configura- 
tion is aptly illustrative of the method in which the normal 
letter was formed, namely, by a second application of the pen 
to the leading design. In the present instance the body of the 
character is composed of the often-recurring i with a reduced z 
supplemented to it. The accelerated penmanship of more 
practised scribes gradually transformed the letter first into 

and eventually into A3 and , whence it finally progressed 

into the Pehlvi as, the Zend jj, and the Arabic 

I have still to advert to two very serious difficulties in the 
decipherment of these alphabets ; the one dependent upon 
the great similarity existing between the signs for e and z in 
the ChaldsDo-Pehlvi, which often renders them hopelessly 
indistinguishable ; this is the case even in the positive repro- 
duction of the inscription at Hajiabad, so it may be imagined 
what amount of reliance is to be placed upon the drawings 
of mere copyists. As a general rule the letter e is simple and 
direct in its downward course, while the z is more curved in 
its sweep, and more marked in the initial and final points. 

The second obstruction to assured interpretation consists 
more in the oral sound to be attributed to the several letters 
a=R and L =l in the Sassanian writing. At times it would 



seem ttat these letters were knowingly used indifferently ; 
on other occasions ignorance of or insensibility to the true 
force of the Semitic may have prevailed ; though in some 
instances, again, discrimination in their contrasted employ- 
ment is evident, especially in words in which a compKcation 
already exists, arising out of the community of the sounds of 
E and w inherent in their common sign a.^ If, in addition 
to these constructive difficulties, we add the imperfect phonetic 
aptitude or the want of system in the use of the symbols for 
i>-D and cE/-g and ; and more important than all, 

the authorised dialectic interchange of b, p (i — > f), and 

j w, we have offered a goodly list of reasons why European in- 
terpreters have made such scant progress in Pehlvi readings. 

One of the most curious questions in the whole range of 
this enquiry is presented in the history of that strangely 
influential vowel in the Persian tongue, the letter z ; we have 
already seen the important part played by the normal form 
of that character in the supplementary definition of the con- 
current signs of the Chaldaeo-Pehlvi, and attention has been 
drawn to a somewhat parallel fundamental influence exercised 
by the typical curve of the Sassanian t, among the other 
letters of its own alphabet ; it is further clear that neither of 
the very differently-fashioned letters of the joint Pehlvi 
systems of writing can be referred to corresponding Semitic 
originals as the latter are ordinarily determined ; all of which 
adhere with more or less fidelity to a vague reminiscence of 
the archaic ^ . A singiflar evidence of the community of 
Aryanism in alphabets suggests itself in 4hese facts, though 
I am not prepared to claim any Noachian antiquity for the 
coincidence, but merely desire to show that the various branches 
of the Aryan pastoral races, as they are known to the modern 
world,^ only began to understand and appreciate the value of 

1 and and ciiUli — and . 

a curious fact that all the early Xumismatic legends use 2 both for e and w. 

It is 


does not appear till later, and then only irregularly. See J.R. A.S. xiii. 178. 

2 Report of the Meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society, 9th April, 1 866 ; Athenaeum, 
April, 1866 ; Ivumismatic Chronicle (1866) voL vi. p. 172 ; Journal Asiatic Society 
of Bengal, July, 1866, p. 138. 



the art of writing when they came into contact with urban 
populations in their own migatory advance and domestication 
among more civilized peoples, or when they achieved, in force, 
the conquest of earlier- settled nationalities. In this present 
case, at least, it is strange that the self-same leading idea should 
have prevailed throughout, in the adoption of the crude form of 
the vowel i, within a range that can be traced upwards from 
our own capital or italic I, through the Roman and Etruscan 
outline of the letter, and the independent Greek design,^ whose 
but slightly modified shape is found typical in Armenia^ some 
centuries b.c., and which re-appears almost identically in its 
normal tracing with our own matured result, in the Bactrian 
reconstruction, under Aryan treatment,^ of the simple elements 
of the once current writing of Babylon. 

The Sassanian alphabet manifestly incorporated the old 
Phcenician (the Persian Cuneiform y|) ^ into its own 

system, and as it was already in possession of an ordinary short 
I ; the Semitic letter was devoted to the representation of the 
long or duplicated sound of that vowel.^ A curious course 

' The following forms of the Greek iota approach very closely to the Chaldmo- 
Pehlvi outline^ S j ■ See also Gesenius, pi. ii.; Mionnet, volume “Planches,” 

etc , 1808, pi. xxxi. Nos. 1,2; “ Inscriptiones Grmcse Vetustissim®,” II. G. Rose 
(Cambridge, 1825), table i. Nos. 11, 16, 18. etc.; “Corpus Iiiscriptionum Grm- 
carum,” A. Boeckh (Berlin, 1828), p. 6. “ Sed imprimis insignis est litter® Iota 

forma ^ , qu® etiam in ®re Petilicnsi reperitur, et turn in nummis aliquot urbium 
M agn® Gr®ci®, turn in nummo Gortyniorum, . . . derivata ex Oriente.” — Swin- 
ton, Insc. Cit. Oxford, 1750. 

2 Coins of Artaxias, Numismatic Chronicle. October, 1867, No. 3 [ | ], 

3 The Bactrian medial i is composed of a single line thus / In composition 
it crosses the body of t^ie leading consonant. The initial t is formed by the 
addition of the sloping line to the short «, thus ^.—Numismatic Chronicle, N.S. 
iii. pi. vi. ; Prinsep’s Essays, ii. p. 161. 

^ There is some similarity of ideas in the form of the Pali 7 of Asoka’s In- 
scriptions. Ex. gr. ghi^ glii- 

3 M. Franqois Lenormant has devoted a lengthy article in the Journal 
Asiatique of Aout-Septembre, 1865 (pp. 180-226), to “Etudes Pal®ographiques 
sut 1' Alphabet Peblevi, ses diverses varietes et son origine,” in which he has done 
me the honour to quote largely from niy first paper on Pehlvi writing which 
appeared in the twelfth volume of this Journal, 1849, as well as from a parallel 
notice on Arsacidan coins, etc., inserted in the Numismatic Chronicle of proximate 
date, without seemingly having been aware of the publication of my second con- 
tribution on the same subject, which was printed in our Journal for 1852 (voP 
xiii. p. 373). M. Lenormant has not been altogether fortunate in the passages 



attended tlie maturation of this literal sign in the parallel 
alphabet, which, though in the retention of its primitive 
forms, claiming so much more of a Semitic aspect, provided 
itself, from other sources, with a short i, and lost all trace of 
the proper Semitic of Sargon’s time, and hence had to invent 
anew the long ? required for the due expression of the language 
it was eventually called upon to embody. The process by 
which this was effected is instructive, and may be said, in its 

of my Essay ■which, he has selected for adverse criticism, — a licence, however, I 
must confess he has been wisely chary of indulging in. 

M. Le Normant is mistaken in supposing that Sir H. Rawlinson ever designed 
to insert a long N Jinal in the word Baga, so that his over-officious attempt at 
correction, in this instance, proves altogether superfluous (J.R.A.S. x. pp. 93, 94, 
187), hut the implication, in the general run of the text, is, that I myself had 
attributed this error to Sir Henry, which I certainly never contemplated doing, 
nor, as far as I can gather from anything I have printed, did I give any colour for 
a supposition that I desired so to do (J.R.A.S. xii. 264; Numismatic Chronicle, 
xii. 74). Sir Henry undoubtedly suggested that the group of letters ordinarily 
following the king’s titles iu the Sassanian coin legends and inscriptions should he 
resolved into the letters b. g., and hence he inferred, most correctly, that the term 
in question was Baga, divine (Sanskrit supposing that, in the ordinary 

course of Aryan tongues, the several consonants optionally carried the inherent 
short vowel a. My correction merely extended to the separation of the character 
composing the second portion of the group into the since universally accepted g. i. 

M. Lenormant has gone out of his way to assert that “ Le savant anglais a 
pretendu, en effet, que le pehle'ri ne possedait pas de D.” This is not quite an 
accurate statement of the case. If I had not recognised the existence and frequent 
use of an {jm, which letter duly appears in my alphabets (J.R.A.S. xii. pi. i.), I 
could have made hut very little progress in Pehlvi decipherments. The question 
I did raise with regard to the origin of the earliest form of the Sassanian 
(xii. 266), as found in the Hkjiabad sculptures, was not only perfectly legitimate 
and fairly and frankly stated, hut there is even now no resisting the associate facts 
that the Chaldaeo-Pehlvi version of Inscription No. vi. infra, makes use of the t 
in the penultimate of , and that the corresponding of the Sassanian text 
^is susceptible of being resolved into the typical elements ofJJ. Moreover, it 
must he borne in mind that the Chaldaeo-Pehlvi D was still unidentified, though I 
even then suggested the attribution which has since thrown new light upon the 
entire question (N.C. xii. 78). In short, the point of interest at that time was to 
determine the course and progress of the discrimination and graphic expression of 
the approximate sounds of z and s in the alphabets under discussion. 

As regards my proposed rectification of M. De Sacy’s |D in JOia Roman, which 
M. Lenormant confidently designates as “inutilement contests par M. Edward 
Thomas” (J.A. p. 193), I am sanguine that the ample data adduced below will 
satisfy more severe critics that the mistaken interpretation M. Lenormant insists 
upon sharing, in common with so many of Anquetil’s ancient errors, may he safely 
left to find its own correction. 

Finally, I am bound to place on record a distinct protest against the general 
accuracy of M. Lenormant’s illustrative facsimiles. I imagined, in the first 
instance, that the French artist had reproduced in a crude and clumsy way the 
conscientious originals of the English engraver; but I see that M. Lenormant 
claims whatever credit is due upon that score for himself, iu the declaration, 
“ nous avons releve' nous-meme les figures que nous donnons sur les platres ofiferts 
a la Soci^td Asiatique de Londres par M. Rawlinson” (J.A. p. 188). 



very mechanism, to add an independent proof of the true 
value attaching to the fellow character The configur- 
ation of the clearly proceeded upon the duplication of 
the simple or short z ( f ) ; and in order to avoid the possible 
confusion of the new compound with the ordinary jy a con- 
cluding curve was carried upwards and backwards from the 
second i through its own down-stroke and into the leading 

In course of time both these double letters disappear from 
public documents, but the Sassanian letter is preserved in the 
Parsi alphabet, ‘ and is but little changed in its Zend form ^ . 
"While the short i was subjected to considerable modifications, 
till, on the Arabico-Pehlvi coins it appears as — J in its inde- 
pendent definition, or in the latest introductory stage towards 
the Naskhi “ Kasrah-i-Izafat.” 

As regards the true force of the fellow letters, though we 
may, for simplicity sake, designate them as long or double 
Vs, it is clear that the duty they had to perform in the less 
matured orthography of the third century a.d. wiU be re- 
presented by a very extended range of optional transcrip- 
tions when reduced into the elaborated characters of the pre- 
sent day, leaving the Chaldaeo-Pehlvi letters to answer for 
their parallel power in the double The Sassanian counter- 
part must clearly be admitted to stand, according to the con- 
text, for tJ, lS or and their several medial corres- 


An apt illustration of the difficulty the limited characters 
of the Chaldaeo-Pehlvi had to contend with in the definition 
of the mixed Aryan and Semitic speech they had to respond 
to, has lately been contributed, on the occasion of the natives 
of Persia having been called upon to reconstruct an alphabet 
suitable for the expression of their modern tongue out of the 
self-same literal elements they had abandoned so many cen- 

1 Spiegel, Grammatik der Parsisprache. Leipzig, 1851. I observe that Dr, 
Haug stiU adheres to the old lesson his Parsi instructors at Surat so erroneously 
taught Anquetil in 1760, and persists in interpreting the power of this letter as 
See preface to the “ Farhang-i-oim yak,” p. 21. Though he seems at 
one time (1862) to have been prepared to accept the reading of j, converting the 
old ‘Roman’ into '■Barj.' “Sacred language of the Parsees,” Rombay, 1862. p. 45. 



turies ago. The motive for this experiment arose out of the 
desire of our Bible Society to furnish the Jewish converts in 
Persia with a version of the New Testament in the Hebrew 
character, with which they were already familiar, but textually 
couched in the spoken language of the country.^ The sub- 
joined table will show how this singular compromise was 
effected, and its details are of considerable value in the pre- 
sent inquiry, as giving us a clearer perception of how the 
modern ear was prepared to deal with the sounds of the 
actually current speech, and how, with a clear field and en- 
larged and matured powers of alphabetical development, those 
sounds were held to be critically defined and discriminated in 
the general reconstruction of the ancient alphabet. 

Hebrew Alphabet adapted to the definition of the Persian Language.* 














( > 


























































= T 






One of the most curious results of this adaptive revival of the 

ancient letters is to prove to us, what I have already persever- 
ingly contended for, that is, the use of some form of a double i, 
and some acknowledged method of writing such a compound 
with a view to avoid the possible confusion of the independent 
repetition of the short vowel, amid a series of letters in their 
nature so imperfectly discriminated inter se. Examples of 

* The New Testament in question, designated “ Judjeo-Persic,” was printed 
by Messrs. Harrison & Co. in 1847, under the editorship of Mr. E. Norris, from a 
text arranged by the natives of Persia according to their own perceptions of 
equivalent letters. 

* Michaeli’s Arabische Grammatik (Gott. 1781) arranged the discriminative 
marks as follows: — P| = c_>, f\ = CL!, n = ^,j = 'jr,5 = ^, 

^ ~ = b, b = Ij, j = p = j|, n = 



sucli repetitions occur here in every page, as “ a Levite,” 
''W, “a place;” 'jy', “ namely, Judas 

Iscariot” (John xii. 3) ; IH'*!' 'ID!}, [he] “ went to- 

wards Jericho.” In its medial duplicate form it occurs in 
|"X “ in the law of Moses” (Luke xxiv. 44) ; but 

its most frequent appearance is in verbs, as "XD}'D> “l"*l!lD> 
etc., where the introductory y is absolute. The kasrah 
form of the short i is expressed by the sign over the line, 
thus, “ he,” p Tl3 n}ND “n, “ in the house of my father” 
(John xiv. 2). 

The comparative table of alphabets inserted below will, I 
trust, prove sufficiently explanatory in itself, though it may 
be needful to indicate the derivation of and authority for some 
of the less common forms. The excellent series of Numismatic 
Phoenician was cut for the Due de Luynes, for the illustration 
of his work on the Satrapies. The outlines are chiefly derived 
from the forms of the Phoenician alphabet in use on the coins 
of Cilicia and Cyprus. 

The old Syriac may be useful in the present instance among 
the associated Pehlvi alphabets for the purposes of comparison, 
in its near proximity in point of date and local employment. 
This font was prepared under the supervision of the late Dr. 
Cureton, whose account of the sources from whence it was 
derived is as follows : — 

“ It was principally copied from MSS. of the sixth century, and represents the 
earliest form of the character known to us. It is identical with that of the most 
ancient MS. in the British Museum — date a.d. 411 ; but the forms of the letters 
are made a little more carefully than they were written by tbe person who copied 
that MS., and imitate more closely those of some better scribe, although about a 
century later.” 

The modern Pehlvi was engraved by MarcelKn Legrand 
of Paris, under the direct superintendence of M. Jules Mohl, 
and to my understanding ofiers the best and closest imitation 
of the ancient writing as yet produced. I have so far de- 
parted from the primary intention of the designers as to em- 
ploy the letter «, to which they had assigned the value of 
a kh, as the more appropriate representative of the simple h, 
in order to avoid the confusion incident to the use of the un- 
pointed it, which in the original scheme was called upon to 
do duty indifferently for either a or h. 






































































1— 1 


































































Hebrew Letters not used in the Pehlvi tD Teth Ayin = ^ ; p Koph = ,o ; ^ Tsade, and Sin. 



In order to complete the alphabetical illustrations connected with the later history 
of Sassanian writing, I append a comparative table of the Pehlvi and Zend characters, 
which in itself demonstrates the direct derivation of the latter series from its more 
crude model, and enables us to trace the amplification and elaboration of the earlier 
literal forms to meet the wants of the more refined grammar of the Zend, a reconstruc- 
tion which seems to have been aided by the high degree of perfection already reached 
in the alphabetical definitions of cognate Aryan languages, 



SnoET Vowels, 


a a. 

J i- 

f u. 



Aj a. 

1 «• 

j i. 

> u. 

Long Vowels, 


jju at. 


AU d. 

^ i 

^ u. 

AA) e. 



^ 0. 

^ 6. 

^ do. 




yu hu. 

J a- 



5 k. 


^ 1- 

^ 9‘ 







^ ch. 




^ t. 

^ d. 



^ t. 


<0 th. 

^ d. 




0 P- 




q) p. 


s b. 

Semi- Vowels, 


^ e or y. 

) r. 



med.) y. 

7 r. 

t (» 




1 V. or w. 





fer h. 



^ s. 

^ sh. 



s. (g.) 

tp sh. 

M5 S. 




I n. 

4 " in. 



j n. 


^ an. 

9 m. 



Inscription No. 1. 

The first inscription of the series under review is engraved 
upon the most prominent of the Sassanian sculptures at 
Naksh-i-Eustamd wherein Ormazd is represented as bestow- 
ing a second or Imperial cydaris upon Ardeshir Babekan on 
the occasion of his final victory over the last of the Arsacidae, 
whose prostrate body is exhibited on the battle field beneath 
the feet of the equestrian group, and whose individuality is 
distinctly marked by the snake-crested helmet of the Mede.^ 
Ormazd’s costume consists of a high mural crown, with closely 
twisted curls rising in a mass above it ; his heard is cut square, 
and his flowing locks are curled elaborately over his shoulders, 
above and behind which float the conventional Sassanian fillets.® 
In his left hand he holds a sceptre or baton, erect, and with 

1 Ker Porter, vol. L pi. xxiii. p. 548 ; Flandin, vol. iv. pi. 182. A similar 
sculpture, reproducing the same leading figures on foot, is copied in pi. xxvii. Ker 
Porter; Flandin, 192, 3. 

2 Astyages — , “a dragon serpent;” Moses of Khorene, i. 

123,167. Sia — Mar^ “serpent,” AnquetU, ii. p. 497; Rarvlinson, J.E.A.S. xv. 242; 
Zohak of the Shah Khmah, Haug, 157. a serpent ;” 

a name of Krishna and Indra, “subduing a demon!” The Dahak of the Yasna 
is described as “ trihus-oribus-prmditum, tribus-capitibus,” etc. (Kossowicz). 
Masaudi’s tradition speaks of “deux serpents nes sur les epaules deDahhak” (iii. 
p. 252). Les descendans d’ Astyages etablis en Armenie portoient encore le nom 
de Vischabazouni ce que signifie race de dragon. Cette denomination leur venoit 
du nom du roi des Medes. — St. Martin, i. 285. 

® Flandin’s copy, in plate 182 of his vork, altogether omits these pennants, 
though Ormazd has them to the full in other plates, 186, 192 bis ; (Ker 
Porter, xxvii. No. 1). Ormazd is frequently represented in other composi- 
tions amid these sculptures. For instance, in plate 44, Flandin, at Firozhbhd, 
where he again appears in the act of presenting a cydaris to Ardeshir. This 
has rehef is remarkable for the subsequent addition of a modern Pehlvi legend, 
which is only dubiously intelligible in Flandin’s copy. Ormazd is depicted in a 
new and modified form in the bas-relief at Thk-i-Bustan (pi. Ixvi. Ker Porter, 
yol. ii. ; Malcolm’s Persia, vol. i. p 259 ; and pi. 14, Flandin, vol. i.), where he 
is introduced as apparently sanctioning the final abdication of Ardeshir and the 
transfer of the Sassanian diadem to Sapor. ♦ Ormazd in this case stands at the 
back of the former monarch, with his feet resting on a lotus flower ; he holds the 
peculiar baton or sceptre in the usual position, but this time with both hands ; 
and instead of the hitherto unvarying mural crown, the head seems uncovered, 
but closely bound with the conventional diadem, with its broad pendant fillets, 
while the head itself is encircled with rays of elory, after the Western idea of a 
nimbus, t 

• The association of Sapor in the government, or perhaps only his recognition as heir 
apparent, is illustrated by the coins of the period. See Xam. Chron. xv. p. 181. 

V A similar form is given to Ormazd’s head-gear in the coin of Hormisdas II., quoted 
p. 42 post. 



his right he extends towards the conqueror a circlet, to which 
are attached the broad wavy ribbons so exaggerated in their 
dimensions at this period. 

Ardeshir wears a close-fitting scull-cap shaped helmet, from 
the centre of which ascends a globe-like balloon, which is sup- 
posed to typify some form of fire or other equivalent of our 
Western halo. The head-piece is encircled with a diadem, 
from which depend the Djniastic flowing fillets, and the 
helmet is completed for defensive purposes by cheek-plates 
and a sloping back-plate. The beard seems to have been in- 
jured if we are to trust Ker Porter’s copy ; but Flandin re- 
presents it as ending in a tied point, a fashion seemingly only 
introduced by Sapor. The hair is disarranged, possibly to 
indicate the recent combat. The remaining details of the 
sculpture are unimportant in their bearing upon the present 
inquiry, hut it must be noted that the inscriptions, in either 
case, are cut upon the shoulder of the horse bearing the 
figure each of the triple legends are designed to indicate, so 
that there can be no possible doubt about the identification 
of the persons, or the intentional portraiture of the contrasted 
divinity and king ; the former of which is of peculiar interest 
in disclosing the existing national ideal of the form and ex- 
ternal attributes of Ormazd, so distinctly defined as “ the god 
of the Arians” by Darius himself in his celebrated Cuneiform 
record at Behistun, iv. 12, 13 (J.R.A.S. xv. 130, 144), 

The style of the legend embodpng the monarch’s titles, 
though tinged with ever-prevailing Oriental hjq)erbole, is 
modest in regard to the extent of his dominions, which are 
confined to Iran proper ; and the like reserve is maintained 
in the epigraphs upon both Ardeshir’s money, and many, if 
not all, of Sapor’s coins though the inscriptions at Pai Kuli, 
if they are found hereafter to have emanated from the founder 
of the dynasty, about which there may stiU. be some vague 
doubt — would seem to prove that the An Iran, or countries 
other than Iran, in modem speech, associated as Iran and 

' Varahran I. seems to have been the first to record the An irdn on his cur- 
rency, but want of space in the field of the coins may well have counselled previous 



Turdn, had already been comprehended in Ardeshir’s later 

Inscription No. 1. — ARDESHfa, Babek, a.d. 226, at Naksh-i-Eustam. 

I is a transliteration, in modern Hebrew letters, of the original Chaldceo-Pehlvi Lapi- 

dary Text. 

II is a transliteration^ in modern Persian characters^ of the associate Sassanian^Pehlvi 


Ill is a transcript of the original Greek translation^ which is appended to the duplicate 
Oriental epigraphs. 

jxnx i- 


m jnix' 

BA2IA€nN APIANwN e/c 7 evOT 2 ©EON TIOT ©EOT nAHAKoT BA(nA,En2. 

Image of the person of [Or]mazd -worshipper, divine Artahshatr, King of 
Kings of Ir&n, of celestial origin from god, the son of divine Papak, King ! 

No. 1 a. 

nmnK ‘iDnsi- 

III. TOTTO TO nP02nnoN aio2 ©eot. 

Image of the person of Ormazd, God 

1 The debased C=2, S=E, and (0=n, of the original inscription, have been 
replaced by the ordinary modern type forms of the several letters. 

2 The reading of Ormazd’s name in the Chaldseo-Pehlvi is doubtful in the later 
copies (De Sacy, p. 27 ; Ker Porter, PI. xxiii. ; and Flandin, Vol. iv. PL 180) ; 
but it is obvious, as above given in Flower’s reproduction, a.d. 1667 (Hyde, p. 
547) ; and in Chardin’s facsimile of 1674 (PI. Ixxiii. vol. ii.) 

® Most of the linguistic details of this, or, perhaps, a less curt translation, have 
for long past been comparatively uncontested. The Zanii I have not as yet had 
an opportunity of fairly or fully submitting to public criticism. The Mazd-Yagna 
elements of the compound it has been the custom of late to recognise as “ Ormazd- 
Worshipper,” may perchance require re-examination when discovered to be as- 
sociated with the full and direct definition of the name of Ormazd, in apparent 
contrast to the abbreviated form, on one and the same stone. jBogi, with its pal- 
pable context of the Semitic A'lha, has from the first been accepted in its true 
purport, though doubts and difficulties remained in regard to the correct defini- 
tion of the final gi, which are now, I imagine, fully disposed of. JUinu Chatri 
(and iriK' IlD) were freely interpreted by De Sacy with the aid of the Greek tran- 
script, and all that more recent philology has been called upon to contribute has 
been the more exact determination of the roots and incidental formation • of the 
compound in the now recognised or , “ INIundus superior,” and the 

Chitra of such constant recurrence in the Cuneiform inscriptions and in the no- 
minal combinations of the archaic Persian speech. 



Inscription No. 2. 

This inscription is engraved on an unfinished tablet, to the 
left hand, and immediately outside of the area of the bas-relief 
at Naksh-i-Rajab (Ker Porter, xxvii. No. 2 ; Flandin, 192 B), 
embodying one of the many representations of Ardeshir’s re- 
ceiving the cydaris from Ormazd : but there is nothing in the 
absolute relation of the two sculptures to show that the in- 
scription in question was intended to refer to this particular 
group of the dynastic memorials graven on the surrounding 
rocks, though the probabilities are greatly in favour of such 
a supposition. Ker Porter does not seem to have been aware 
of the existence of this side compartment ; ^ and although 
Morier^ alludes to the single figure who is portrayed in the 
act of engrossing the identical record, he does not appear to 
have detected the inscription itself. It was left for M. 
Flandin^ to repeat, in all innocence, a discovery which, in 
earlier times, had already been placed on record by Ouseley ; * 
but to the former artist we are indebted for the only full 
copy known in Europe, which has evidently been most care- 
fully traced on the spot and elaborately engraved in his 
work ; but however meritorious as a studied and conscientious 
drawing, it is that and nothing more : had M. Flandin been 
but in the smallest degree acquainted with the crude forms of 
the eighteen letters of the alphabet employed in the text, the 
value of his labours would have been infinitely enhanced, 
possibly with far less patient toil to himself. As it is, this 
epigraph, the most full and perfect of the entire series, is dis- 
appointing in the extreme ; and it is only by very bold guesses 
(such as no professed savant would adventure), that any recon- 

* Ker Porter, i. 573. ^ Morier, “Persia, Armenia, etc.” p. 138. 

3 Dans le coin a gauche, et en haut clu rocker, en dehors du cadre ou est sculpte 
le bas-relief, est une figure dont le huste seul a ete execute. Peu visible par la 
maniere dont elle est rendue, elle etait eu partie cachee par un arbrisseau qui 
avait pris racine dans une fissure du roc. En relevant les branches pendantes pour 
mieux voir cette figure, nons decouvrimes, sous leur feuillage, une inscription 
pehlvi tres-hien conservee et qui n' avait pas moins de trente de une lignes presque 
completes. Je crois pouvoir afiBrmer que cette inscription etait completement 
inconnue, car il n’en est fait mention par aucun voyageur. C’est done une 
heureuse decouverte, non-seulement pour I’etude de la laugue pehlvi, mais encore 
pour 1’ intelligence de ce monument sur lequel elle jettera certainement un jour 
nouveau.— Text, vol. ii. p. 135. 

1 “Travels in Persia in 1810, 1811, 1812.” vol. ii. pi. xlviii. No. 3. 



struction of the purport of the original can be extracted from the 
distorted and disjointed characters in the French publication. 

The inscription seems to have been originally executed in 
well-defined letters ; but as far as M. Flandin’s copy enables us 
to judge, no efibrt was made towards the separation or division 
of the words, nor are any of those very useful discriminative 
final to be detected in its lines. A large amount of in- 
dependent synonyms may, nevertheless, be readily identified, 
though much concession has to be made for the uncertainty of 
the orthography of the period, and its manifest and startling 
contrast to the mode of spelling accepted in modern Persian : 
and in this consists almost the sole advantage of the inscription 
at this moment, in that even if one half of the terms now me- 
chanically transcribed may be safely introduced into the meagre 
vocabulary of Sassanian Pehlvi hitherto authoritatively ascer- 
tained as opposed to the dubious and composite infiltrations of 
the ancient Pehlvi accepted in Bombay, some definite advance 
in this obscure study will be fairly established. I do not pro- 
pose to enter into any analysis of this inscription, as I have but 
little faith in the trustworthiness of the text even in its now 
partially amended form. I may mention that the modern 
Pehlvi version here given adheres as scrupulously as possible 
to the engraved facsimile, while the Persian transcript is 
avowedly suggestive, and, as such, has been inserted more for 
the secondary purpose of aiding those who may need an intro- 
ductory gloss upon the rarely-seen Pehlvi type, rather than for 
any authority that can be claimed for it. Indeed, in certain 
cases where the meanings of words were sufficiently obvious, 
I have departed from the limitation of mere reproduction, 
and modified the Persian correspondents in defiance of the 
imperfection of the Pehlvi original, in order to dispense with 
needless tests and references ; but in many instances, where 
obscure passages recur in the Pehlvi, I have designedly 
changed the Persian equivalents assigned in the first instance, 
in the hope that one or the other of the optional modernised 
versions may hereafter lead to a correct determination of the 
value of the doubtful constructive elements of this, for the 
time being, obscure mediaeval text. 



The most curious question, however, relating to the in- 
scription in its available form is, that in spite of its length 
and apparent completeness, as well as the free legibility of a 
portion of its contents, there are no means of determining, with 
absolute precision, the monarch in whose laudation it was 
composed. The natural impression suggested by the position 
in which the epigraph is placed points primarily to Ardeshir 
Babekan, and several times in the text itself lend support to 
such a conclusion, the word from “TJ13, a crown (in line 

27) more immediately connects the inscription with the bas- 
relief it may be supposed to explain ; and, singular to say, it is 
not at all improbable that the missing name of Ardeshir may 
after all be hidden amid the obscure cross strokes of the broken 
letters in the first line of the facsimile, the artistic imperfection 
of which, however, I have hesitated to correct in my Persian 
transcript, but which may fairly be converted, with very 
scant violence to probabilities, into ^ a 

reconstruction that would sufficiently accord with the "general 
tenor of the context, which concludes -the current Hne with 
the conventional titular 

The unusual title of Mir Shahinshahi, the latter a term spe- 
cially afiected by Ardeshir, also connects the record with that 
monarch ; as in like manner does the singular designation of 
i_ej IXL* , “ King of the King’s sons,” or what in 
modern days would be > a name or title indicative 

of royal origin, and so directly identified with the family in- 
titulations, that Sapor retained the ^ 4 -,^ intact as his Imperial 

Of the ordinary titles occurring in the course of the writing, 
some are highly instructive in regard to the comparative no- 
menclature of the period, such as “ fire-worshipper” 

[priest] (2), (28, 30, 31), (23), 

(28) the Persian synonjun^ of the Greek lepdp')(rj<;, which 
latter term, however, when quoted from Western sources, 

1 The German philologists endeavour to identify the Greek tepos with ishtrd 
“ robust.” But a more simple association seems to present itself in the various 
words for ^re, Pehlvi > Persian^^^ , Sanskrit . 



was . transmuted into the aspirated (Inscription V. 4). 

In addition to which may be cited (24), 

hodie iLijb , etc.^ 

This inscription, even in its partially intelligible form, is 
also valuable as exhibiting so many of the essential charac- 
teristics of true Persian speech, in the multiplicity of the final 
Ps, and in the dominance of the inevitable verb which 

even in this brief space crops up in all manner of moods and 

• The following passages from the classic authors and other external sources, 
bearing upon the pompous intitulations affected by the successive ruling dynasties 
in Persia, are calculated to throw light upon the inquiry more immediately in 
question, as to the terms likely to he found in the original manifestoes embodied 
in the court language and composed under official supervision, we have now to 
deal with. 

Aesaces I. 

“ Certatimque summatum et vulgi sententiis concinentihus, astris (ut ipsi existi- 
mant) ritus sui consecratione permistus est omnium primus. Unde ad id tempus 
regis ejusdem gentis praetumidi, adpellari se patiuntur Solis fratres et Lunae : 
utque Imperatoribus nostris Augusta nuncupatio amabilis est et optata ; ita regibus 
Parthicis ahjectis et ignobilibus antea, incrementa dignitatum felicibus Arsacis 
auspiciis accessere vel maxima. Quamobrem numinis eura vice venerantur et 
colunt, eousque propagatis honorihus, ut ad nostri memoriam non, nisi Arsacides 
is sit, quisquam in suscipie*do regno cunctis anteponatur ; et in qualibet civili 
concertatione, quae adsidue apud eos eveniunt, velut sacrilegium quisque caveat, 
ne dextera sua Arsacidem arma gestantem feriat vel privatum.” — Ammianus 
Marcellinus, xxiii. c. vi. § 4. 

Shapur II. 

“ Rex regura Sapor, particeps siderum, frater Solis et Lunae, Constantio Caesari 
fratri meo salutem plurimam dice.” — Ammianus Marcellinus, xvii. c. 5, § 3. 

“Agitatis itaque sub oiiere armorum vigiliis, resultabant altrinsecus exortis 
clamoribus colles : nostris virtutes Constantii Caesaris extollentibus, ut domini 
rerum et mundi : Persis Saporem et Saansaan adpellantibus et Pyrosen, quod rex 
regibus imperans, etbellorum victor interpretatur.” — Ammianus Marcellinus, xix. 
c. 2, § 11. 

Khuseu Naushirwan. 

fi Se Tov Hep<ruu fiaaiXetas ypaixfiatri p.ev iypd(pri nep(riKo7s, ttj Se 'EWriv'tSi 
<payfj Kara ravra SrjirovBev laxvei to pn/iOTO' “ Beios, ayaBhi, elpr]voir6.Tpios, 
apxaios Xoapdijs, ffacreXeus ffao’iX.eaiy, euTvxhs, eutrcjSrjy, dyaBonoihs, frivt Beol 
fieydXriy rvxv^ Kal ixeydx-py PaaiXeiay SeSwKa<n, 7170 s ytydyraiy, &s e/c Beuy 
XapaKTripi^erat, 'lovarwiay^ Kaicrapi, dSe\(p^ rjneTepcp ." — Menander (Protector) 
de legationibus Romanorum ad Gentes, ^ 3. 

Bahram Chubin to Khusr<j Parviz. 

Bopopi (ptXos TOfS 06OIS, yiKriTTis, eirupay-fis, rvpdyywy ex^Si, (TaTpdjrrjs fieyiardywy, 
Trjs Hepo'iKrjs Spxoip Svyd/uews, e/x(ppcyy, y\yep.oyiK6s, SeicriSaifiwy, dyenoyeiSicTTos, 
evyeyfjs, evTvx’hs, eveirrjPoXos, alSe'crijuos, o’lKoyojjUKds, TrpoyoriTiKds, irpaos, (piXdy- 
Bpunrot Xoapo^ Tcp iroiSl ’OpixlaSov. — Theophylactus Simocatta, iv. c. 7, § 18. 

Khusru Parviz. 

Xo£rpt)i 7 S PacriXeiis ^amXeay, SvyaerrevdyToiy SeairoTtis, Kvpios eByay, elprjydpxvs, 
Tois ayBpdnrots (ToiTtipios, ey Bedls p.ey dyBpuiros ayaBhs xol oWvios, ey Se tois dyBpu- 
TTois Behs em<l>aye<TTaTOS, virepeySo^os, yiKTirdis, riXia avyayaTeXXwy Kal Tp yvKrl 
Xapt^6/j.eyos ojo^oto, Ik wpoydyay enia-pp-os, fiairiXevs jU<T0Tr6Xefxos, x“P‘<rTiKds, S 
TOWS "Acrwyas fii<TBovjj.eyos Kal T^y BacnXeiay nepoois Sia<pvXdTTay, Bapap. arpa- 
rriyf UepaSiy, fiperepcp Se tp'iXep . — Theophylactus Simocatta, iv. c. 8. 

VOL. III. — [new series.] 



Tentative Transcript of Inscription No. II. in Modern Persian. 

cT* Uii, hfj 

i (V • L^- ^ 

^ 4^jblrfJb 3 lllji) l^***o3 ^ 

J U^3J'^ -^J Jj <U:l^'lj 

' L^-1^ U3“^'^ yj'cLiyjD J 

(J^_ . . J .... \iyty* tA_.^ jJj 

j/^JLSb ^ yjSj\j ^ jJ_j y^j^jd j ^ 

j\a^^ J |»; ^ ..ii) j j 

jiJii\jjSb ^ (3 J j♦lA j ^ ^ j 

cJ^^. L5^' 4^rVV* wAr^ "/y^ cA^. 

iL^tjSy^ y^JU3^i ^ 

Ls^'b ^.3J ^ ur«^ uy ‘^A’y J 

‘rfj^y (*^ ^y. ‘Ar^ J lA*^. y.^ Ls^'b j 

^jjMUj^ uV.'^yr^ uy u;As^ 


































Iksceiption No. II. 

)) 2 - . 

1 2^ ju . ju j fo.5^JU2Ju^.^_^j23.^ 2.5A)(«.^^^ f«.3"a(« ^ jaX?J“ 

^(v» 0"‘ i-asa^^ •)(»da^aJup)^-C)2|^4j'^«j)jo^(v«2^Ju..MJU^(^jugjj)Wj^ju)X“ 
g_^<e)-5pr«3^ oro.?-^ ar«.5"Ji«'^JH^*goa«^a^a 

^•^22) J)^- ^^i^^UMJJj)2-^2^f^^M-^f<6*>3\^^\^^_S^2:>)22^:>U2:)-^M 




j) j ^ 2 ^ j)^.as ^ a p«2a-^JH*^X5 pei 2 ^) r« e) ^ 




-> Ji^\)j'^ LS^*^ 3 LS^.' 

^^3 '^3^ ^'J^J cTV lT* Jj ^ >rfJ^3j^ '^hjJ3 

^'■>3rH^ cT* ^3J (Jj 

U3i^ LS iiT* l 5^ tiT* 4^/?;^ 

^j^}j'* j 

I— J 

(•Jir^^ (j'^^ J ji:^ ^3^ 3 LS^ '-d^^ ‘■-'^^‘V. 

^bX« uf'Vj 3 ^:S^-^ id^'^ ‘^i^.' .? 

ukjy uArib^ S:^J Jj • 



















21 (<^^afs^■^JOJ)•^^■^J)^:^JUf»6^^a3J5J^a^e^Ju^)a^^JU(v>^a(^^•^JU3 

23 ^,^.^a(^A)aj)^p^aa-^^^A)^3f>o^^-^j)p3aJu. 

25 3(«jajjg)a.-^^3JU(^a-^jiaJujajj)fs^:HJU(v>Ju-^aj)3(sdjA«fOJu^ 

26 i^5^(va^(\d3)«^-^ju|3ajjjuf»e.asA)j)^f«^^aajm.^^|Nflju-^^3(^ja«f^ju^ju^_^a 

31 ju^-^.^aj)f«a^ 



Inscription No, 3. — PAi Kuli Inscriptions — Sassanian. 

Sir Henry Rawlinson has most disinterestedly entrusted 
me with his own private note-books containing his original 
sketches of the Pal Euli Inscriptions, as well as with an 
earlier Cuneiform copy-book, in which I find Mr. Hector’s 
independent tracings of the epigraphs on four of the slabs. 

I have intentionally avoided submitting any of my tenta- 
tive readings to Sir Henry, as not only has his time been of 
late fully occupied by more important duties, but I have been 
anxious that he should not be in the least degree compromised 
by any of my errors or imperfect interpretations derived from 
the fragmentary materials he has so amiably supplied me 

1. The first inscription among Sir Henry Kawlinson’s sec- 
tional copies is, perhaps, the most interesting of the whole 
series, giving, as it does, the name of Ardashir Babekan, 
coupled with his title of King of Kings (1XL« 

The third line, like so much of the entire text, seems to con- 
tinue his laudatory intitulation, LJj> “ of Iran King.” 

The succeding line proceeds cijUy j “ Lord of 

the Fire Temple” (on whose terrace the inscription is engraved). 
The Framdta is here seen to retain its place in the official 
speech from the anterior date of the Cuneiform manifestoes 
of Darius,' while its modern counterpart perseveringly reaches 
our ears in the oft-cited Firmans of the Porte. The conclu- 
sion of the record on this stone is obscure, and it is only 
by supposing extreme laxity of orthography in the original, 
and claiming, under such shelter, a momentary excuse for 
very hazardous suggestions, that the words may be rendered 

‘ Persian version, X. 286, 310 ; Scyttic, xv. 146 ; Persian (Oppert) J. A. 1852. p. 
152. The grand Vizier of Persia, in later times, was called AiU * ^ 

in Armenian, Vzourh-Hramanatar. Journal Asiatique, 1866, p. 114. 



Pii Kuli Insceiptions. — Sassanian. 

No. 2. 

No. 1. 

... a .... ^ 1^^-“ 

. . . afv^^Mf^aA) 

... J2-U Jf02j 

... J-^2(VJ ^A)^(VJa^ a ^ 

No. 4. 

No. 3. 

e) • • ^ pJ-^.As. . . 

1-^.5-JO ^ aT 

No. 6. 

No. 5. 

• • S )'^ ^ 

N 2 



:>S 2 2JJ2U 

No. 8. 

No. 7. 

7 V 1 



, j “Lord of Elepbaots,” * and Chief of 

Officials, otherwise “ Head of the Executive.” “ 

(2) The second lapidary sub-section opens with the words 

The Hirbad Fire-Priest of the 

Scythian Namri,^ a nomad tribe of ancient celebrity, possibly 
by this time permanently settled in close proximity to the 
kingdom of Armenia, with which their name is here associated. 

(3) The third stone carries on the lines of a previous sen- 
tence in the title Hector’s copy], 

which is followed, perhaps connected with, the succeeding 
word which admits of varying renderings from tliOi, 
“heaven,” ilSli, “afire-worshipper” “fire”], etc., 

according to the short vowels it may be necessary to supply, 
supposing always that even the three leading Pehlvi letters 
are assured in the modern Persian form in which they are 
here reproduced. The word occurs again in section 12, and 
in a questionably modified form in 21. The in line four 
answers to the province of Persia, and the “ Dominus,” 
will be found to recur frequently in this and other inscriptions. 
(No. 14, etc.). 

(4) The opening section 4, like so many 

imperfectly defined and, dubiously complete names, neces- 
sarily attracts attention without contributing in its isolated 
form the means of a positive identification; 

fairly legible, and, with a continuous context, ought to present 
no difficulties, supposing it to be an undivided word, is 

’ (?) 'V'Stt' Chald. “beautiful.” 

^ “ Tuma," Tau’ra& [Rawlinson, J.R.A.S. x. pp. 101, 178, 196, etc.) ; Scythic, 
takma (Norris, xv. 114, 134, etc.); Takman, fortis’’ (Fox Talbot, xix. 155); 
Takhma (Takbmuras ; Haug, 194). ^ Oppert, J.A. xvii. 565. The superlative 
Tama may have something in common with the term (Haug, 89), or possibly 
3.fter all be merely an imperfect rendering of ®66d, 

origin.” Cf. Tevxo), TvktSs, TeKvov. 

3 Darius’s Cuneiform Inscriptions, J.R.A.S. (Norris, xv. 150; Rawlinson, xv 
235 and xix. p. 263) ; Oppert, J.A. 1857, p. 197. 



readily recognizable, and associates itself Tvitb the technical 
^\j, “rest,” and other essentially Aryan terms.' 

(o) No. 5 suggests but little worthy of remark beyond the 
combination of The name of Sakan is well defined, 

and the ^ preceding the designation is carefully marked as a 
final.* The word is of frequent occurrence (v. 3, 6). 

(6) The contents of No. 6 ofier but little matter for safe 
speculation, with the exception of the concluding^.:x-i 

(7) No. 7 presents nothing remarkable beyond the 

which may be a mistake for 1XL« owing to the mason, 

perchance employed indifferently on the duplicate epigraphs— 
having made use of a Chaldseo-Pehlvi N, a letter which is 
nearly identical in outline with the ordinary Sassanian b of 
these inscriptions. 

(8) The commencement of the third line seems to retain the 

conclusion of the name of . The title of in 

line four also recurs frequently, and is readily identifiable 
with Anquetil’s Barbita=“ Salar en chef” (Z.A. ii. 486). 

(9) The ninth tablet contains a title or, perhaps, a name 
of some interest, which may be read conjecturally, as or 

; the designation occurs again in the sixth line, where 
it is preceded by the definite title of Hierarch. The 

probably stands for^.^, “ fire,” as it is thus written in 
Hirbad) but the determination of the compound is 

more open to question, unless it may be associated with the 
Sanskrit Gupta'^ from “to protect” (see also Nos. 17, 
18, etc.). The word U which follows is possibly incomplete, 
but the obsolete Semitic or lion,” so largely 

idealized and so consistently retained by the ancient kings in 
official seal devices and sculptured illustrations, and affectedly 
reproduced by the Sassanians in bas-reliefs and in titular com- 
position as U, “lion slaying,”* might claim a leading 

dominance in this place, but it may be better to revert to the 

1 J.R.A.S. xiii. pp. 395, 399. 

2 “ Saka,” J.R.A.S., xii. 468; “ Sacan,” xv. 150. 

3 This term occurs on a beautiful gold coin of Hormuzdas II. (303-310 a.d.), 



term NsS, “ heart,” (fromM^, “to be fat”), which would 
more nearly accord with the general tenor of the inscription, 
and explain the frequent recurrence of the allied 

Among other words on this stone may be detected 
the important pronoun “he,” “who,” “that,” the 

original Persian Cuneiform V(V) si, “ qui, que,” also 
“ quod, quia,” which is associated with the Chaldee 
the relative pronoun and sign of the genitive. ‘ The Hebrew 
ri|, “ this,” the Arabic jJl , “ who,” and “ that,” have 
all to be considered in their hearing upon the word, as the 
duties the Pehlvi had to be answerable for were manifold. 
Anquetil was obliged to allow the term a very extended range 
of meanings in his single specimen page of Pehlvi translations 
of the Bun-dehesh (p. 341, vol. ii.) ; but in his vocabularies 
he rather limits it to “ cela, celui-la,” the modern Persian 
(pp. 496, 504). 

The in these early Pehlvi readings seems to have been 
the contrasted form reserved for the sign of the genitive, 
which eventually settled itself into thej of the Shah Namah'* 
and later Persian writings : while the which was probably 
pronounced zaka, subsided into the present di . 

The in line five is critically doubtful, as I have sub- 
stituted, on the authority of the very indubitable form of 

brought from Persia by Sir H. Rawlinson, and now in the British JIuseura. The 
following is a description of the piece: Obverse — King’s bust, to the right; the 
head is covered with a lion’s skin, after the classical precedent on the coins of 
Alexander the Great ; this is again surmounted by flames of fire (?), at the back 
of which float the broad Sassanian fillets. Legend ; 

Reverse ; The usual Fire Altar, to the right of which appears the figure of Ormazd (?) 
off'ering a chaplet to the king, whose form, together with the head-dress copied 
from the obverse, occupies the left of the altar. Legend : 

Above the flame of the altar and below the circular legend the word _ 
is inserted. 

I De Saulcy, J.A. 1855, p. 187. 

" j J 3 j 

Macan. iii. 1432. 



PAi KfLi Insceiptions.— Sassaotait. 

No. 10. 



No. 9. 


• • • Jjj2 2 

a («^2i>)« 2 f 
. 522 ^ 




No. 12. 


iS . 522 JU ^2 ^f0aJ2. . 


No. 11. 

• JU2 JAJ(^ 

•• ra-uj 9^)3 3a.. 

2 a j OjuaAj p 

• .. j|23^e) 

. . 3 . a 

aj OJ 

No. 14. 

-Xj-'-u ^2fvj 

• • . .^a^f<oju^ a J0jua^3 
.. .5|2.j)2p r?j3a... 
-XJ .5^1^122 2 JlS 

No. 16 

• • • ir«i -jj 

• •• ja. 53 ^ ]-^t^-*>SS 

. . 3 ^ . 

No. 13. 

11^. U • 


No. 15. 

. P2 . .as .?2(>aHy 2 r^jS^ 

. 2 -f (v»(2_^jA)3a^ aT 2 



^inal given to the by Sir H. Eawlinson, an initial 
in supercession of bis apparent 

The succeeding may, with equal propriety, be trans- 
literated as Ijys, a form we should look for with much interest 
as a dialectic advance towards the ultimate orthography of 
in spite of the incidental appearance of a later though, 
perhaps, mere provincial variety of the title in shape of 
on the coins of Firoz (ad. 458-484). This is the Khoda, 
“ Eoi,” of Anquetil (ii. 442, 515), and the conventional Pehlvi 
term for “ king.” ^ 

(10) The tenth detached portion of the original mural record, 

among other words which need not be dwelt upon, concludes 
wdth^^^,?^ It would be unwise to insist upon 

as, however appropriate, it appears in too unconnected and 
broken a form to be fairly relied upon. 

(11) The eleventh stone is remarkable for the preservation 

of the name of Hormazd = The m 

* M. Mohl (p. X. Preface, Shkh N&mah) has suggested a very original but 
scarcely conclusive explanation of the disuse of this terra in its proper and archaic 
meaning, by assuming that when the word 1 , y -L came to he accepted by the fol- 
lowers of Muhammad in the sense of “God,” that they were able to obliterate all 
ancient memories of the linguistic import of the designation, and to raise their 
Allah to the exclusively divine title, heretofore so simply aflFected in the ordinary 
acceptation of “ king” by common mortals. It would, perhaps, be a more satisfactory 
way of explaining the difficulty, to infer that men of old, in the East, on attaining 
royalty, were given to advance a simultaneous claim to divine honours, and with 
this notion to assume the designations and attributes of their local gods ; but as 
the world grew older, the words so employed reverted to their proper and normal 
linguistic import, which had been thus temporarily and conditionally misapplied ; 
terms which, in the case in point, had already in a manner ceased to convey any 
exceptional mundane distinction. See a note on the subject of the Armenian god 
H’aldinin^& KumismaticChronicle,\o\.y\\.'^\.%. (1867) p. 151. Masaudi tells us a 
good deal about the origin and use of the term ; among other passages, in chap. xxiv. 
(vol. ii. p. 237, Paris edit.), he remarks — “ Les rois perses, depuis I’origine des 
temps jusqu’ a la naissance de I'islamisme, sont divises en quatre dynasties. La 
premiere, qui s’etend de Keyomert a Aferidoun, est celle des Khodahdna 
(^ls>ljcs-)i qui u le sens de rebb ( i “maitre,” comme on dit rebb-el- 
mela “maitre d’un bien,” rebb-ed-dar, “maitre de maison.” In the time of 
Khusrh Parvi'z the State Seal for Khorfisan stiU retained the title in 
(p. 228), Aryan ^philologists propose to derive the word from j “self- 
coming” while the Sanskrit authorities suggest Swadatta 

“ self-given,” or preferably Swadhd “ self-generated.” 




line four may be another form of which is a frequent 

adjective in the Sassanian inscriptions. 

(12) No. 12, though much defaced, retains some indi- 

cations of value in the possible restoration of line two, in the 
form of Jj The wordj^i. is not necessarily and 

exclusively “the Sun,” but also applies to “fire, light,” though 
the former interpretation is preferable in this place, as yb only 
occurs as the abbreviated form for yfre in combination. 

(13) The term again appears in No. 13, and is to be 
met with in various forms in the counterpart Chaldgeo-Pehlvi 

(14) The words ^:\ and if we could but rely upon 

their correct isolation in the general and undivided continuity 
of the writing, would claim a passing notice, while the 

as a standard expression identifies itself with , “life,” 

“ the vital spirit;” but the interest in this tablet centres in the 
conclusion, which, though greatly defective in the original, 
or its reproduction, seems to contain the word The 

Sosliyanto of the Parsis were “ the ancient prophets ” of the 
Zoroastrian creed.* I must repeat that the divisions in the 
modern Pehlvi representation of Sir H. Eawlinson’s facsimile 
are purely arbitrary, and that I have no reserve whatever in 
altering or re-arranging the connection of the letters. 

(15) No. 15 contributes a more ample legend than its 

fellows, and has the additional merit of being reported by 
its English transcribers as “very plain” in its writing; the 
words fairly legible towards the 

commencement; and followed by l^, appear 

in the third line ; but the point of the highest interest in the 
whole inscription from first to last is the mention of the name 

1 Haug, Language of the Parsees, pp. 219, 190, 164. A far more serious and 
critical examination of the earlier chapters of the Zend Avesta, hy Dr. Cajetanus 
Kossowicz, (Paris, 1865), gives 'Saos'yand as “ Salvator.” 

2 I am doubtful about this word, as the copy reads preferentially ^ 

The Gs and Zs are very difScult to distinguish in Sir H. Eawlinson's facsimiles. 

® = Avestah-“pur” ou “Parole.” — AnquetU, ii. pp. 448, 449. 



of Zoroaster, with the appropriate introductory intitulation 
j.* The detached passage concludes 

(16) In the second line of No. 16 may be sug- 
gestively substituted for the which, however, I have 

faithfully represented in the Pehlvi, in strict accordance with 
Sir II . Eawlinson’s copy, 

(17) No, 17 is one of the most complete and most care- 

fully traced of the whole series, but the facilities of interpre- 
tation are not, as yet, commensurate ; the third line may be 
reproduced in modern Persian as bj ; line four 

admits of many optional conversions, but Jb is the 

best merely mechanical transcript ; line five proceeds ^ 

(^^b.) and a very speculative restoration might 
define "the contents of line six as 

(18) No. 18 repeats the word or, as it may be pre- 

ferably rendered, “Princely,” and adds a third and very 
clear example of the preceded by the word 

Though Mr. Hector’s copy gives a totally different version 
of the contents of line three, which may be freely rendered 

or tliC., while the is transferred, 

in all its completeness, to line four, 

(19) The nineteenth tablet, though very promising at first 

sight, seems to have been defective in the preservation of the 
definite forms of the letters. The opening may be 

suggested, as the first word occurs elsewhere. The conclusion 
of the last line gives the letters of ; but Mr. 

Hector’s transcript runs ^ ^ J 

(20) No. 20 presents us with the name of Tiridates, fol- 
lowed by the title of King, Tiridates was the 

early name of Sapor I. before he became prominent under 
the titular designation of “ Son of the King,” and the 

1 The Armenian version of the name is Zorataschd. E. Dulaurier, Journal 
Asiatique, 1852, p. 32. See also Haug, p. 252, for' variants of the original 




No. 18. 

No. 17. 

aT .5"aa ju^e)" ^ 

■ ^ 22 *i p^r^a^ a 

.... )ju^ f jujjju 2 a 

^aa« ^foa 

Ju)j-CjUir4^ jafo^ 


No. 20. 

No. 19. 

... 2 ^2^ 
.... -^ju 2 a .uj 

. _^3a2 jjjaa 2 

■ ^ .2 :i:)f^S a 

ii2M-^^\^2u)i^^^ j^2 

. . \2-^^i^:) j .) A^ 

No. 22. 

Jf^a^.-^ aT 

• • • • • • aT aT-» 

No. 21. 

- -J 

... 3j^2(vjj^ a ju^.5-^ 



eventual associate in his father’s sovereignty ; though, in 
this instance, as his definitive identification and regal title 
appears in full in No. xxv. we are bound to conclude that 
the name of Tiridates here made use of applies to some 
other ruler or independent local Sovereign. In line three 
may be read, with every reserve, aIj j j 

under a different arrangement of the words and a rejection of 
the dubious the Pehlvi letters will equally correspond to 
The fourth line commences with a name 
optionally or ^Jij\ which is followed by the titles 

of Hierarch. Sir H. Rawlinson 

notices that there is a blank space at the bottom of the in- 
scribed face of this stone, as if the last line of writing had 
formed a portion of the conclusion of the main inscription. 

(21) The twenty-first tablet is considerably damaged and 
defaced ; but the fourth line runs continuously COjI ; 1^ 

(22) No. 22 is the last of the Sassanian series copied by 
Sir H. Rawlinson. In the first line may be seen the personal 
pronoun (i<in, Chald. nin), Zend, ava, “ he or she,” the 
Cuneiform Persian Rama, and the modern Persian ^1, 

The second line gives the frequently- recurring bj, with a word 
which may be rendered|^4.jA.o, a transliteration, however, that 
can scarcely be accepted in this place. The several terms 
and may be tentatively modernized, and 
the concluding line may be restored under protest in regard 
to the original copy of the final as ys 

‘ An apt illustration of the difficulty of expressing these and other gradational 
sounds in the imperfect Pehlvi alphabet is contributed by the anomalous state of 
the power of the literary definition in Kurdistta at the present day: — “Les Kurdes 
lettres sent, en general, les gens qui ne savent qu’ imparfaitement leur langue 
matcrnelle. Ils correspondent avec leurs autorites et entre eux-memes, soit en 
persan, soit en turc, soit en arabe. Si parfois ils se voient obliges d’ecrire en kurde, 
ils le font a I’aide de I’alphabet persan. En effet, toutes les consonnes persanes 
sont identiques avec celles des kurdes, du moins pour ce qui concerne le dialecte 
de Soleimanie; mais celui-ci contient beaucoup de voyelles et de diphthongues 
qu’il serait impossible de reproduire au moyen de I’orthographe en usage chez les 
Persons. Comment, par example, figurer en persan les articulations ae. ee, oo, dou, 
ecou, aou, aoue. etc., qui se rencontrent si souvent et se suivent les unes les autres, 
sans I’intervention des consonnes, dans les mots kurdes — J. A. 1857, p. 302, 



PAi Kuli Inscriptions in CHALO^o-PEHLAa. 

Sir H. Eawlinson’s eye appears to have been less trained to 
the peculiarities of the Chaldgeo-Pehlvi than to an appreciation 
of the outlines of the more simple letters of the fellow or Sas- 
sanian alphabet, so that while his transcripts in the latter cha- 
racter are, as it were, written, the former are elaborately hut 
mechanically copied, and in some instances (Nos. 24, 27, 30, 
and 32), so great was the desire of accuracy, that the letters 
are traced in double lines, as is usual in exact engraving. The 
writing itself, as I have already pointed out (p. 251 a?? ifg) presents 
great sameness in the different alphabetical signs, and in many 
cases a very slight inflection constitutes the essential discrimi- 
native mark of the given letter. There are no obvious finals, 
and the words do not seem to have been separated, as is 
effected to a great extent in portions of the Hajiabad Inscription. 
Under these circumstances my conjectural restorations must 
necessarily partake, perchance even in a larger degree, of the 
imperfection of the materials at command : which of themselves 
appeared to promise and may, perchance, eventually afford a 
better text and a greater amount of information than their 
more voluminous counterparts in the Sassanian character. 

In the ordinary course of the arrangement of the present 
article, under the conception of retaining in full prominence a 
systematic discrimination between the contrasted forms of the 
associate alphabets, I have reserved the closely-identical mo- 
dern Hebrew type for the representation of the since-severed 
and now obsolete outlines of the Chaldgeo-Pehlvi originals, 
while devoting the current Persian of our days to the embodi- 
ment of the Sassanian Pehlvi, from whose archaic elements it 
claims so much of direct descent. But on this occasion, 
where, in default of positive facsimiles, I have been obliged 
to elevate the Hebrew into a leading text, I resort to the less 
classic Naskhi type for my commentary, not only for the 
purpose of giving a second and possibly more suggestive 
identification of the true Persian original, in its now conven- 

TOL. in. — [new series.] 




tional alphabet, hut also as affording a readier means of com- 
parison with the gloss upon the more ample materials available 
in the less ephemeral Sassanian characters, which almost 
intuitively fell into the literal signs of that since amplified 

No. 23. The first of Sir H. Kawlinson’s Chaldseo-Pehlvi 
Inscriptions, though carefully copied, is so imperfect in what 
remains of the original writing, that it would be useless to 
speculate upon any matter simply dependent on contexts. 
The word U , so frequent in the Sassanian series, occurs twice 
either in its full integrity or as a portion of other words, 
under the confessedly optional re-arrangement of the letters 
now presented, amid which it may be again remarked that no 
discriminative finals are to be detected. 

No. 24 exhibits a more extended range of subjects for legiti- 
mate speculation. In the second line cSlik J seems 
to be fairly assured in transliteration and simple in interpreta- 
tion ; the aspirated , the Sanskrit , from f^, 

“ to rule,” corresponds with the concurrent Sassanian j:JL ; 
while the SD'HS Patisa in line three recalls the ancient Cunei- 
form orthography. The preceding words ^^.y, 

under very slight modifications, chance to carry new signifi- 
cance, as lonians (Greeks, etc.), and enemies 
with the Chaldean plural termination and the long u, which is 
rejected in the modern orthography. The same remark may 
be applied to lIJoI in line four ; ' and 

d much that is already intelli- 

gible awaits but little extraneous aid for satisfactory interpre- 
tation. In line six the oft-recurring ^ is succeeded by 
' W jniX' 1 aztan Skamei, “God of Heaven,” which brings 
the whole tenor of the inscription back to Semitic regions ; 
or, if a more distinctly Pehlvi rendering be sought in the 
(the Pehlvi jljb name of Almighty,” 

the Giver of the Zoroastrian prayer), the context of the succeed- 
ing word may be improved into uLCkS) . 



No. 24. 

No. 23. 

w'rn'i . 

T\ T 


• • • ND'ns i 


1 n^T 'nsxn i 

nsTx 1 xsS — 

• • • xsnnDx ^r\) jriTX' 

"I'JinD'Xsn — 

• r\W mibn jriTX' 'ns 

Ej^n^is «sS — 

No. 26. 

No. 25. 

— NnTX' • • • 

s'jvjnms — 

Si I'SN' SN1 

sS "H3SD 1 n'n'nx ' 

• • • 'mnK' nsx*i 1 X2'xnn 

• • • 'Nnsj' 1 i nj 

• • N ns s"in i |n'^:ns i 

- • • 'ininnsj>‘'Dn nn^rn |n 

• nn'n 'S:S nx'n Sxas S • 

— liDH nin' 1 n:n i 'Sni 

• • • nK^'«:i :jn '^^S:ins i^d si 

• • • nnjyiNS xsSz: nnis'nty 

No. 28. 

No. 27. 


nnii^nEy’n i n^^n 

1 *i5‘v>''n 

“nnsyn "n 

slnn^^ 1 p^'xn' 

• nn 1 nt^xs jniK' 'nsiSr;s 

nils S'! ■ 'J 22 T 3n 

— nx:jiis |'Ss3j< 1 nnsT • 

s^'inxs'si 1 nin 

• • ':ii'innns 'isnns i nns • 


Jns'^{ Nnn n'lxn • 



No. 25 exhibits in the second line the full constituent ele- 
ments of the word Sakandar,” but the name seems out of 
place, and the isolation of the letters is altogether arbitrary. 
The n*in' - in line five is of importance, as the designa- 
tion, which can only apply to the Jews, will be met with here- 
after in the Hajiabad Inscription ; and, otherwise, there are 
many suggestive points in this text if we could but divide and 
determine the letters with anything like authority. The tablet 
concludes with the unmistakable name of Shapur, conjoined 
with the adjunct of “king” in their proper Semitic forms of 

No. 26. After a detached or incomplete word of no present 
importance, the first line terminates with the letters Ij’jb, which 
are dubiously suggestive of Avesta. The of line two 

is followed by the Arabic (Pehlvi J^), and the name of 
(perhaps is succeeded by the oft-recurring Line 

three seems to read (Inscrip. No. VI. lines 

seven and twelve) ; line four proceeds j cjVV — 

the latter combination is curious if we may rely upon the 
transliteration. is followed in line four by the 

, which there will be further occasion to notice in the 
Hajiabad Inscriptions. concludes this sec- 

tion, though I must confess that 1 have but little confidence 
in the existing data or the result now obtained from them. 

The transcription of the first line of No. 27 may be optionally 
varied from the Hebrew text to _i> as the letters 

are very imperfectly preserved. jJLJb is clear in line 
two. or followed by 

suggested as a tentative reading of line three; and, under 
even more reserve, for the fourth line. 

may be received for the moment as a pos- 
sible reproduction of line five. 

The 28th tablet commences withj^hjl , “King of Iran.” 
In the second line may be doubtfully traced a variation of the 



name followed by some damaged letters forming the 
word «.> or . Line three is likewise defective in the 
outlines of the letters, which, however, may be tentatively 
rendered CJj - jj\ j or Line four runs 

ujj ^ Line five, under a mere servile 

reproduction of the original copy, may be transcribed 
j but the second word is freely convertible 

into or other possible variants. The sixth line contains 
the letters • 

29. The legible portions of this section comprise letters 
answering severally to llol . Line four, 
^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ,L . Line five, ^ 

• Line six, ^ Ij ^ . 

No. 30 commences jJLsu . Line two continues from 

a preceding tablet Line three, to judge 

from the copy, must be much damaged, at the beginning 
and uXd at the end are all that can be relied upon. The 
letters decipherable in line four contribute the following pos- 
sible combination : 

five, if correct, is exceptional, as the ever-recurring verb 
of the Sassanian system has not hitherto been met with in this 
Chaldseo-Pehlvi transcript. The J ^ in line six may equally 
well be converted into Jyi-:, , or other new combinations ; 
for among the originally fully-contrasted forms of the ancient 
letters I can extend no certain faith to Sir H. Rawlinson’s 
copies of the ^ and the ri » as discriminated from one another : 
and worse still, the D, which, at the time his copies were made, 
was unknown, or rather unproven, — may so easily be taken for 
either of the approximated outlines of the first-named more com- 
mon letters, that the natural difiiculties of a right interpretation 
of the damaged writings of Pai Kuli are almost hopelessly 
enhanced I The apparently isolated words which stand at the 
foot of this tablet seems to afford a second example of a deri- 
vation of the verb in the form of 



In No. 31 the previous reading of in No. 26 is fully 
confirmed by its definite repetition in this place. Line two 
suggests many uncertain details, though the best version seems 
to be ^ j ^ j A_. But the interest of this 

tablet centres in line three, where, if we could rely upon our 
standard text, we might transcribe freely the words j yl) j 
\ ^ ^ ^ variant of the cJLil has been 

met with before in Nol xxvi., but the if it could be 

assured, would throw additional light upon this apparently 
religious manifesto of the Zoroastrian creed. The (pos- 
sibly the Luu^ of No. xxiv.) commences line four, followed 
by jJLJb 3 The of the printed text 

in line five may require correction into The at 

the end of the line is a word to be compared and commented 
on hereafter. ^ complete all that remains of 

the last line. 

The 32nd and last tablet is the most curious of the whole 
broken series, and in the seeming completeness within itself, as 
judged by its remaining fragments, must have either constibited 
a portion of a summary or recapitulation apart from the rest of 
the inscription, otherwise any preconceived idea of the absolute 
continuity of the text from stone to stone in the ordinary line 
of writing must be altogether at fault. Though it is by no 
means improbable that the record of the original manifesto of 
Ardeshir was finished after the accession of Sapor, even if it 
was not supplemented by him with independent tablets de- 
voted to his own glorification. Such an inference would 
accord well with the frequent appearance of Sapor’s name, as 
associated with the full honors of royalty, in certain passages 
whose consecutive order it is, at present, impossible to de- 
termine. The five letters still extant in the first line resolve 
themselves almost naturally into the Aryan (•HTT)? 

but the long vowels tend to cast a doubt about the 
identity of the word. After some obscurities, line two pre- 
sents us with the word which, adverting to the sub- 



No. 30. 

No. 29. 



I'^nnn 'n'S 


— D'x nn'n ■ n • m 'ns 

• nns^'n s^n i nns^'n 

nnsB^ns inn^’ins 

• • • ";s 1 nEi'is i nsiS 


ichf2 pisS) 1 «sSx: siSsniS 

iSI • Si • • • n'EJ^SlSD 

• • • 1 'inin pnsniT 'ni<s i 

• • • • "ns 

nnn nsxs • • 

No. 32. 

No. 31. 

• • 1 piD nnxn'HDii 

vnn 1 s:sn:3?:in 

niDX 1 |ni n:ns i Dn^^s 

s^^'s^^ i nnns 'Jsnns nnNSi 

jx'nx i 

• . n'ns nnE^n |Ss'i<' i n'n^s i riD'ns 

• •SI ^^sS^: 

• • • ni?:'NSvS • • • 1 nin nns^'n 'nsin 

wn 1 "ns pTN 

sequent associations, may possibly stand for the country of 
Syria, but which I prefer to consider as the ancient, much- 
esteemed title of Surena, a name the Eomans learned to know 
but too well in the course of their Persian wars.^ The country 
of Persia seems clear enough ; presents a 

1 Plutarch in Crassus; Strabo, xvi. c. i. §24; Ammian. MarceU. ssiv. c. ii. 
§ 4, c. iv. § 12; Zosimus, iii. c. xv. ; Mos. Khor. i. 313; J.A. 1866, p. 130. 
The title was possibly derived from^^, “King” There is a term 

having something of the like import in Modern Persian inj\A~^^»j, “Regis 
Minister” (Vullers). ■' 



difficulty, Assyria can scarcely fail to represent that even 

then renowned kingdom. , in line four, may reasonably 

be corrected into Armini, especially in its direct conjunction 
with^.::-il.£) • The name of is confessedly a re- 

storation out of the very imperfect tracing of the original 
pencil copy, but the letters are sufficiently assured to 

justify the insertion of the missing 1 after the initial, and the 
needful termination before The concluding line is 

nearly illegible. 

Sir H. BawUnson has favoured me with the subjoined Note on the loeality and 
surroundings of Fui-KitU, whieh unfortunately reached me after the preceding 
pages had been set up in type. 

These ruins which I first heard of in 1835 whilst employed 
in the neighbouring district of Zohab (see Journal of the 
Royal Geograph. Soc., vol. ix. p. 30), I had an opportunity 
of examining in some detail during a two days’ visit which 
I paid them in 1844, in company with Mr. Alexander Hector, 
on a return trip from Sulimanieh to Baghdad. They are 
situated at the South-Eastern extremity of the rocky ridge 
of Seghermeh, at the distance of about four miles from 
the right bank of the river Shirwan or Diyaleh, and just 
beyond an easy pass which crosses the shoulder of the hill 
from the Karadagh valley. The hill which intervenes be- 
tween the ruins and the river, and which is a lower and 
less rugged continuation of the Seghermeh range, is named 
Gulan. The district on the river is called Bani-Khilan, and 
is well known from the ford of that name by which the river 
is crossed on the high road from Zohab to Sulimanieh. The 
exact position of the ruins is in latitude 35° 1' 16", and longi- 
tude 45° 34' 35". With these indications any traveller may 
succeed in finding the locality, but to enable him to inspect 
the ruins at his leisure it will be indispensable that he should 
be attended with a suitable escort, as the districts along the 
river, being a sort of debatable ground between the Persian 
and Turkish empires, are overrun with marauding Kurds who 
pay no respect to either Prince or Pasha. 

The ruins, which are called indifferently Pai-Kuli (“ the 



foot of tlie pass”), and But-Khaneh (“the idol temple”), 
crown the snmmit of a shoulder which runs out from the 
range towards the East and thus presents a sloping declivity 
circling round from N.E. to S.E. It is difficult to determine 
the design of the original edifice, so completely has it been 
ruined, but it may be conjectured to have been a quadrangular 
construction, about one hundred feet square, formed of rubble 
and brick and faced with large blocks of grey stone of which 
the exterior surface was smoothened; and probably the building 
itself was crowned with a cupola. At present indiscriminate 
heaps of brick and mortar, rubble and stone, cover the entire 
summit of the hill, and nowhere is any portion of the wall in 
its original state to be recognized. Scattered along the brow, 
however, and at different points on all three sides of the steep 
slope, which extends perhaps 150 yards from the ruins to the 
plain below, are to be seen at least 100 blocks of hewn stone, 
the debris apparently of the building above ; and as a con- 
siderable number — perhaps half — of these blocks are engraved 
on their smoothened face with writing, and the inscribed 
blocks would all seem to have fallen from the Eastern wall of 
the building, I conceive that it was on that face only, front- 
ing the rising sun, that the commemorative record was 
placed. This record, like most of the other memorials of 
the early Sassanians, was engraved in two different characters 
and languages, which used to be called Parthian and Sas- 
sanian, but which it is now proposed to distinguish as 
Chaldaeo-Pehlevi and Persian-Pehlevi. I copied the in- 
scriptions on thirty-two blocks of stone, ten of these in- 
scriptions being in Chaldaeo-Pehlevi and twenty- two in 
Persian-Pehlevi ; and these were aU the fragments of writ- 
ing which were exposed and which were tolerably legible ; 
but there are, I doubt not, an equal number of fragments 
still to be recovered by any traveller who has the means and 
the leisure to turn over the many blocks lying with their face 
downwards, and also to disinter those which are now half im- 
bedded in the soil, or covered over with the rubbish, on the 
summit of the hill. Amongst this rubbish I further ob- 
served one slab about four feet square, rudely sculptured with 



the head and shoulders of a Sassanian king, the figure being 
intended in all probability for Ardeshir Babegan ; and it is 
very possible other similar slabs would be found if the ruins 
were thoroughly examined. I always, Indeed, cherished the 
idea of being able, on the occasion of some future visit, to take 
an exact paper-cast of the inscribed surface of every block 
throughout the ruins, by which means I might succeed in 
reconstructing the work, after the manner of a child’s puzzle ; 
and I am still of opinion that this reconstruction might be 
partially, if not completely, effected, — notwithstanding that 
the edges of the blocks are in many cases chipped and worn ; 
— since it would be assisted, not only by the coincidence of 
the lines of writing, hut by the identifications of the different 
words and phrases as the general tenour of the inscriptions 
became gradually intelligible. 

It only remains that I should say a word as to the purport 
of the original building. In popular tradition the place is 
known as the But-khaneh (or “ idol-house ”), probably from 
the figure of Ardeshir, which is still the prominent feature of 
the ruins ; but I found that the educated Kurds — and there 
are many such at Sulimanieh — considered Pai-Kuli to be the 
site of a Fire -Tern pie of the Magi ; and such I believe to be 
a true explanation of this really interesting spot, although I 
have never met with a notice of the locality among the many 
copious descriptions of Sassanian antiquities that are found in 
the early Arabic Historians and Travellers, and although the 
inaccessible position of the ruins and the present desolate and 
inhospitable character of the surrounding country are singu- 
larly inappropriate to a great scene of popular pilgrimage. 
In all probability, however, the country has very much 
altered in appearance since the Sassanian period. At present 
there are no permanent villages or fixed inhabitants between 
the Turkish frontier at Khannikin and Sulimanieh, but along 
the course of the DiyMeh, throughout this interval of space, 
are to be seen on both banks numerous traces of ancient 
populousness and prosperity. On the Persian side of the 
river, for instance, the ruins of Sheikhan, of Hurin, and 
Hershel have been already described by me (see Geograph. 



Journal, vol. ix. p. 30), while in following the Pai-Kiili 
route from Sulimanieh to Khannikin, I now found a series of 
ancient remains which convinced me that the old road con- 
ducting from Ctesiphon to the Atropatenian Echatana must 
have followed this line. The road in question is mentioned 
by many of the early Arab geographers (by Ibn Khurdadbeh, 
for instance, and by Mosaer, as quoted by Yacut in the 
Mo’ejem-el-Baldan) ; it left the great Persian road at Kasr-i- 
Shirin, and proceeded north to Der Kan, now called Housh 
Kerek, where there are some extensive and very remarkable 
Sassanian ruins ; it crossed the Diyaleh at Binkudra, a cor- 
ruption of the old Syriac title of Ba-Kihudra, and led from 
thence to Shirwaneh, a place which has given its name to the 
river and where there is a magnificent artificial mound, that 
would be well worth excavating. Further on there are the 
remains of an extensive city near the river, now called Shar-i- 
Veran (“ the ruined city ”), hut which I cannot identify in 
ancient geography. An easy stage conducts from Shar-i- 
Veran to Pai-Kuli, and from that point the old road crossed 
the Goura Kileh (“ Gueber’s fort ”) range, which is a S.E. 
prolongation of the Karadagh hills, direct to Yassin Teppeh, 
the ancient Shahrizur, leaving the modern town of Sulimanieh 
at least fifteen miles to the left hand. This route was of 
great importance under the Sassanians. An ancient custom, 
dating probably from the time of Ardeshir, required that 
each king should on his accession proceed from Ctesiphon 
along this road to be crowned in the Fire-Temple of Aze- 
rakhsh at Shiz ; and in connection with such a line of pil- 
grimage Shahrizur itself acquired such celebrity that it was 
popularly named Nim-rdh, or “ the half-way house,” the 
distances respectively from Ctesiphon to Shahrizur by the 
Pai-Kuli route, and from Shahrizur to Shiz (or Takht-i-Suli- 
man), being about 185 miles, as explained by me in my 
examination of the march of Heraclius on Ganzaca in the 
tenth volume of the Geographical Journal, p. 101. I think it 
very probable, then, that the Fire-Temple at Pai-Kuli was 
instituted in connection with this route from Ctesiphon to 
Ganzaca, and that the legend, the fragments of which are 



here published, may contain some allusion to the royal pro- 
gresses. H. C. Rawlinson. 

Inscription IIo. 4. 

The bas-relief at Naksh-i-Rajab,^ which the subjoined in- 
scription is intended to illustrate, consists of a group repre- 
senting Sapor heading a procession on horseback, while around 
and behind him are ranged the nobles of his court with his 
guards on foot. The face and head-dress of the monarch have 
been intentionally damaged, but the slope of the coronet of 
the latter can be traced in outline, and seems to accord with 
the low mural crown depicted in other sculptures and ordi- 
narily in use upon his coins ; this is surmounted by the cus- 
tomary globe of fire or ether; side masses of bushy curls, 
with the national fiUets fluttering lightly at the back, com- 
plete the details the iconoclast has suffered to remain. 

One of the peculiarities of Sapor’s costume as contrasted 
with the more simple garments of his father, which hang 
heavily and formally over his limbs,® is that his vestments 
seem to be composed of silk or linen of the finest texture, and 
fall wavily and lightly in their folds, with their loose ends 
floating freely in the air. The inscription, as in an earlier 
example (jSTo. 1), is engraved as far as space permitted on the 
shoulder of the charger. The immediate attendants wear 
various forms of the Parthian helmet,^ with distinguishing 
devices on the right side of the casque, the subordinate guards 
who fill in the rear of the design wear uniform but unadorned 
helmets of the Parthian pattern, and stand with their hands 
crossed over the hilts of the long straight sword in use at the 

1 Niebuhr, ii. pi. xxxii. p. 125; E'er Porter, pi. xxviii; Flandin, bas-relief A, 
pi. 189, and enlarged engra^-ing, pi. 191 ; De Sacy, p. 31 ; Ouseley, Travels, pi. Iv. ; 
Rich. Babylon, pi. xii. ; Ker Porter, vol. i. pi. 28 ; Flandin, vol. iv. p. 573, pi. 190. 

2 See Ardesh'ir in pi. xxiii. and xxvii. fig. 2, Ker Porter; and 182 and 192 

3 “ Their helmets of Margian steel polished to the greatest perfection.” Plutarch 
in Crassus. Am. Marc. xxiv. c. 4, § 5. — There is a specimen of one of these caps 
in the British Museum; it is a head-piece of considerable merit, light, ■well-balanced, 
with a good slope from the sides towards the crested ridge at the apex, and any- 
thing but after the design of the apparently top-heavy Parthian caps, the profile 
system of representation reduced those helmets to in rock sculpture and coin 



Inscription No. 4. — Sharper I. a.d. 240-273, at Naksh-i-Eajab. 

1 i- 


|r“nX2 pTX' p 
^UlU u;'’* 


^'2bi2 pxs jHTX' p nne'ija pnx 

\^ ^jij c;'^ 


Image of tbe person of [Or]mazd- worshipper, divine Shahpuhr, King of Kings 
of Iran and Aniran, of celestial origin from God, the son of [Or]mazd-worshipper, 
divine Artahshatr, King of Kings of Iran, of celestial origin from God, the son 
of divine Papak, King ! 

Inscription No. 5. 

The text of Inscription No. 5, in its full development, origi- 
nally formed the illustrative commentary on one^ of the best 
executed of the many rock sculptures® to be found in various 

1 Ker Porter, pi. xxi. ; Flandin, pi. 185. 

2 This calamitous incident in the annals of the Roman Empire is treated under 
various modified details in the different sculptures devoted to its representation. 
At Dfirfihgird (plates 31 and 33, Flandin), Sapor places his left hand on the head 
of Cyriades, as if in commendation, or confirmation of the position he was about to 
bestow upon him, in supersession of the kneeling "V alerian. Sapor’s helmet is, in 
this instance, similar to the skull-cap ordinarily appropriated to his father, but the 
tied point of the beard continues to mark his special identity. 

In plate 48 of Flandin (bas-relief B, at Shahphr), we have a single kneeling 
figure before the horse of the conqueror without the usual incidental accompani- 
ments. In plate 49, bas-relief A, also sculptured at Shahphr, the positions of the 
parties are greatly changed ; and if we may judge by the seemingly elaborate 
drawings, the younger man is now kneeling, possibly awaiting investiture, while 
Sapor places his right hand on the arm of Valerian, who is clearly in fetters, as if 
in the act of exhibiting him to the assembled troops. Sapor’s crown in this bas- 
relief follows the usual mural pattern. A novelty is to be noticed in this com- 
position in the introduction of a winged figure descending from the sky and pre- 
senting to Sapor a second diadem, which floats in unbound and open folds. See 
also Morier’s plate xiii. p. 91, Persia, Armenia, etc. London, 1812. 

Plate 53 is indistinct in the definition of the persons forming the general 
group, hut Valerian is seen kneeling with hands outstretched in the ordinary 
attitude, while a standing figure behind him, in the garb of a Roman, presents a 
circlet to Sapor. 'The outline of the figure standing by the side of Sapor’s charger 



parts of Persia, devoted to the commemoration of Sapor’s suc- 
cessful capture of the Emperor Valerian in 260 a.d. The 
general arrangement of Sapor’s dress in this instance is similar 

is imperfect, but from tbe size it would seem to be designed to represent a youth. 
The angel with the Sassanian bandeau appears above, and in the side compart- 
ments are figured a Roman biga, an elephant, a horse, etc. 

[ am unable to recognise in plate 51, bas-relief D (Morier, pi. xi.) at Shhhpur, 
any association with Sapor’s triumph over Valerian, but understand the general 
design to refer to some other boasted success of the Persian monarch, perchance 
over the Syrian king Sitarfin (Masa’udi, cap. Ixxviii.) or possibly over Odenathus 
himself, who, under western testimony, is affirmed, on the other hand, to have 
gained advantages over Sapor in the war undertaken to avenge the humiliation of 
the Romans. Sapor’s portrait in this sculpture is more artistic in its treatment than 
usual ; and if Flandin’s copy, here reproduced, be a true rendering of the original 
we may fairly admit the traditional perfection of that monarch’s form and features. 

Head of Sapor I. 

From a Bas-relief at Shdhpftr. 

The head dress is changed from tbe ordinary mural crown into a close-fitting cap, 
from the sides of which rise eagles’ wings, and the whole is surmounted by the 
conventional globe. This style of head-gear is used by Sapor in the bas-relief 
Ker Porter, xxiv. ; Flandin, plates 187, 188 ; but it does not appear on the coins 
of the dynasty till the reign of Varahran 11. (279-296), who employs it through- 
out. Among the other head-dresses of Sapor may be noticed a sort of Parthian 
cap or helmet coming to the front in the head and beak of an eagle. (^Numis- 
matic Chronicle, xv. p. 180, fig. 3). 



to that already adverted to under the notice of No. 4 bas-relief, 
but the face and head-dress are here admirably preserved; 
the former exhibits much of the manly beauty for which 
Sapor was so famed, ^ with a delicate though well-formed 
moustache, closely-curled or partially- grown whiskers, passing 
into a well-trained beard, which is retained in a quaint tie 
below the chin, so as to create a small prolonged imperial 
below the ring or binding which checked its natural flow, 
a fashion which, even in Sapor’s own time and afterwards, 
merged into a jewelled drop, constituting a terminal comple- 
tion of the beard itself, and whose exaggerated dimensions 
formed so marked a peculiarity in the medallic portraiture of 
later sovereigns ! Sapor has the usual bushy side- curls, and 
still adheres to the mural crown surmounted by the con- 
ventional globe, — the Sassanian flllets float freely at the back, 
and similar small fillets or barred ribbons are attached to his 
sword hilt, his ankles, and even to his horse’s head and tail. 
Valerian is fitly represented in the Roman costume, with the 
laurel chaplet on his brow, kneeling in front of Sapor’s 
charger, with both hands outstretched, in the obvious attitude 
of supplication ; a young man, also in Roman garb, wearing 
an identical chaplet, and who is supposed to be intended for 
Cyriades, stands by his side and receives from the hand of 
Sapor the circlet and wavy bands, which other sculptures in- 
dicate to be the accepted insignia of royalty. 

The inscription itself, which fills in the space behind Sapor’s 
horse, was partially copied by Niebuhr,^ and a few lines were 
sketched but not published by Ker Porter,® M. Flandin’s'* 
transcript is a most marked advance upon the early tracings of 
Niebuhr in the amphtude of the text, though only questionably 
improving upon the legibility of the selected sections contri- 
buted by his predecessor. \Ve have most indubitable evidence 
in the portions now intelligible that the inscription emanated 

1 Masa’udi — French edition, ii. p. 160, iv. p. 83; Mirkhond, in De Sacy, pp. 

^ Voyage en Arabic. C. Niebuhr. Amsterdam, 1780. Vol. ii. pi. xxxiv. p. 

® Ker Porter, i. 541. 

* Flandin, vol. i. pi. 181, p. 541. 



from Sapor (line 1, 2, 6, etc.), whose name and title of Malkan 
Malka there can be no misreading, and equally is it clear that 
the great Hierarch of Hierarchs, whose designation is so often 
repeated, refers to the unhappy Homan “ Pontifex Maximus,” 
Valerian himself.^ It wiU be seen that none of the bas-reliefs, 
commemorating the capture of Valerian, give any countenance 
to the loose accusation of the Western writers regarding the 
severity of the treatment or wanton humiliation of the Roman 
Emperor on the part of Sapor. On one occasion only, in the 
entire series of sculptures, is Valerian represented in chains, 
and the anklets, in this case, may well be taken to be merely 
figurative. The few Persian authors, indeed, who notice this but 
little appreciated episode in the history of their own country, re- 
late that Sapor wisely took advantage of the engineering skill 
of his captive, and employed him, together with free artizans 
obtained from Rome, in the construction of the celebrated 
irrigation dam, and in the general embellishment of the new 
city of Shuster. Tabari, it is true, reports that after comple- 
tion of these works. Sapor marked and disfigured his prisoner, 
but the statement bears but little semblance of truth, and the 
Shah Namah, in its version of the details, makes no allusion to 
any such barbarity. It is singular that in no one instance is 
there to be found any sign of the strictly western form of the 
name of Valerian, the Persian word shatri, in two several 
instances, precedes the other designations applicable to the 
dignity he was supposed to hold ; and on the second occasion 
(line 11), this local title is connected with an outlying final 
or possibly directly initial «</, which, under the free licence of 
interpretation, the crude orthography of the associate texts 
fully invites, may be held susceptible of conversion into Val 
shatri,^ which perchance, may have conveyed to the indigenes 

1 Eutropius, is. c. 6 ; Zosimus, i. c. 36 ; Agatliias, iv. 23 ; Trebellius PoUio in 
Hist. Aug. VI. vol. ii. p. 179; Aurelianus Victor de Csesaribus, xxxii., and 
Epitome, xxxii.; Lactantius, “de mortibus perseeutorum,” c. v. ; Eusebius, ii. 301 ; 
Zonarae Ann. xii. 23 ; (U.C. 1010) ; Abulfarage, p. 81 ; Gibbon, i. p. 459 ; Clinton, 
Fasti Romani, i. 284. Coins of Valerian cease with a.d. 260-1. His name, 
however, appears in one law of a.d. 262, and in a second of 265. Eckhel, 
vol. vii. 387. 

2 Yal was a favourite name in these lands— as Val Arsaces, Val, King of Edessa 



the nearest approximate sound of the Grecized adaptation of 
the original [otaaepianos]. 

The introduction of the name of Auharmazdi with the sufBx 
Malkdn Malkd is strange in the extreme, if the worldly titles 
are supposed to be applied to the Divinity ; but it might be 
better in the present state of our knowledge, and the defective 
context of this inscription, to limit the attribution of the 
designation to the Hormuzdas, the son of Sapor, who event- 
ually succeeded to his father’s throne, notwithstanding that 
the titular honors here conceded equal those of the reigning 

There is very much else in this inscription calculated to 
invite comment under the linguistic and philological aspects, 
with so many words that may be reduced into their simplest 
modern forms by, so to say, the merest turn of the pen : but 
my object, in transliterating these primarily conscientious 
though necessarily deceptive reproductions of a nearly obli- 
terated lapidary text, is accomplished in affording more ready 
means of comparison to future copyists, and determining a 
certain number of words for the illustration and confirmation 
of my leading text. 

With regard to the restored modern Pehlvi version now 
printed, I may remark that I have adhered as closely as 
possible to the very letters given in the servile engravings 
from which it has been drawn. 

In the case of the ordinary Persian transcript, I have 
allowed myself occasional latitude in suggestive modifications ; 
but, as a general rule, I have merely transcribed the old 
character into its modern form, leaving the multifarious 
optional correspondents of the ancient letters to be determined 

Var, Vag, etc. The Shah Namah, with a proper Aryan disregard of the con- 
trasted sounds of R and l, reproduces. Valerian’s name as ^ 

^*.5 '-J aA 

Tabari’s Persian version does not give the designation of the Roman captive. 

VOL. III.— [new series.] 20 



Transcript of Pehlvi Inscription No. Y. in Modern Persian. 

^ I ^ 1 * 7 * 0 •••••• 1 

cT^ ^ 

* * ’ j^-3 ^ 

oj \J^J‘ ^ J^ 4 

3 3 ^ 

3 \ifj^jy^3 3 ^3i ® 

vJ*L^ u''^^ \^j 3 

''^ij^^ (_^ AjJ 8 

\j if l^i^ i^i3y-tjJiit\ j*jUj 9 

<-^j • • u3i ^ 


• • • ubj^ 3 • • • 

^^,\\^....jJ^\J^,C^\J 13 

• • • » 3 Jrr- 14 

U3i L^v^- ^ 


' ' ' ^. 




















Insceiption No. Y. 

. 52 ju 2 ^ju [aa] ja 

[ja] jiag) [ju] aa aju 

^)ju^-Gu^ ^a^ .ja-^aa-Cuju ^j.2 3^a 

J-T ^jua^i» 3a ^juajip .5a|^^aa 

)^S'^ a jji^'-^ajuaju a Ja(v>aaJU(^^Ju[£)] 

^a^jj a i Pd) ■*>^3-^ ^a)^ 3-^ ja«a[^jujj] 

/^3a^-^ a a(^^ [(vjju] ^ Jrd5a 

(v»^a«.5ju j>5 aJ^»3 jjju jvjp-Cja^.^ J-aa^j 

j^ju3a^ 3^ -Q)A».^ 

j3(v>33ju^-^jo^ j^^a3^ju p-.-)a^.a3 

aj^') ^-«a3i» 3a ^joaji^ .^ajssaa 3a 

.j3(«aajof«Ju^ ^juaafdjj aaj'^ja 

p^a.u JujM .?f«3^ ^jua3i» 32 ^Jo[2^i»] 

^A)2J-^ JJU ('dj 23^2.5 JA 33 j 

Pd) ^5P.5 - "^ 

^3*J^-^4>[^]. . .^ P^^" 

jaafsjM 2 jjuj)3ju5'^a> 3 aT P^n3^ ...., 


^ ... m • ^ ••*•.•• 18 





• .... 29 

1 ^. 3 

i_^ l }) 


’ ' ' ’ 'rfj } U^3J 

cjni ‘ — y 34 

• • • (*^. 35 

............. 1 . 36 

























. 22 . . 

...^.^ 3 

.2. . .JU 22. .fSd . . • 


)(SJJ>J2 ^^'■^...^..^22 



.5)fyj22« (S> J(«^2 fSJ)2'^i)(V»« fd 

•■U2‘ • S 2 .5^^ 

^)(V»22 ^ .5)2.. J2 )U22ra« 

)«^2^2 -^^.5 

. 522 |««A) ^2f6*i 


ju^[3-^^] .22^ . . .3.5 S"’\*^ 

)(«3,u-^. . «)ai« • • • ^ • o • • ■^ 

. . «) fd . _5|a3j'2 . aa3^^. . 



Inscription No. YI. 

The celebrated bilingual Inscription of Sapor, in the Haji- 
abad cavern, seems to have been first made known to the 
modern world by Ker Porter, whose description of the posi- 
tion and surroundmgs of the feUow tablets is as follows : — 

“The valley, or rather dell of Haji-abad, cannot be more 
than two miles in extent from end to end; the most western 
extremity being formed by the rocks of Nakshi-Rustam, 
which stretch three miles from the village of Haji-abad, in 

a direction north, 68° west I was shewn 

a piece of antiquity in one of these caves, which I believe 
has not hitherto been noticed. It lies about a mile, nearly 
north, from the village. The entrance is exceedingly lofty ; 
and within, the cavern is still more so. TYe see that nature 
originally formed it of an immense height and depth ; but 
not satisfied with her amplitude, manual labour has added 
fifty yards of excavation in the vaulted roof. Along the 
right side, we found several square places hewn in the rock ; 
two, nearest the entrance, at about six or seven feet from the 
floor of the cave, were filled with inscriptions, both were in 
the Pehlvi character, not much injured, but widely differing 
from each other ; one consists of sixteen lines, the other of 
fourteen. I copied them with all the accuracy in my power, 
beiug much impeded by the height and darkness of their 
position. One portion of the three upper lines I could not 
make out in the least. Each inscription occupies a whole 
excavated tablet of about four feet in width.” 

Sir Ephraim Stannus’s direct plaster casts of these inscrip- 
tions, taken from the face of the living rock, were brought to 
Europe and published in the form of jumbled and imperfect 
engravings, among the Transactions of the Royal Society of 
Dublin in 1835. The former obviously authentic reproductions 
of the origmal very early attracted the attention of Mr. 
Norris, who promptly devoted himself to their decipherment, 
for which De Sacy’s essays on kindred texts had already in 
a measure paved the way. The interpretation of these new 



documents, however, proved a more serious task than had 
been anticipated, and Mr. Norris, in the self-denying hope^ 
that some of the then more advanced Zend students might be in 
a condition to supply us with tentative translations, prepared 
with his own hand accurate pentagraph copies of the biliteral 
texts, which were eventually prefixed by Westergaard to his 
edition of the Bundehesh,^ but no analysis or preliminary 
commentary was attempted on this occasion ; nor has that 
author, in his subsequent introduction to the Zend Avesta,^ 
made any seeming advance in satisfying himself of the mean- 
ing or contents of these writings, beyond the detection of the 
single word which Anquetil had already determined 

from other sources. A similar reserve has been maintained 
by Dr. F. Spiegel, who has given us so excellent a work on 
the Parsi language,^ as well as a series of Essays, of far 
higher pretensions, on the Huzvaresch-Sprache.® Dr. Martin 
Haug, indeed, was the only one of the prominent Zend scholars 
of that day who attempted to face the real difficulties of the 
interpretation, or who dared to venture beyond the safe limits, 
which the parallel Greek translations secured for the ex- 
planation of the opening passage, detailing the conventionally 
verbose titles and descent of the king. 

Dr. Haug’s first effort appeared in 1854.'^ A more ex- 
tended analysis is to be found in his work published in Bom- 

^ I myself had very much to thank Mr. Norris for in these early days of our 
joint interest in Pehlvi decipherment. See J.R.A.S. (1849), vol. xii. p. 263 ; Num. 
Chron. (1849), xii. p. 72. 

I do not seek the slightest reserve in alluding to my own limited objects and 
contracted application of the documents in question in 1849. My studies, at the 
moment, merely extended to a definition of the normal forms of the lapidary 
letters with a view to aid the determination of the contrasted outlines of the 
cognate characters on the coins I happened to he engaged upon. See J.R.A.S. 
(1849), vol. xii. pp. 263-5-6, etc. ; Num. Chron. (1849), p. 73, et seq. 

* The Bundehesh. N. L. Westergaard. Copenhagen, 1851. Professor Wester- 
gaard had previously directly copied the original inscriptions themselves during 
the course of a tour in Persia, and some of his foot notes and corrections are of 
considerable value. 

3 Zend Avesta, “ The Zend Texts.” Vol. i. Copenhagen, 1852-54. 

* Pp. 18, 21. 

* Grammatik der Parsisprache. Leipzig, 1851. 

® Grammatik der Huzvaresch-Sprache. Vienna, 1856. Die Traditionelle 
Literatur der Parsen. Vienna, 1860. 

’ Uber die Pehlewi-Sprache und den Bundehesh. Gottingen, 1854, p. 5. 



bay in 1862/ and a far more imposing array of critical identi- 
fications is inserted in bis introduction to Hosbengji- Jamaspji’s 
Far/wng-i-oim-yak, 1867.^ In conclusion, the writer announces 
that he hopes soon to publish a full “ translation and ex- 
planation of both texts” of the inscription.® I must frankly 
admit that my system of reading and interpretation varies 
materially from that of Dr. Haug, so that I labour under 
the disadvantage, as an amateur learner, of difiering at the 
outset from a practised professional teacher ; but as there is no 
antagonism in the matter, but merely an independent search 
after knowledge in either case, I trust we shall speedily arrive 
at a translation that will satisfy ourselves and, I regret to saj^, 
the very limited circle of those who take an interest in these 

As regards the materials for the reconstruction of correct 
texts of the two inscriptions at present available, I may men- 
tion that Sir E. Stannus’s casts of the Sassanian version stop 
short with the sixth out of the total of sixteen lines. The 
Chaldoeo-Pehlvi text is eomplete in its full fourteen lines, 
but the plaster impressions have been taken in four separate 
squares, which have, as a rule, suffered greatly on the edges, 
and supply a very imperfectly connected line either at the 
horizontal or cross perpendicular points of junction (see the 
Photograph). The British Museum copies are in better 
condition than those of the Royal Asiatic Society, while we 
may reasonably infer that the Dublin impressions are the 
best of all. Ker Porter’s artistic facsimiles are of great 
use occasionally, and M. Flandin’s more labored repro- 
ductions, at times supply the correct forms of dubious 
letters. I have also at my disposal a worn and nearly 
obliterated pencil copy of the entire Sassanian text made 
by Sir H. Rawlinson, who, however, omitted to secure a 
new facsimile of the counterpart Chaldaean. 

* Essays on the Sacred Language, "Writings, and Religion of the Parsees. 
Bomhay, 1862. 

2 An old Zand-Pahlavi Glossary, by Destur Hoshengji-Jamaspji, High Priest 
of the Parsis in Malwa, with notes and introduction by Dr. M. Haug. London, 

Pp. XX. XXI. 



Hajiabad Inscription, No. VI. 

The opening word in either version of this inscription is 
dej&ned in the plural form, in seemingly intentional contrast 
to the singular number, made use of on ordinary occasions, 
where the writing avowedly refers to an isolated individual 
in a given group of sculpture, or to a general composition, 
wherein the leading figure alone is indicated. In the present 
instance, the text must be supposed to advert to the general 
series of illustrations of Sapor’s deeds delineated in the 
bas-reliefs in immediately proximate localities ; or, pro- 
bably, to some special mural representation of the mun- 
dane and higher powers more directly referred to in the 
text, which may have been either only preliminarily de- 
signed, partially executed, or afterwards intentionally de- 
stroyed.^ The duplicate legends in parallel cases com- 
mence severally with and In this epigraph 

j v3n3 the Chaldaean plural is found in one version, and 
in the other, which seemingly represents a vague de- 
finition of the corresponding modern Persian neuter •plural lis, 
with the connecting izafat attached. The specific term itself 
has, for long past, been identified with the modern S. 

Armenian and Aramaean, Paticar, “ imago,” 
appears to connect itself with the Persian cuneiform 
zaria,^ the modern Zan, “ a woman,” but which in early times 
retained its leading signification as directly derived from a 

' It is not easy to determine, mth the limited information available, in what con- 
dition the three other tablets, ranging in line with these inscriptions within the cave, 
were found. There is nothing to show whether the rough surface was merely levelled 
and prepared, the tablets actually sculptured in relief or engraved in letters ; or, 
on the other hand, whether the finished work was finally damaged or destroyed. 
M. Flandin’s account of the walls of the interior is as follows : — “ Ils se trouvent 
au Nord-ouest des monticules qui indiquent le perimetre de Tancienne ville d’ 
Istakhr et pres du village d’ Hadji-ahad. Dans ime gorge de la montagne on 
aperqoit des cavemes naturelles. Dans Tune d’elles sont disposees, sur sa paroi 
meme, cinq tahlettes dont deux sont revetues d’ inscriptions pehlvis bien con- 
servees.” — Flandin, p. 155, folio, texte; octavo, texte, vol. ii., p. 138. 

* EawHnson, J. R.A. S. x. 320; xii. 432. Oppert, J. A. 1851, pp. 564, 572, 
daliyundm paruzandndm, “ des pays tres peuples.” Anquetil, ii. 505, has Zana = 
“germe, semence, noyau.” Cf. also ZAQ, zivistan j 




The leading text in the subjoined reproduction of the inscription, in the modern 
Hebrew type, is a transcript of the original Chaldmo-Pehlvi version. But it must 
be borne in mind that the local alphabet was altogether deficient in the several 
Hebrew letters 0> J?> p. and 

The parallel Persian type embodies the Sassanian Pehlvi text, or the counter- 
part inscription in the old Pehlvi character, the sixteen lines of which have been 
arranged to accord as nearly as possible with the associate sentences of the fourteen 
lines of the Western writing. In this case also, in applying any test of modern 
languages, it must be understood that the old Sassanian alphabet consisted of eighteen 
signs in all, one of which represented bothj atid f ; while another, the double 
has been superseded in more advanced systems. The several forms of '(Tj 
Zi’ Z’ andij) were therefore altogether 

non-existent in the then developed power of expression of this alphabet. 

p ■nn'e' i 2 

pSa nnsi'nnnN xnSx pnia nn 3 

pxs "inisnms pTX' p ‘in'sy m pnx 4 

L5*^ LS ? ' ^ 

pi^nK^h ''nDirt xmn "jt |S 1 <''> 

liLL< 5 

D"i "JT p3 1 n'ltr i pnn « 



'n'tr inSnn^ N'nin i nisj'xnn 7 

1 ) — ! |/-r— ^ 

np' kS'' nnxnr inSnSs jN'mn 'li^^ "^:n 8 

J ® 

wn' 'DDK n^nn n' 2 i 'n'e^ y< 9 

"inD^iS 'n'jy lix: nsj'-is'ix \h px ninn 10 

* ■> I jl d-?l— ^ 

|ns iSj: n:'n nnn «n' ijd D 1 ^^ n'^i n 

inSn ^^'"nn 1 nixs'xnn f)'n d"i 12 

'n'ty inS:i x'-nn 1 na' 5 |'n 'n'K^' 13 

*^jJj crV.'^ 1^ 

pnn n*!"! xi' cjin'^ n^T^: x' 

*-7^ LS~1^ 





root in common with the Sanskrit ^^“to be born,” 
“man, individually or collectively, mankind,” etc. In the 
present inscription it appears to carry the double sense of the 
person (of Sapor) in this place, and subsequently in > 

for people of the world, in the same manner as in Persian 
is primarily the body, and secondarily, as in , “some 


The ^ in the position it here occupies or in its subse- 
quently curtailed form can scarcely represent anything but 
the grammatical S, the recognised Semitic sign of the dative, 
which was so often employed to mark the genitive case. 

Baga and Bagi, “divine,” are manifest in their deri- 
vation and meaning, as is the Chaldaean ''15= son” 

(from “to form, to create”), which coincides in both 
versions. The contrast between the 31113 'HIS > 

“ son’s son,” and the Nepos “a grandson,” of the 

associate Sassanian text is curious, and a like discrimination is 
observed elsewhere in these inscriptions, while an earlier 
parallel of a similar term is to be found in the Cuneiform 
Nayaka, “grandfather” (J.R.A.S. xv. 160). 

There is nothing that need detain us in the formal repeti- 
tion of the ordinary series of titles till we come to the con- 
junction j in line five, which is represented in the fellow text 
by the word (the Hebrew and Chaldee 5jX, Syriac 

Arabic ( s, “also,” “besides,” etc.). The next words, 

andci.-^l, clearly stand for the Arabic “ coetus, 
multitude” (the obsolete Hebrew DttX, “ to collect,” “ to con- 
gregate”), which aptly falls in with the succeeding The 

adventitious of the "Western version is possibly "the ordi- 
nary 'S afiected by Pehlvi leanings towards superfluous nuns.^ 

X'lin and I have already suggested to have been 

1 For many years past I have been in the habit of representing these superfluous 
ps, or final Pehlvi nuns, by the modem Arabie sign of sukun — , “ a pause,” or an 
indication that no short vowel existed in the preceding consonant, under the im- 
pression that these mute finals in Pehlvi had something essentially in common 
with the characteristic home-speech of the Aryans, which originated the Cuneiform 



earlier and continuously existent forms of the Pehlvi 
King, the of the later writings, which eventually re- 
verted to its primary signification of the name of the Almighty 
among the Muhammadans, each and all of which terms seem 
to have a derivation in common with the Cuneiform Haldia 

But a more ample and extended identification of the diver- 
gent varieties of the same designation may be followed in 
'’A\Sof and Zeo? ^AXS'qfuof; on the one part,^ and 

the unus, mn, ’A8dS, ’ApdS, ’ASdp, XoSBdv, XovSdv, 
on the other : in the latter case it is proved from independent 
sources that the original name of the Sun (God) descended to 
the King in an almost natural course as the highest of earthly 

or “sign of disjunction” (J.E.A.S. x. 173), that so distinctly declared itself 
the Archemsenian amalgamation of the literal signs and subsidiary adaptation of 
the clay-penmanship of Mesopotamia. Vie-wed under the former aspect the Pehlvi 
nun would seem to hold duties in common with the Sanskrit virdma, which 
indicated, in that grammatical system, a suppression of the short vowel a otherwise 
inherent in all ordinary consonants. 

As far as I have been able to detect amid the mists of Pehlvi epigraphy there 
is no apparent grammatical purpose in the irregular addition of this concluding ^ 
among the coin legends ; its employment, indeed, seems to have been simply 
phonetic and curiously arbitrary in its application. It may, perchance, have had 
something to do with the ancient notion of emphasis, which the more definite 
isolation of a word would itself in a manner secure (see Oppert, J.A. (1857), 
pp. 143-4). At times these fs were clearly used for the simple purpose of barring 
a possible conjunction of letters that were not intended to he coupled or run into 

each other, as in ■'^^^^ulazix-i- 

Ahdula. — J.E.A.S. xii. 304. 


> Muhammad-i-Abdula. — J. E. A. S. xiii. 411. 

UjAj! j 

1 J.E.A.S. ix. 388, 405-6, 410, 413; Jour. Asiatique, 1836, p. 14; 1864, pp. 
173, 174. 

2 Eenan, Journal Asiatique, 1859. “ Elle se retrouve peut-etre dans les divi- 

nites arabes Aud et Obod, qu’on croit expliquer par ou et 

tempus, pater temporis.” p. 268. 

3 Selden, De Diis Syris, 1662, p. 176 ; Eenan, J.A. 1859, pp. 266, 267 ; 
’'ASwSos /9acriA.eur 0eS>v, 268 and 273 ; Kitto’s Cyclopaedia of Bible Lit. and Smith’s 
Diet, of the Bible, sub voce, Hadad ; Josephus, vii. 2 ; viii. 6. 

The king’s worldly position and exalted pretensions towards a subdued God- 



and present no difficulties in the obvious root 

and the numerous derivative associations of ancient speech 
to be found in '“1^, “ the Almighty,” in the sense of “ power,” 
etc. In the same way accepting the Sassanian as the 

leading version, falls in completely with from m 

jm, “ Lord,” 'inX, “my lord,” which we retain in our own 
conventional tongue in the derivative ”ABavi<; we learnt from 
the Greeks.^ The Semitic from may, perhaps, 

be understood in the higher sense of the recipient of service,^ 
rather than in the later acceptation of the word, as 
“service.” We may here pause for a moment to mark the 
contrasted dialects of the joint versions in the use of the 
Semitic genitive prefix S in the one case and the employment 
of the Persian Izafat in the other. 

The series of words line five, line 

seven, and in lines eight and fourteen, have clearly a 

common origin in the root “ to be exalted.” Abundant 
parallels of the same ruling idea are to be found in the Bible 
phraseology in P'S? (from nSj^, “to ascend”), (from 

r\w, U-o, “ to be high”). While the derivative examples are 
familiar to our ears in “ Rimmon, Hamah, Ramoth-Gilead,” 

The and in their absolute identity of 

head had equally a fair analogy with and a simultaneous teaching in the con- 
ventional use of the mundane term for king, which was so often applied in its 
hi"-her sense to the Divine power in the patriarchal ages. So that, in effect, the 
reigning king, the ’'Avo| avSpuv, without any conception of unduly approaching 
the true God, was, in effect, next to God upon earth ; just as the God of early 
thought was, under the worldly idea, only the self-created supreme king. The “My 
King and my God,” of David’s prayer (Ps.v. 2), finds numerous parallels through- 
out Scripture. “ The Lokd is king for ever and ever.” “ Save Lord : let the 
king hear us when we call” (Ps. x. 16 ; xx. 9). See also xliv. 4 ; xlvii. 2, 6, 7 ; 
xlviii. 2 ; Proverbs xxiv. 21 ; Isaiah viii. 21 ; xxxiii. 22. “ I am the Lord, your 

Holy One, the Creator of Israel, your King,” xliii. 15 ; Zech. xiv. 9 ; Malachi i. 14. 

1 Kenan, J.A, 1859, p. 263-4. 

2 “Veneratusesta^wm, quomodo dominum servus venerari debet.” — Freytag. 

3 Dr. Haug derives these words from “to throw;” but HDl from Dll, 

“a high place, especially consecrated to the worship of idols,” seems to be a better 
identification.— (y. 'PapMS 6 vij/icrTos de<Ss. “ Hadad-rimmon.” Selden, ii. 10. 
Movers. Phoen. i. 196. 



meaning, and but slightly varied transliteration and plural dis- 
criminations require but scant comment, and point with suffi- 
cient distinctness to tbe immemorial office of Satrap, wbicb 
constituted so essential an element of Persian administration. 
The in like manner is as little open to contest either 

with regard to the reading or general import, and without 
needlessly seeking for ancient identifications we may confide 
in the meaning the Parsis but lately attributed to the word of 
“Salar en chef,”^ or some modification of an equivalent 

The word is altogether indeterminate in the existing 
copies of the original, but its Chaldaean counterpart 
sufficiently attests its primary meaning, so that it is useless 
to speculate further upon the true form. 

The closely concurring literal elements of the parallel jnXJK 
and would at first sight appear to identify the joint terms 
with the designation of Andta, the simple name of Tanais or 
Anahit, a divinity to whom the Achtemenians themselves con- 
fessed attachment in the days of their less severe adherence to 
the supremacy of Ormazd,^ and whose worship was so far 
identified with degraded Zoroastranism as to secure for her 
an independent YasM in the mixed invocations of the Zend 
Avesta.3 The succeeding epithet might also be held 

to confirm the position it was proposed to assign to the goddess, 
while the attribution of the designation to a member of the 
ancient Chaldaic Pantheon might seem to be consecutively 
supported by the occurrence of the names of Gula (line 6), 
Anu (line 8), Banit, with its legitimate correspondent of 'Hpa^ 
(in line 9), and the letters which constitute so near an approach 
to the designation of Ishtar (“iriD", in line 10). But it will 

1 Anquetil, ii. 486. The pronunciation of the Armenian Sbarabied, “ conne- 
tahle,” does not differ greatly from the Pehlvi word. See St. Martin, Mem. sur. 
I’Armenie, i. 298. 

* J.R.A.S. XV. p. 159. Inscription of Artaxerxes Mnemon, p. 162. See also 
p. 254. 

® Hang, “Language,” etc. Aban Tasht, p. 178. Ardvi Sura Andhita, “high, 
excellent, pure.” 

^ may he read as , the 2 wUl answer for either letter. 



be seen, as the analysis of the bilingual document proceeds, 
that its text has nothing in common with idolatry, and that 
the various appellations as they occur in this inscription had, 
in the natural course of vernacular speech, already reverted to 
their primary significations, from which, in so many instances, 
the specific titles of the early divinities had been originally 
derived. Beyond this, there are otherwise grave difficulties 
in the way of reconciling the run of the passage with the 
preceding sentence, if Anahit or other local Deities are to con- 
clude the list of the mundane officials subject to the reigning 
King, which sense I conceive the leading must, of neces- 
sity, carry in this place. Though it is no easy matter to decide 
positively where the change from the enumeration of the titles 
of the Monarch to the invocation of the Divinity is effected, 
especially as the term Lxa is applied in common to both ; but it 
w^ould seem that concurrence of the parallel wau8 (1 and^) at 
this point marks the want of continuity, which the of the 
Sassanian is possibly designed to indicate in other parts of the 
inscription,^ and under such a view of the tenor of the 
epigraph, we might be justified in accepting as an 

imperfect reproduction of the Chaldean (Syriac (oAjI) 

“Ye,” in which case a translation might be suggested of 
“Ye Powerful” (Thou, 0 Lord), the plural form of the 
pronoun being designedly employed, as in and in the 

conventional pluralis excellentice of the Hebrew and other 
Oriental tongues. 

Next in order follow the words : 

d"i ps i 

UJ- " ' c \J‘j UJi Lj5^ ^.} 

which, taking the Sassanian as the clearest text, may be 
rendered “also of joy among the people of the world pro- 
moting” (“and on earth peace, good will towards men,” 
Luke ii. 14 : Isaiah Ivii. 19). 

1 The particle j is irrespective of order ; <— 5 on the contrary distinguishes it. 



The may he taken to correspond with nS'i, “ rejoicing, 
gladness ” (from S'il or “to move in a circle).^ 

The of the Sassanian is replaced by (or, as some 
copies make it, in the other version, but as the reading 

of Jo" is pretty well assured, we may disregard the defect of 
the initial ^ in the second text, as that letter so frequently in- 
terchanged with The and jnS, “ in, among,” are both 
clear enough, and the various responsibilities of I have 
already attempted to explain (pp. 313-316 atzfe). 

which is erroneously copied as in most of the 
modern facsimiles, is consistently supported by the correspond- 
ing D'1, and may fairly he associated with the “ low ; ” 
Ijj, “the world” “low;”f^^, “the earth”), 

while the Q'1 resolves itself into the Biblical Dy, “ a people,” 
in its wider sense for “ all mankind.” 

The word seems to be derived from D^p “ to rise 

up” (Q'pnj “to raise up”), the Arabic j^li, “stetit” 
“subsistens, sempiternus,” hence “Deus”). The 

parallel term in the Sassanian Pehlvi is which I 

suppose to be the participle present of the obscure verb 
the modern “to place,” and under such a 

continuative action of “ placing, or who places,” the meaning 
would be clear, as well as in the causal verb of the counter- 
part writing. 

The joint texts proceed : 

"ttn x“i:n xnnS 'n'jy yrhirh i 

Also of tte God of Might, the Lord^ of the creator, the heavenly creator, the 

The Chaldseo-Pehlvi version varies in the substitution of 

1 nin'5 ^'5, “to rejoice in Jehovah.” Isaiah xxix. 19. — “Joyful even unto 
rejoicing.” Job iii. 22. 

2 “ The Lord said unto my Lord.” — Ps. cx. 1. 

YOL. III. — [new series.] 




in place of TheSnn may either be a very 

imperfect transcript of the Providentia Dei, from 

jAj potuit), or it may be an independent quotation of the 
Ja£, justice, another of the attributes of God, with the final 
Arabic corresponding with the Pehlvi CJj. 

One of the nearly parallel terms in these conjoint inscrip- 
tions, the root of which it is more particularly desirable to deter- 
mine, is lines 7, 9, line 11, 

and in line 13, and in line 13. 

The last of which derivatives in its textual correspondence 
with N'“nn sufficiently indicates the sense of the entire series 
of doubtful words, and justifies what might otherwise be 
considered to be an improper manipulation of the materials 
of the original, with a view to suit preconceived ideas of its 
possible interpretation ; and, indeed, but few commentators 
would care to hazard an approximate meaning to words so 
similar in form but belonging to such opposite systems of 
speech as and when occurring in one and the 

same inscription ; but those who would encounter mixed Aryan 
and Semitic records must hold themselves prepared for similar 
responsibilities at every turn. 

Our latest authorities have already associated with the 
Zend “to rule,” hence “splendens, 

dominus, rex.” ^ The initial ^ as represented by the associate 
Aryan ^ is quite in accord with the then existing practice, as 
may be seen in the concurrent and in the 

name of Zoroaster, in the fifteenth tablet of the 

Par Kuli Inscription. The short i is also in favour of the 
identification proposed, and the occurrence of in prefer- 
ence to the modern A is alike typical of the earlier notions of 

The Chaldajo-Pehlvi accords identically with the Sassanian 

' Vullers, sub voce, . A The word is cdmmon enough in the sense of 
“shining,” if not something of larger import, m 

etc. Anquetil (ii. 449) has Zend Schathrao= Pehlvi Parmhn dad^; and (at p. 
508), Pehlvi Scharitah = Padeschah, 



in the \ji_ j but changes the concluding into 
The former word is optionally rendered as Dominus on ordi- 
nary occasions, but the associate 'ZSH in this place and the 
recurrence of the same word in the next sentence in the 
Sassanian version seems to point to origin rather than to 
rank. Under such an interpretation of the passage 
would revert to its leading meaning of “ Valde Propinquus 
fuit alicui.” ^ 

The associate has already been noticed (p. 280), 

and attributed to a source in common with the Aryan j*-sr, 
the Zend taokhma, Sanskrit ffr^, and Cuneiform Tumd, 
“granum, semen, radix.” 

The Creator of heaven and earth® is described by \ji j \ji, 

about the meaning or derivation of which terms there can be 
little question 

The next sentence contains the words 

The Antj Haddidn I propose to connect with the (a con- 
fessedly irregular form of the nominative of the pronoun 'JX), 
“ I ; ” in the exalted sense of ego, as denoting the First Cause, 
which is symbolized in the Scriptures as “ I am that I am.” 
“ I AM hath sent you.” (Exod. hi. 14).'* In the present com- 
bination the words would read, “ God of other Gods.” The 
oi course, conveys some nearly identical meaning, 
and it becomes necessary to define, as far as may be, the force 
and origin of the frequently-recurring . With our present 

The word is used in a variety of senses, such as aUI 

“Amicus, Dominus.” “ Dominus, hems, item filius.” 

2 Isaiah xiii. 5, xliv. 24 ; Jeremiah x. 12 ; St. Matthew xi. 25. 

^ ]j) Creavit, X"13, “to form, to create, to produce.” 

* Exod. vi. 2, 3, 8, 29. “For I U7n the Loud, I change not.” Malachi iii. 6. 



limited knowledge of the derivation of the specific term, I 
am inclined to reduce it to the simple element of the Persian 

“ one,” ^ and to suppose that it referred in its early use 
to the ONE Divine power, but, in progress of time, came to be 
conventionally accepted as a term for other gods ; under these 
conditions the taken to be an exceptional Semitic 

plural, and to read in sequence, “ the seed of the high God 
of Gods.” ^ The continuation of the sentence in the Chaldaeo- 
Pehlvi, though differing in its phraseology, confirms, if it 
does not extend, the signification of the fellow Sassanian 
text. The word dSs has been associated by some of our late 
Cuneiform Expositors with the meaning of “race, family,” 
etc., but without insisting upon an identification which would 
so singularly accord with the parallel version in this case, 
it may fairly he quoted as one of the possible divarications 
from the severe import of the original root, which is only 
doubtfully determined by our Lexicographers as LsSfi, “ to be 
smooth,”^ “to escape,” hence “to survive,” and “to live;” 
also “to let escape, to deliver,” and inferentially, “to bring 
forth.” In another sense the derivatives carry the idea of 
“life,” while the word signifies “ whom Jehovah 

makes distinguished.” The concluding “ of him,” suffi- 
ciently declares itself. 

1 Compare Sanskrit “one,” TJ^rTT “unity” (oneness in theology^. 

Persian i ~ < T i “unus,” aio “unus, unicus,” “unitas,” 

“unitas Dei,” “God,” etc. A curious example of the definition of 

the first cause or supreme universal spirit, occurs on a coin of Mahmfid of 
Ghazni, struck at Mahmfidplir — in the Sanskrit translation and repro- 
duction of the Muslim aJ! i! % word “the 

invisible one.” The provincial version of indiscrete, the 

invisible one.” J. R. A. S., xvii. 157. 

* “unusunorum,” ^ etc. 

3 Arabic laJj etc. 



The next passage continues : 

'linn n'iii 'n'sr nin' nnxni' 


In ^AeiSassaMzaw— and One that, of the Archon of theJews, sole Lord of Lords he (is). 
In the C. P. version — .... over the Jews sole ruler, Lord created, ye (are). 

Having proclaimed the divine origin of our Lord, the text 
next proceeds to indicate his mission upon earth. The first 
word in the Sassanian counterpart of this passage that requires 
comment is the , which can scarcely be referred to anj^ 
other association than that of the Greeh''Ap-)^(ov,^ a word 
which entered so largely into the gradational definitions of 
the later Hebrew Hierarchy. 

In like manner I can hardly be mistaken in accepting the 
and (in line 9) as the common designation of the 
Jewish nation at large ; notwithstanding the prosthetic ini- 
tial 1 in the one case, or the use of the final CL-' in the place 
of the more appropriate in both instances, a substitution 
which is essentially characteristic of the indifierence to the 
proper discrimination of the two sounds inherent in ordinary 
Pehlvi writings. 

The , the first syllable of which is obviously the 

so often repeated in the general context, I have sug- 
gestively rendered in the adjective or adverbial form. 

is sufficiently assured and the oys “ he ” has alread}’ 
been the subject of comment (p. 48). 

The Chaldmo-Pehlvi version, as usual, is less clear than the 
Sassanian, the I have not yet succeeded in identify- 
ing ; but the “ over the Jews,” accords 

sufficiently with the fellow text. The may perchance 

be a simple Pehlvi plural of with the authorized k 
final in the place of the n. Though the Sanskrit 

^ “Xpicrrhs Sc irapayerS/neyos apx‘ep^^s ray jueWdyray ayaSay.” Hebrews ix. 11. 
A considerable portion, indeed, of St. Paul’s Epistle to the Hebrews is devoted to 
the affirmation of this title of High Priest, and to the explanation of its import 
and bearing upon the old Law. See ii. 17 ; iii. 1, 2, 6 ; iv. 14, 15 ; v. 5, 6, 10 ; 
vi. 20; vii. 1, 2, 3, 15, 16, 24, 26, 27, 28; viii. 1, 2, 3, 6; x. 21; xiii. 11, 12. 



ehdki, “ alone,” manifestly affords a preferable parallel to the 
associate passage in the Sassanian. 

My greatest difficulty in this sentence, I am free to confess, 
consists in the word H'JD ; any severe reduction of the term 
to the rules of Hebrew grammar would manifestly be out of 
place in the present agglomeration of many tongues, so that 
probably the best solution that can at present be offered is to 
understand the derivative in the proper and widely diffused 
sense of the original root bo, “struxit, aedificavit, condidit;” 
and to look upon the in this sentence as bearing the 

sense of “created,” (Arabic, “a thing constructed, a 
building,” etc.);^ but I feel that I am treading upon delicate 
ground, though, under any circumstances, the contrast be- 
tween “ The Builder” (or Creator) and the final Edifice, 
whether the latter be symbolized under the terms. Son, Son 
of Man, Branch,^ house, foundation, ^ or the typical buildings 
of the later writings,^ all in their degree fall under the self- 
same original metaphor, and all revert in their subordinate 
leading details either directly or indirectly to the Maker and 
the thing made ; so that in the present instance the less any 
particular definition is forced amid so obvious a succession of 
simple meanings, the more safely we may proceed to test 
what remains of the larger problem yet to be established. 
But on looking more closely into the general question, it will 
be seen that there are traces of a direct motive and intention 

1 A similar course of deTelopraent occurs in the parallel cases of -L 

S '' S'' ■' w 

“procreavit,” “Creator,” XiiJ^,“creata res” (Homines), \ ij“creavit,” 


* Isaiah xi. 1 ; Jeremiah xxiii. 5, 6. “ For, behold, I will bring forth my ser- 
vant the Branch.” Zechariah iii. 8, 9. “ Behold the man whose name is The 

Branch.” vi. 12. — Poetically, branch is son of a tree. 

3 “Foundation” — ©e/icAiof— which is Jesus Christ.” 1 Corinthians iii. 11. — 
“We have a building of God, an house not made with hands” {olKoSofi^v ix 
0eou cxojucv, oIkio-p ax^ipoirolTiTou). 2 Cor. v. 1. — “ But he that built all things 
is God.” Hebrews iii. 4, 6; ix. 11; xi. 10. — “In whom all the building fitly 
framed together, groweth unto a holy temple in the Lord.” Ephes. ii. 19, 20, 21. 

* Genesis L 27 ; Isaiah xliii. 1, 7, 11 ; xlv. 12, 13, 15 ; St. John iii. 16, 18 ; 
V. 18; 1 Corinthians iii. 10, 11; CoUoss. iii. 4, 10, 11; Hebrews ix. 11; xi- 
17, 18. 



in the reserve maintained imder the avowedly open term 
“created,” inasmuch as with Oriental feelings on the subject 
of women, and the degraded position assigned to them as 
household goods, a diflB.culty would at any time present itself 
with regard to their part in so divinely inspired an event ; 
indeed, the birth of Our Saviour was one of the special points 
upon which the Eastern mind was altogether abroad and in- 
competent to understand, hence the earliest discussions on 
the subject at once introduced discord into their section of 
the church.^ It will have been noticed that the parallel texts 
of the Inscription are careful to avoid the use of the term 
“ Son” in reference to Our Lord, though Sapor is freely de- 
fined as “Son,” and “Son’s Son;” but the and 

nSs, which appeared, at first sight, to be undue shortcomings, 
seem to have been, in reality, guarded and designed limitations, 
which consistently coincide with the idea of direct and special 
“ creation by the Almighty,” without entering too definitely, 
into the mode or method, which would be incomprehensible 
to and far beyond the range of average local thought. 

There are serious obstacles in the way of any conclusive 
determination of the value of the word '“Ijnn , which it will 

1 Here is a statement of the case as given by Tabari : “ Quand la religion de 
Jesus fut tres-repandue, Eblis fit son apparition, et un jour de fete, lorsqu’un 
grande nombre d’hommes, sectateurs de Jesus, etait reuui dans le temple de 
Jerusalem, il s’y presenta accompagne de deux Divs” (saying) “nous avons voulu 
entendre ce que vous dites concernant Jesus. Les bommes repon dirent : Jesus 
est le propbete, 1’ esprit de Dieu et le fils de Marie; il n’a pas ete engendre par 
pere. Je pense que Dieu est le pere de Jesus. L’un des Divs dit: Cette parole 
est un non-sens, car Dieu n’a pas d’enfants et n’a pas commerce avec une femme ; 
mais Jesus c’est Dieu meme, qui est descendu du ciel et est entre dans le sein de 
Marie ; il en est sorti pour se montrer aux bommes, sous la forme d’un bomme, 
puis il est retourne au ciel, car Dieu a le pouvoir d’etre ob il veut et de montrer 
aux bommes ce qu’il veut. L’autre Div dit . . . et il I’a etabli au milieu 

des bommes comme un signe (de sa toute puissance) ; puis il s’ est associe Jesus et 
Marie, afin qu’ils fussent honoris a I’egal de Dieu. . . . Alors les Chretiens 
se diviserent en trois sectes, dont chacune accepta I'une de ces trois doctrines.’’ — 
Tabari, M. Zotenberg, i. p. 566. So also Abgar, in bis letter to Our Saviour, 
evidently leant to the first conception, “ either that thou art God, and having 
descended from heaven,’’ in preference to the alternative, “ or else doing them, 
thou art the Son of God.’’ Eusebius, Eccl. Hist. i. 13 ; Moses of Khorene (French 
edit.) cap. xxxi. ; Bayer, Hist. Osrboena, p. 105; Ancient Syriac Documents, W. 
Cureton, London, 1864, p. 2. 



be seen runs parallel to the Sassanian . In tbe first 
place it is not by any means beyond possibility that they 
may both be verbs, tbe one from tbe Cbaldaean Hin 

to be,” tbe other from tbe Persian , “to be.” 

An objection likewise exists to a too ready accept- 
ance of tbe '“linn in tbe sense of “ ye,” as it would appear 
tbat another form of tbe second person plural of tbe pronoun 
bad already been used in an earlier portion of this inscription 
( jnXJS line 6) ; however this argument need not uncon- 
ditionally condemn tbe identification, as either one form or 
tbe other is sufficiently irregular, as is tbe nominative 
itself, and tbe inscription in its several parts varies consider- 
ably in its current provinciabsms.' But singular to say, tbe 
evidence to sustain tbe proposed interpretation is contributed 
by a second inconsistency in tbe very body of the text, where 
(in line 11) we find tbe word JlPn, associated with the same 
— tbe former of which obviously suggests tbe Arabic 1 
“ thou ” as tbe '“tJriri seems to fall into some vernacular 
adaptation of tbe Arabic (feminine) plural “ you ” 


n^nn mn' 

C. Pehlvi . — The powerful ... of the chosen Jews ye (are). 

Sassanian . — The Supreme Lord of the Jews outside the (ancient) rites, he (is). 

The opening word in this sentence requires both comment 
and justification, tbe crude cljjI of tbe text I suppose to repre- 
sent the now conventional “custom, usage, rite,” etc. In 
most of the modern facsimiles the final ciJ has been resolved into 
two independent letters which would convert tbe original 
into the word ; but this severance of tbe component 
elements of a single letter is an error of frequent and almost 
natural recurrence among those who were either ignorant of 
the true forms of the character, or set themselves to trace 

1 E.g. especially in the conjunctions j > • There are other in- 

dications, likewise, of an interval having occurred between the endorsement or 
preparation of the introductory portions and the conclusions of these proclamations. 



words to which they could not assign a meaning. The pre- 
sent rectification is, however, sufficiently supported by Flan- 
din’s design. 

It is scarcely possible to be mistaken in the Persian in- 
dividuality of the word > “outside, exterior,” which in 
its multifarious combinations enters so largely into the home- 
speech of the land of which Persepolis was once the metro- 
polis ; and within whose local circuit, in secluded crypts and 
caverns, the present epigraphs have been so strangely pre- 

The is a title of more doubtful allegiance ; its 

value, in connexion with the frequent reiteration of one of 
its compound ierms, within the limits of this brief record, 
should fidly suffice to determine its second element, while the 
ever present of the contemporary Inscriptions in less adul- 
terated Pehlvi, establishes d priori, a definite suggestion and 
understanding of the Eastern Pati A somewhat similar 

compound under our "Western adaptation is well-known and 
uniformly identified with the Patriarchs of the Christian 
Church. I do not seek to decide upon either one or the other 
derivation. I have only to reconcile in this place the possible 
want of discrimination by either party of the true origin of 
such closely approximating sounds ; but it is singular that Ma- 
saudi should have affirmed that the Christians derived all their 
clerical titles and designations from the Sabseans of Harran 
ihjUJl),! though he honestly retains the dubious 
r in which alone creates any difficulty in the present 

* Frencli edition, toI. i., p. 198. “ Les Sabeens de Harran, qui ne sont que 

les disciples gxossiers des Grecs, et la lie des pbUosopbes anciens, ont etabli 
dans leur temples une hierarchie de pretres qui con-espond aux neuf spheres ; 
le plus eleve porte le nom de Koumra (cbef des pretres, 

Les cbretiens, qui leur ont succede, ont conserve dans la hierarcbie ecclesiastique 
I’ordre institue par la secte sabeenne. . . la neuvieme celle de mitran 
ce qui veut dire chef de la ville (metropolitain). Enfin au-dessus de tons ces 
grades est celui de batrik ( i ‘ c’est-a-dire le pere des peres (patriarcbe). . . 

Telle est I’opinion des cbretiens instruits relativement a cette hierarcbe. . . . 
II est bors de doute que les cbretiens ont empninte I’idee premiere de cette 
bierarcbie aux Sabeens et que le kasis le ehemas 

etc. sont dus a I’influence des Manicbeens. — Masaudi, cap. viii. 



identification ; wliile, on the other hand, Moses of Khorene 
specifically reproduces the as simply “Prince” (i. 159). ‘ 

The opening terms of the Chaldmo-Pehlvi counterpart of 
this passage are obscure, the leading word inconveniently 
occurs at the cross junction of our plaster casts, and the 
British mason has studiously adjusted the edges for the sake 
of the frontage, but to the clear detriment of the impressed 
letters. Westergaard himself seems to have had some doubt 
about the state of the characters as they now stand on the sur- 
face of the rock, and is, moreover, rather vague in his attempted 
rectification of Mr. Norris’s pentagraph. The succeeding 
with so many analogies around it, would present no 
difficulties with an ascertained leader, whether substantive or 
adjective ; hut about the following 'DDX there can be small 
matter of contest, as the separated sect declares itself out- 
side, or as having abandoned the ancient rites ; that is, as 
being “ without the law,” in the one case^ — here it is more 
specific in claiming a special pre-eminence as “ chosen,” 

special, select, most peculiar,* a selection 

’ “ Vagliarcliag institue, pour gouverner de la partie nord, cette grande et 
puissante race : le litre de la principaut6 est Ptiachkh (prince) des Coucaratzi.” — 
Mos. Khor. vol. i. p. 159; ii. 13, 169. 

Visconti, Iconographie Greque ii. 363. Onyx Gem in the Imp. Cabinet : 

Ousas, Prince d’lberie (des Ibercs Carcbediens). 

“ Le prince a des boucles d’oreilles a la maniere orientale, une longpie cbevelure 
artistement arrange en nattes suirant I’usage des rois perses de la dynastic des 
Sassanides,” etc. 

^ This is possibly the Hebrew TID, Chaldee TID, “ to set in a row, order,” 

and Syriac typCD’ “ ordo, series,” “scbola, liber,” etc. 

3 1 Corinthians ix. 20 : “And unto the Jews I became as a Jew, that I might 
gain the Jews ; to them that are under the law, as under the law, that I might 
gain them that are under the law ; 21. To them that are without law, as without 
law (being not without law to God, hut under the law to Christ), that I might 
gain them that are without law.” (Tois avSfiois is &vofios, fi.ii &iy &yofi.os 0€^, 
aW’ iyyofxos Xpurr^, ’lya K^pSiiua ayopiovs). See also Romans ii. 14, 17 ; vi. 14 ; 
vii. 4, 6 ; x. 4 ; Galatians ii. 16, 19 ; iii. 10, 11, 12, 13, “Christ hath redeemed us 
from the curse of the law,” 19, 23, 24 ; iv. 5 ; v. 18, etc. 

* ’Tyueis Se yeyos iK\(HThy K r.h. . . . 9 “ But ye are a chosen generation, a 
royal priesthood, a holy nation, a peculiar people ... 10 which in time past 



the succeeding word indicates to have been directly from 
among the ranks of God’s ancient people. 

mim px 

C. Pehki. — Of a certainty, the Master, the divine Lord, etc., etc. 

Sassanian. — And, of a certainty, the Master, the divine Lord. 

One of the most curious instances of the mixture of tongues 
in the whole of the parallel inscriptions is contributed by the 
word which is incontestably proved by its association 
with t, in line 13, to stand for nothing but the conjunction 
“ and ” ; while its derivation is declared in the Sanskrit 
eva ; the Hindustanijjl, Bengali , etc. 

^ is shown by its counterpart pX^ cognitio), 

to be the Arabic inna, “certainly,” with the prefixed J. 
The Firmdta, has already been met with repeatedly 

(p. 38, etc.), and its correspondent though looking 

so strange in its Semitic clothing, is equally attributable to 
Aryan ethnography, and accords with the Sanskrit 
Upadeshtri, “ one who points out, who orders, or advises.” ^ 
The “ Divine ” in is of constant occurrence in 

these Sassanian epigraphs, and needs no new elucidation. 
The I have, of necessity, a difficulty about, mor® 

especially as the synonym in the other text is even less 
positive. It might be suggested, with considerable reserve, 
that the former may possibly have been a compound of the 
Arabic Sjl, “ primum” with the Persian from Jj, 

“the heart,” as in the modern term “merciful,” 

etc., but such an explanation is scarcely satisfactory ; and a 

were not a people, but are now tbe people of God ; wbicb had not obtained 
mercy, but now have obtained mercy.” Epistle of Peter, ii. 9, 10. 

1 I myself at first read this word as Adin, but the foot-curve in the plaster- 
casts is indeterminate, and I observe that both Norris and Westergaard reject the 
sign of the d alfogether. 

^ SlT Upadeshtd, “A Guru," “a spiritual guide,” from >^11 
“to shew,” with affix A nearly similar sound is found in 

“ a superior,” from “ to see.” 



combination that should include the reduction of into 

“ as first in rank,”^ in parallelism with the conversion 
of into the Sanskrit “ supreme,” ^ however 

removed from the ordinary laws of interpretation, would, 
perhaps, better satisfy the requirements of the general 

ni'n inn dix ni'n 

C. Pehlvi. — Created Jesus of divine aid, the Lord, thou 
Sassanian . — Lord (Jesus) of divine aid, {the) Lord, he 

The eleventh line of the Chaldaeo-Pehlvi legend commences 
with the repetition of the word already adverted to. 

In this instance the designation responds, in the order of 
sequence, to the of the conjoint Sassanian version. 

Immediately following the former of these words, in its own 
lajjidary context, we find in clear and definitely-formed letters, 
and in full integrity and isolation, on the surface of the recent 
plaster casts of the still extant original, the three letters 
constituting the name of Our Saviour. 

Of these three literal signs, the two quasi vowels, or, pro- 
perly, mere carrying consonants of the Semitic system, are 
entirely dependent upon the true vowel sounds appropriate to 
the written word ; but in these periods of undeveloped gram- 
mar such subdued but highly important elements of speech 
were altogether unprovided with definite graphic exponents. 

Under such reservation as regards later and more elaborated 
schemes of orthography, many versions of the test letters DIX 
might be suggested, but the most simple and obvious of them 
would stiU revert to a very exact counterpart of the name of 
Jesus, whether out of its many declared varieties we select 
the Hebrew or the Greek series of definitions. Amid all the 
various adaptations of the old whether Joshua, Jeshua, 

JosuE, Jesu, or there is still the same basis in 

' The Armenian der, “ Mouratzan-der” Seigneur des Medes. — Mos. Khor. 
i. 157. 

2 From + m, “ who stays” (a title applied, in the Sanskrit system, to 

Bratoa). Cf. npoararTis {irpotarTifit). 



these Persepolitan forms of the early Phcenlcian for the re- 
construction of the leusa, or some such close similitude to 
the real name, that should set at rest all question upon the 
mere orthographical issued 

It will be seen that the name is altogether wanting in the 
Sassanian version, and it has even been the custom of ordinary 
copyists to close up the words as if no 

letters had ever intervened between them. But Plandin’s 
facsimile, which has evidently been traced with a scrupulous 
desire for accuracy, indicates the existence of a fissure or dis- 
integration of the surface of the rock, just at this very point, 
and extending downwards through the succeeding lines, 
while the tracing equally indicates by the distance between 
the two words as nearly as possible the space required for 
the three missing letters. 

The of, so to say, both epigraphs, seems clear 

enough, though it may be needful to explain the preference 
here assigned to the translation of “aid” over the more common 
rendering of “ hand.” Persian Dictionaries draw a very nice, 
but seemingly just discrimination, being the singular and plural 
forms of one and the same word : Aj is essentially “ a hand,” 
but in the sequent rationale of “ power,” the subordinate com- 
binations extended over a very enlarged range of significa- 
tions : in the Hebrew the derivatives were comparatively 
restricted, but in the Arabic these divarications concentrated 
sooner or later, in the Persian vocabularies, into the plural 

in the leading sense of “ aid, assistance, succour,” and in 

1 In tbe adapted alphabet of the Persian Jews, made use of in the Bible Society’s 
New Testament, the name is written It is as well that all objections to 

the apparent absence of an initial ' or Tod in this unquestionably important 
name in the present text, should he answered in anticipation by a citation of the 
of line ten, where the expressed alif initial clearly defines a simple 
ora. Jod ofHehrew Grammar. See also the 1 prosthetic in and in =e5. 

On the other hand, there need he no reserve in admitting that, under the licence 
claimed above, the name may he converted into many other modified forms, hut 
notably into , “a sign,” (or possibly yiy mz, or even jlc, t-ljl. 

“refuge”). However, it is the essentially Christian characteristics and general 
tenor of the document that chiefly recommends the reading advocated in the text. 



some cases even to the signification of “ repentance” (“ Poeni- 
tentia” Frey tag). The of the parallel version might be 
quoted in support of the duplication of the final in Jo only 
that this would not be altogether a safe argument in the pre- 
sence of the exceptional (emphatic) of the Chaldaean 
vernacular in Daniel v. 5, 24, though probably any such 
heritage had been subdued by contact with the mixed dialects 
of more Southern latitudes. 

The word t — ^ Naha would at first sight naturally suggest 
the obvious interpretation of “ Prophet,” but taken in con- 
nexion with the i*l‘n of the counterpart transcript it will be 
necessary to elevate its meaning into “ Lord,” or a later 
adaptation of the ancient “ Nebo,” as derived from the root 
“Editus, elatus fuit,” ^ “ to be prominent,” and not 

as having any direct connexion with “to pour forth.” 

The article H the prefixed to the i1“l, which gives force to 
the parallel term, would altogether remove the joint titles far 
above the grade of a mere rates or “prophesier.” The effect 

of the double letters of the current speech and seems 
to have been sought in graphic expression by the lengthening 
the vowel sound of — into y , as in the analogous case of Ci b , 
which was the substitute for the dominant Arabic (the 
modern Persian 

The texts next reiterate the passages from lines 6, 7. 

nitt'Nnn d"i "jt |ns 

a'' Ls^ 

C. Pehlvi . — . . well sustaining joy among the people of this world. 

Sasianian . — . . well upholds joy among the people of the earth. 

It wiU be noticed that there is an addition in this line to 
the previous formula, in the introduction of two new words, 
which are expressed in mere letters as CjTl and jjI respect- 
ively, to which I myself have but cautiously, and, at last, 
of very necessity, admitted a perhaps over simple meaning. 

* Arabic lexicographers bring the whole series of parallel terms for Prophet 


under the common root hJ . 



But having reached thus much of the conventionality of the 
then local speech, so marked in situ, and so singularly pre- 
served in the dependent ramifications of the more advanced 
vernacular in its ultimate spread, I feel that but few will 
be found to contest the data the rock records of the middle 
of the third century a.d. so strangely reproduce as specimens 
of the crude prayers and invocations of a new faith, neither 
the matter nor manner of which was fully understood by the 
compiler of the inscription. 

But of all the quaint problems that have presented them- 
selves during the course of this rather tedious development of 
a complicated and obscure bilingual manifesto, no single 
item has afforded so much of a surprise as this Hip of the 
Chaldaean texts, which even the most daring ingenuity would 
scarcely have ventured to coerce into the modern Persian 
conversational and sonorously aspirated unless the 

fellow version had contributed both the first hint and the 
simultaneous proof of the correctness of the assignment ; 
even now, many critics may refuse to see the Greek ev in 
the jP of the Sassanian writing, especially as the meaning, 
in either case, so oddly accords with the general tendency of 
the translation which I may be supposed to be too hastily 

t)'n )rh:i i 

C. Pehlvi . — And the God lie (is), Lord, great in goodness. 

Sassanian . — And the God that (is), Godlike, abounding in goodness. 

pnn nn niiDN' i 

'- 7 ^ 

C. Fehlvi.—kndi the heavenly Lord he (is) Lord; Oh increase of good aid, Lord 
of Lords. 

And the heavenly Lord, that (is) Lord on high, Master (giver) of 
aid, Lord! 

1 The orthography, in this instance, may have been affected by the Arabic 

pro ‘‘ Formidabilis, aut verendus, reverendus, fuit.” The Persian 

word is more correctly defined in line fourteen of the original inscription as P)in = 



But little remains to be said in the way of strictly philo- 
logical commentary upon the concluding passages of the 
parallel inscriptions, though their curt and imperfectly con- 
nected sentences necessarily admit of many and obvious gra- 
dational renderings. However, as any possible divarication 
from the leading intention of these epigraphs must, after all, 
revert to the general tenets of the Christian faith, we have 
only to accept this singular Eastern paraphrase of portions of 
our own authorised version, and, under such a concession, 
frankly to test and compare its very limited departure either 
in words or ideas from the Greek of the New Testament, on 
which we base our own interjjretation. 

The first of the remaining difficulties consists of a question 
of grammar, which was at this time, necessarily, but little 
subject to fixed laws ; and even had the parts of speech been 
in any way reduced to a recognised and defined system, the 
eccentric intermixture of words, phrases, and constructive 
identities of this Camp language,^ would release a modern 
interpreter from any reserve in dealing with doubtful or 
exceptional terms of minor significance. 

1 The direct effect of Sapor’s campaigns to the westward upon the Court 
language of Persia has been for long past fully recognised and understood (Mohl, 
Preface to Shah Namah), hut we could scarcely have anticipated its resulting 
in so incoherent a polyglot as these Bilingual texts present us with. It is true 
that Persepolis was peculiarly situated in regard to conterminous languages, both 
old and new, and Sapor’s freshly imported Aramaisms may have added to the 
normal difficulties ; but much of the imperfection of these writings is undoubtedly 
due to the novelty of the subject, and to the impossibility of rendering whatever 
may have been the peculiar form of the recognised sacred text, into degraded 
Persian vernaculars, with even a remote chance of its essential meaning ultimately 
reaching the understanding of the less educated masses. And this, indeed, is 
the fatal obstacle to all Christian teaching in India at the present day, — not that 
we English are unfaithful, or unwilling, hut that Eastern and Western thoughts 
and deductions start from different bases of symbolical ideals. Though the 
whole question only amounts to this, after all, that our Western instruction in 
Christianity commenced later in the world’s history, and under he influence of 
comparatively advanced knowledge and more or less purified teac'mng. Europe 
at large received the Gospel in its best form, but every step it went Eastward, it 
had from the first to encounter hostilities and to submit to concessions of a 
character calculated to degrade its sublimity, — it was, in effect, the going back 
to old and self-willed races, instead of carrying welcome tidings to simple but 
intelligent, though undeveloped peoples. 



Under the most simple and ordinary processes of critical 
analysis of an epigraph freely abounding in both Hebrew 
and Arabic terms, it might almost be taken for granted that 
the word ^3, in lines twelve and thirteen, merely reproduced 

the established ^3, “ all,” of the authorized speech of 

those confessedly leading Semitic authorities ; and though, 
with some straining, it might be possible to connect the word, 
in a vague way, with a suggestion of “ universality,” it is far 
preferable to let it down into the quietude of its more direct 
associations, and to suppose that ^3 is nothing more than a 
local reflex of the Arabic article J^, “ the.” It is quite true 
that in this very version the corresponding Hebrew M (for Sn) 
has been recognised in its proper and correct form ; but in so 
strangely composite a manifesto as the present, simplicity, or a 
reduction to primitive elements, is the only true safeguard to- 
wards ultimate elucidation ; and as we know, on the other hand, 
that the Persian tongue- was then (as it is now) altogether defi- 
cient in any representative of our ever- recurring definite article 
“ the,” which, in these combinations of languages, it had to 
borrow with more or less sonal aptitude from neighbouring 
nations ; can it then be felt strange that the severe “ 1dm, of 
definition,''’ with its prosthetic \ , at this time only colloquially 
developed, should have been so readily merged into the 
Sassanian Jj or the but faintly removed Chaldaean Sd now 
under discussion. 

The leading derivation and ample duties of have already 
been referred to (p. 282), and the “he,” of the asso- 

ciate text, scarcely admits of doubt. 

The single word that still remains to be noticed is the 
“TlTfi X', which seems to resolve itself into the Arabic inter- 
jection b (Persian i^l) “ oh,” prefixed to the word (here 
written “increase, addition,” etc. (from oij, “increvit”). 
This combination may appear strange and the exclamation 
somewhat out of place ; but in regard to it must be re- 

membered how constantly the exact synonym “increase,” 
was in use, — to such an extent, indeed, that the Pehlvi 

VOL. III. — [new series.] 




•jil came to hold the place of honour on the 
obverse field of the later Sassanian coins, and was retained 
intact by the Arabs in their imitative coinage, and only dis- 
appeared with the latest Pehlvi mintages of Taberistan in 
A.H. 138.1 

Parallel Translations of the HajIabad Inscription. 

(For text see page 314 and the Fhotograph.J 

Chald^o-Pehlvi Version : Eepresentations of the person of the 

Sassanian Version : Representations of the person of the Zoro- 
Zoroastrian divinity,^ Sapor, King of Kings of Arians and Anarians, 
astrian divinity, Sapor, King of Kings of Iran and Anirdn, of 
of divine origin from God, son of the Zoroastrian divinity, Ardeshi'r, 
divine origin from God, son of the Zoroastrian divinity, Artahshatr, 
King of Kings of Arians, of divine origin from God, grandson of divine 
King of Kings of Iran, of divine origin from God, grandson of divine 
Papak, King. And of multitudes of men, Lord, mighty, the 
Papah, King. Also Lord of many races, sole mighty {pne) of the high 
obeyed of Satraps, Military chiefs, Kobles. And Ye mighty 
Satraps, and Military commanders, and Nohles. And Ye mighty 
(one) and bringer of joy among the people of the world, and God of 
{one) also bringing joy {salvation?) to the people of earth, also God of 
Justice he (is). Lord of the Creator, the high Creator, the Seed (of) 
Might he {is). Lord of the Creator, the heavenly Creator, the Vicar of 

the First of Gods, the Spirit he (is) over the Jews sole 

the high God of Gods, the Seed. And Lord who of the Archon of the 

Lord created Ye (are) of the order of the chosen Jews 

Jews sole Lord of Lords he {is). Supreme Lord of the Jews without 

^ J.R.A.S. xii. 347. In the higher sense see St. Luke xvii. 5, UpSades hfuv 
iricTw, “ Increase our faith.” Acts vi. 7, Kal 6 \6yos roS @eoC rjH^aye, “ and the 
word of God increased.” 1 Corinthians hi. 6, ciw’ d Oebs riv^avev, “hut God 
gave the increase.” 7. ciW’ 6 avlavuv 0eSs, “hut God gave the increase.” 
2 Cor. X. 15 ; Ephesians iv. 16; Col. i. 10; ii. 19, av^ei tV aH^riaiv rod 0eou, 
“ increaseth with the increase of God.” 1 Thess. hi. 12 ; iv. 10, etc. 

2 It will he seen that I have varied many of the details which were more 
severely treated in the preceding commentary, among the rest I have altered the 
rendering of the word If the term Mazdyasna rehgion” has been 

correctly assigned to the creed itself, it whl be quite optional to convert the 
“ Ormazd- worshipper” of the present text into the “Zoroastrian.” 



ye (are). Of a certainty the Master, the Divine Lord [first in rank] 
the law" he (is). And, of a certainty, the Master, Heavenly Lord {first 
created Jesus of divine aid the Lord thou (art) bringing mercifully 

in order') Lord of divine aid he, who well Irings joy 

joy to the people of the •world. And the God he (is) Lord, ahound- 
among the people of the earth. And the God, that is Godlike, great 
ing in good. And the Heavenly Lord he (is) Lord, oh Increase 
in goodness. And the heavenly Lord that {is) Lord on high, master 
of good aid. Lord of Lords. 
of aid Lord. 

Such, then, is my first attempt at anything like an intelli- 
gible translation of this obscure inscription. I can hardly say 
that I am altogether satisfied with the result, which has proved 
as unexpected to myself as it may chance to seem incredible to 
others ; but my convictions have merely followed a confessedly 
tentative lead, and many things that I was prepared to dis- 
credit in the preliminary investigation, have, in the progress 
of more exact examination, contributed the best support to- 
wards a consistent whole. As far as honest criticism extends, 
I court and desire it ; hut I would suggest to those who may 
propose to make capital for themselves out of my treatment 
of this record, to beware of the many pitfalls existing in so 
incoherent and singularly mixed a text, the limited extent of 
which forbids the application of any such comprehensive tests 
as its confessedly polyglot nature would demand ; and in this 
sense I do not invite future commentators to wander over 
other applicable roots, or to suggest variations in the deriva- 
tives above cited; hut I simply ask them to produce some 
more consistent and convincing version out of the given four- 
teen fines here reconstructed from the confessedly imperfect 
materials at present ■within reach. ^ 

It is of importance to fix as nearly as possible the period of 

1 It may, perhaps, prove an inducement and an encouragement to those who 
might otherwise feel diffident in entering npon a free and independent analysis of 
future improved versions of the leading texts — to learn that Sir H. Eawlinson 
altogether dissents from and contests the fundamental principles of the present 
avowedly suggestive translation. 



Sapor’s reign, to whicli this unique manifesto refers. I have 
already remarked (pp. 328, 337) upon the change in style and 
modification of certain expressions to be observed in the con- 
cluding part of the document ; but further than this, a close 
examination of the original writing discloses, most distinctly, a 
parallel variation in the general run of the letters themselves ; 
for, whereas, the first five lines of the Chaldaeo-Pehlvi text^ 
are, so to say, compact in the ordinary sequence of the cha- 
racters, the remaining portion, and notably, the conclusion of 
the inscription, is not only less closely filled in, but the words 
are designedly and effectively separated from one another, — 
a condition of things that would imply not only that the 
original surface of the rock had been prepared for a longer 
legend than it now bears, but that the commencement and 
conclusion of the existing epigraph pertain to difierent 
epochs, even as their tenor, at first sight, seems inconsistent 
and conflicting within such brief limits ; but, singular to 
say, these apparent anomalies conduce to a most reasonable 
explanation of what would otherwise undoubtedly have con- 
stituted a serious difficulty in the completeness of the pro- 
posed interpretation. As it is, I suppose the introductory 
section, containing the formal enumeration of the King’s 
titles and descent, with his claims to divine honors, ex- 
tending, inter alia, to a subdued profession of Zoroastrianism 
itself, to have been endorsed at some early period of his 
reign, after he had discarded the use of the Greek translations, 
in the addition of which he had at first followed his father’s 
lead (Inscrip. No. iv.); hut before he had altogether abandoned 
the employment of the accustomed Chaldajo-Pehlvi duplicate 
version, and confined himself to the use of simple Persian- 
Pehlvi, which survived as the sole Court and ofiicial method of 
epigraphy among his successors. Under such a theory, I should 
associate the abrupt change in the tenor of the body of the 
document with the Western influences to which Sapor was 
subjected after his conquest of Valerian, a period which oddly 
coincides with the commencement of the teaching of Manes 

* The sixth line of the Sassanian Pehlvi likewise presents a perceptible but less 
obvious modification of the forms of letters employed in the opening sentence. 



(a.d. 261)4 It is possible that this individual, ■svho — though 
born a Persian — had graduated as a Christian Presbyter in 
Babylonia, may have been the direct means of converting the 
victorious monarch of his own land to the true faith ; while 
the disruption of the association and the precipitate flight 
of Manes from Persia may have been due to a premature 
attempt on his part to compromise his Sovereign by lower- 
ing Christianity to the dead level of the masses, or by too 
facile concessions to the dominant Zoroastrianism, but lately 
so powerfully reconstructed under Ardeshir Babagan. How- 
ever, be this as it may, it is clear that Sapor was an oddl}'- 
confessed convert, — no subject, high or low, under an Eastern 
despotism, would have dared to add such sentences as are 
to be found in this inscription without the sanction of the 
reigning Monarch ; nor can we suppose that if Sapor had ever 
reverted to the newly defined creed of his fathers, he would 
have allowed this formal record of his adhesion to a more en- 
lightened religion to have remained undisturbed tiU his death. 
The return of Manes after the decease of Sapor, and the favour 
with which he was received by Hormuzdas I., are both signifi- 
cant ; for, if the new king had been a confirmed Fire-worship- 
per, he would scarcely have tolerated even the scant measure of 
debased Christianity Manes to the last professed to expound. 

^ It has for long past been known and acknowledged that Sapor had abandoned 
the creed of his fathers, though it was supposed that he had aecepted the tenets 
of Manes. The following is Masaudi’s notice on the subject ; — “ Ce fut sous son 
regne que parut Manes, I’auteur du dualisme. Sabour ahjura la religion des 
mages pour embrasser cette secte et les doctrines qu’eUe professait sur la lumiere 
et le moyen du comhattre le principe des tenebres ; mais il revint plus tard au culte 
de ses ancetres, et Manes, pour des motifs que nous avons rapportes dans nos recits 
precedents, dut se refugier dans I’lnde.” — Masaudi, cap. xxiv. toI. ii., p. 164, Paris 
edit. — “ C’est du vivant de Manes que fut cree le mot zendif., qui a donne naissance 
au zendekeh (manicheisme). En void 1’ explication : Zeradecht fils d’Espiman, . . . 
avait apporte aux Perses le livre Bestah, redige dans leur ancienne langue. II 
en donna un commentaire qui est le Zend, et d ajouta ensuite a ce eommentaire 
ime glose qu’il nomma Bazend. Ainsi, le Zend contenait I’explication du premier 
livre revele. Plus tard, tons ceux qui, dans cette religion, s’ecarterent du Bestah 
ou livre revele, pour se conformer au Zend, c’est-a-dire au commentaire, furent 
appeles Zendi, du nom de ce commentaire ; ce qui signifiait qu’ils s’eloignaient de 
al lettre meme du texte revele pour adopter le sens du commentaire, par opposi- 
tion avec ce texte Le mot zendik designa alors les dualistes et tons ceux qui 

professaient la croyance en I’eternite du monde et niaient la creation.” — Masaudi, 
cap xxiv. — Further notices of Manes and his doctrines are to be found in Hamza 
Isfahani, p. 36 ; Abulfaraj (Pocock) pp. 82, 83 ; Tabari, Persian MS., details 
given under the reign of Bahrfim ; Histoire Critique de Manichee, M. de Beausobre, 
Amsterdam, 1734, pp. i. 24, 65, 81, 83, 156-161, 187, 192, etc.; CUnton, Fasti 
Romani, ii. p. 424. ; Mani. Gustav Fliigel, Leipzig, 1862. 



Inscription No. 7. (Narses.) 

This unique inscription of Narses is engraved on one of the 
bas-reliefs^ at Shahpiir, which represents the young monarch 
in the act of receiving the conventional investiture of the 
cydaris from Ormazd. The figure of the latter is but little 
varied from the ordinary portraiture of prior date. He wears 
the recognised mural crown, with the closely twisted curls 
rising above it, and similar curls, arranged in the Sassanian 
fashion, appear on the sides and back of the head. The beard 
is squared in the ancient style, and the flowing fillets expand 
at the back of the figure. He has, however, in this instance, 
no baton, and the folds of the dress have more of a feminine 
guise than usual. Narses appears as a fair and comely youth, 
with a light moustache and incipient beard, which, however, 
is tied determinedly towards the point, after the manner 
affected by Sapor I. The hair is curled in full and smooth 
ringlets. His dress, like that of Ormazd, and the trappings 
of both horses, are unusually plain. He wears a pointedly- 
spiked crown of a form not yet met with in the sculptures, 
but which is seen to have been previously in use with Yarahran 
I. on the coinage of the country.® The authorized balloon- 
crest and floating fillets complete the picture. 

This inscription was first published by Morier, in his 
work upon Persia, Armenia, etc.,® but the copy there given 
is truncated in the completion of the lines, two of which (Nos. 
nine and ten) are wholly omitted, and the letters are so badly 
formed that it offered but little promise to the decipherer. 
M. Flandin’s reproduction of the original is far more satis- 
factory, and leaves but little to be filled in by a fairly con- 
fident interpreter. 

It will be seen that in the inscription Narses describes him- 
self as the son of Sapor and grandson of Ardeshir, whereas 

1 Flandin, “ Inscription du troisierae bas-relief sur la rive droite de la riviere.” 
Plan, plate 45, bas-relief E. Sculpture, bas-relief E, plate 52. Text, vol. ii. p. 
270. Dans le coin, a droite, au-dessus du manteau du cavalier, est une inscription 
en characteres Pehlvi. C’est le seule que I’on trouve a Chapour.” 

2 Narses himself is figured with a totally different crown on his coinage. 
Longperier, v. 2. 

s 1812, plate xxix. p. 87 and 357. 



No. 7. 

No. 9. 

i^j5ji"-^ .53^f«e) 

2^-^p3j^Aj 2 ^"3jju ju^3-^ p^3-^ j)3«2£)juj^ 

JI«JiS2^ J)2»^ 

<7^2 ^ J0^3-^ ^JU-^3^ p);u32 

4)^3-^ ^a)^3-^ 

^JU2Jp 2 ^JJ23-“ 

J>2^2£)^^ Jl^\ 

J.U2JAJ 4»^3-^ ^JU^3-^ 

No. 9 a. 

[)-^] . 52 fS>(^^-^ ^JJ23^-«2 

• --S^ JU^3-^ p^3-^ .?3 ju2^m^ 

«iJ-^34 t4}3.w32 

p^3-^ 2ftfJ^JUf^2JU 

' / ' 


No. 10. 



A)j)4a22 rf^\S 



2 JU^ 

J>_5_r^2JU2JU A»^U22 

No. 8. 



2J-^ JJuJ.5)-U 2 

.^^•^2J02JJ JU^JU22 
2{'^ JJU^JJ-U 2 JJuJ.5-u JU^ 

■ujiaa ^■^ J)V(^ 

^JU J)«ja2') 



lie is ordinarily held to have been the son of Varahran II.' 
It is true that this may possibly have been a mere figure of 
speech on his part, in desiring to ignore the intermediate 
successions of less renowned monarchs; but there is nothing 
inconsistent in the youthful appearance of Narses in this 
sculpture with the probability of his having been, in effect, 
the son of the later days of Sapor, who died only some twenty- 
one years previous to the regal accession symbolized in the bas- 
relief ; and, singular to say, one of the Armenian authorities 
lately collected by M. E^variste Prud’homme, in illustration of 
Sassanian history,^ directly declares that Narses was the son 
of Sapor I.^ 

Inscription No. 7. — Narses, a.d. 294-303, at Slitihptir. 

^ cT* * wl/-' 

Image of the person of Ormazd-worshipper, divine Narses, king of kings of 
Iran and Anirhn, of heavenly origin from God, the son of Ormazd-worshipper, 
divine Shahpiir, king of kings of Iran and Aniran, of heavenly origin from God, 
grandson of divine Artahshatr, king of kings. 

Inscriptions Nos. 8 and 10. 

[Fehlvi transcript, page 103.) 

The Tak-i-Bustan inscriptions, identificatory of the figures 
of the two Sapors, the second and third of the name, sculptured 
under the smaller arch of the excavations in that locality, 
have for long past been before the pubHc in the decipherments 
of Be Sacy and his commentators ; ^ and their final determina- 
tion may now be said to be set at rest by the exact copies of 
Sir H. Rawlinson, here reproduced in modern characters. 
Unlike his previous facsimilies, which were to a certain extent 

1 Moudjmel Altawarlkh {Journal Asiatique, 1839, p. 38) ; Hamza Isfahtai, 
p. 37 ; Mirchond, De Sacy, p. 301. 

^ Journal Asiatique, 1866, p. 101-238. ® Ibid., Sepeos, p. 17. 

* De Sacy, Memoires sur div. Ant. p. 211, and second memoir, Journal of the 
Institute, 1809, vol. ii. p. 162 ; Ker Porter, ii. 188; Malcolm’s Persia, i. 258 ; 
M. Bore, Journal Asiatique, June, 1841; M. Louis Dubeux, Journal Asiatique, 
1843; Spiegel, Grammatik der Huzvareschsprache, 1856, p. 173. 



mere unaided tracings, in this instance the transcriber knew 
both the letters and general import of the record he was em- 
ployed upon, and hence his text may be freely accepted as 
disposing of all exceptional variants and doubtful readings. 
By a critical examination of these writings. Sir Henry has 
been enabled to rectify the constituents of the much- canvassed 
“ Voliiya” of previous translators, and to establish the true value 
of the word, in the more natural a correction of consider- 
able importance, in that, while demonstrating the authorized 
provincial or epochally progressive substitution of two 22’s 
for the legitimate archaic form of sA, and thus adding to 
the general ambiguity of Pehlvi interpretation on the one 
hand, it extends a new latitude to the optional reconstruction 
of many obscure passages, which had hitherto been circum- 
scribed by the already sufficiently dubious phonetic powers of 
the leading basis here duplicated 2, which, under ordinary 
circumstances, had to respond alike for the powers of j r and 
y w, and to meet the manifest incertitudes involved in the 
technical licence of subordinate convertibilities. 

These lapidary epigraphs have also proved of service in 
contributing a modified form of the ordinary ^ ch, in the 
shape of f\j, a contour of the letter frequently met with on 
gems, and which was otherwise liable to he mistaken for a 
simple The intentionally i’s are also very carefully 

defined, in marked contrast to the ordinary initial and medial 
vowel, a practice which is also scrupulously observed in the 
majority of the signet legends. 

The statues of the two Sapors, father and son, in this bas- 
relief, are strangely alike, a similarity extending even to the 
minor details of their garments. In Ker Porter’s copy, the 
father, who stands to the right, seems to he the larger man ; 
but the difference in Flandin’s sketch is not so apparent. 
The former author represents the faces of both kings as 
having been completely destroyed ; hut Flandin, having pos- 
sibly cleaned the surface of the stone more effectually, recon- 
structs their features after the ordinary Sassanian physi- 
ognomy, with the curiously tied beards and bushy hair. Both 
monarchs stand to the front, with their hands crossed on the 



hilts of their straight swords, and the only difference to be 
detected between them is the half-moon which, in Flandin’s 
drawing, figures as a frontlet on the crown of Sapor III. 

The sculptured effigies of the two kings in their near identity 
of treatment would seem to imply that they must have been 
executed almost simultaneously, and the juxtaposition itself 
may possibly have been designed to mark in one and the 
same field the father’s recognition of the heirship of this par- 
ticular son, who eventually succeeded to his throne in the 
ordinary course. 

Inscription No. 8. — Shahpijr II. a.d. 310-381, at Tak-i-Bustan. 

Inscription No. 10. — SnAHPtJR III., son of ShahpOr, a.d. 385-390, at Tuk-i- 


t ® ^ ^ LS^j ~ * 


Inscription No. 9. 

The intervening legends in this series have been recovered 
from another class of dynastic remains, being taken from the 
still extant official signets of Yarahran Kerman Shah, the 
son of the great Sapor ZiCJaldaf, under whom he adminis- 
tered the important government from which his title was 
derived. In a section of the old world, where the seal so 
readily adapted itself to the indigenous clay,' and where all 

* Job xxxviii. 14. See also Gen. xxxviii. 18, 25 ; xli. 42 ; Exod. xxviii. 9, 10, 
11, 21, 36; 1 Kings xxi. 8; Neh. ix. 38; Esth. iii. 10, 12; viii. 2, 8, 10; Song 
of Solomon viii. 6; Jerem, xxxii. 10, 12, 44; Dan. vi. 17 ; Matt, xxvii. 66. 



men carried seals indeed, where everything was sealed, 
from the formal documents on terra cotta and other sub- 
stances, down to the mouth of the lion’s den and the stone of 
the sepulchre, it was natural that the Signets of Kings should 
typify a parallel ascendancy,^ and as such carry a political 
import equal, if not superior, to that of the Crown itself.^ 
As this same section of the earth’s surface passed under the 
subjection of dynasty after dynasty, ancient ideas still held 
their sway, and in the advance of civilization as types and 
devices were elaborated among the masses, the representatives 
of the Royal sign manual were naturally more carefidly 
treated, and at last, under the Sassanians, the complications 
of Persian ceremonial had arrived at a subdivision involving 

1 Herodotus, i. 195 ; iii. 128 ; vii. 69 ; Strabo, xvi. c. i. § 20 ; Ctesias (Phot.) 
Ivii. 2, 5; Xenophon Cyrop. riii. c. 2, § 16, 17. 

2 A striking instance of the importance attached to Eoyal Signets, in very early 
times, has lately been contributed by Sir H. Eawlinson’s decipherments of Cunei- 
form documents. Sir H. remarks ; “ I have recently lighted on a small clay tablet 
at the British Museum vhich bears an inscription to the following effect : — 

“ Tiglath- Ussur, king of Assp’ia, son of Shalman- JJssur, king of Assyria, and 
conqueror of Kar-Dunis (Babylonia). ’WTioever injures my device (?) or name, 
may Asshur and Yama destroy his name and country.” 

“A signet-seal with this legend having been carried off as a trophy in war 
from Assyria to Babylon, I, Sennacherib, king of Assyria, after 600 years, took 
the city of Babylon, and from among the spoils of Babylon recovered it.” 

“ The reverse of the tablet contains a repetition of the legend of Tiglath- Ussur 
with the gloss, ‘ This is what was written on the signet-seal.’ ” 

— Athenaum, 22nd August, 1863. 

* Alexander “ Literas quoque, quas in Europam mitteret, veteris annuli gemma 
obsignabat; iis, quas in Asiam scribcret, Darii annulus imprimebatur.” — Quintus 
Curtius, vi. c. 6, § 6. See also x. vi. 4 : “ Tunc Perdicca, regia sella in conspectum 
vulgi data, in qua diadema vestisque Alexandri cum armis erant, annulum sibi 
pridie traditum a rege in eadem sede posuit.” 5. “Et Perdicca, Ego quidem, 
inquit, annulum, quo ille regni atque imperii vires obsignare erat solitus, traditum 
ab ipso mihi, reddo vobis.” See also Josephus Ant. xii. c. 9, § 2; xx. c 2, § 2. 

So also Justin. “ Sexta die praeclusa voce exemptum digito annulum Perdiccae 
tradidit. Xam etsi non voce nuncupatus heres, judicio tamen electus videbatur.*’ 
xii. c. 15, § 12. 

In like manner Pompey’s “Head and Seal” are brought to Julius Caesar- 
Plutarch, in Pompey Ixxx. and in Caesar xlviii. Dion Cassius, xlii. 7, /re'xpiy ov 
T'fii' T6 Ke<pa\.riu Ka\ rhr SaKTvKiov avrov irifi^Qivra ol inrh tov HTo\^fia'iov elSoy- 
Dion Cass. xlii. 18, en-el fievroi Kol diredavev, oij/e fiiy Kal toSto, Kal ov Trpdropov, 
Trplv rbv SaKTvKio aivTov •Kop.tpBfvTa ISuv, itrlo'Tova'av' ivoyeyXvivTO Se iv ahrip 
Tpdiraia rpta, ucnep Kal iV rip tov SvKXov. 



a separate seal and distinct device for every one of the nine 
departments of the State administration.^ 

In Egypt and to the westward men’s signets were set in 
the form of finger rings, hut in the East, among the Hghtly- 

' Ce roi [NausHrw&n] employait quatre seeaus d’ Etat. Celui de T impSt . . 
avait pour empreinte la Justice Le sceau des domaines, orne d'une 

turquoise, avaitpourempreinteTAgriculture(i'^hijtll). Lesceaudu conseil avait 
im rubis (icicWs ^Ls:^) et portait Tempreinte de la Temporisation ( 

Le sceau des postes . . . avait pour empreinte la Fidelite — Masa’udi, 

ii. 204. 

Kbusru Parviz had nine different State seals. Mas’audi gives the following 
details regarding their forms and uses. Le premier etait un anneau 
de diamant dont le chaton etait form6 d’un rubis rouge sur lequel on avait grav6 
le portrait du roi ; la legende portait les titres du roi ; on Tapposait sur les lettres 
et les diplOmes. Le second etait un anneau d’or surmonte d'une comaline 

sur laquelle etaient graves les mots Khoraqan Khudah 
II servait aux archives de TEtat. Le troisieme etait ornd d’un onyx reprcsentant 
un cavalier au galop; I’anneau qui etait d’or, portait pour legende : 

ciUrite. Ce cachet etait destine a la correspondance des postes. Le quatrieme 
etait un anneau d’or dont le chaton, forme d’un rubis rose, avait pour legende ; 
la richesse est la source de la prosperity. C’etait le sceau des diplomes et des 
lettres de grace. Le cinquieme, orne d’un rubis bahreimn, . . . portait les mots 
khoureh wa khorrem ) “splendour et felicite.’’ Ce cachet etait 

pose sur le tresor des pierres precieuses sur la cassette royale, la garde-robe 
et les omements de la couronne. Le sixieme, reprcsentant un aigle, servait a 
sceUer les depeches adresses aux rois etrangers ; son chaton etait en fer de Chine 
. ... Aj I'G septieme, surmonte d'un bezoard sur lequel on avait grave 

une mouche, etait pose sur les mets servis au roi, sur les medicaments et les 
parfums. Le huitieme, dont le chaton etait forme d’une perle, avait pour effigie 
une tete de pore (Journal Asiatique, 1863, p. 304) ; on posait cette empreinte sur 
le cou des condamnes a mort et sur les arrets emportant la peine eapitale. Le 
neuvieme etait un anneau de fer que le roi employait quand il allait au bain et 
dans les etuves.’’ ii. 228-9. 

The latest development of the art of sealing is highly amusing. We learn from 
Captain hlontgomerie’s report of the great Tibetan road from Lhasa to Gartokh 
{Times, 2nd March, 1868) “that the couriers go continuously, stopping neither 
night nor day except to eat and change horses, and, after an 800 miles’ ride, are 
haggard and worn .... to make sure that they shall not take off their clothes 
they are sealed over the breast, and none may break the seal save him to whom 
the messenger is sent.” 

For confirmation of these facts, see also the “ Friend of India” (Calcutta), 
23rd March, 1868. “ The moment a man is selected as a courier, and his coat is 

sealed, he has no choice in the matter.” 



clad multitudes, they were simply suspended round the neck, 
while the better classes seem to have worn them either on the 
wrist or as an armlets 

The first of these seals is engraved on the highly-prized 
amethyst belonging to the Duke of Devonshire. The second 
is now known only by its reproduction in a work of the 
last century, entitled “Tassie’s Gems.” It would seem to 
have proved from the first a mere artist’s failure both in the 
portrait and in the imperfection of the legend, and to have 
been superseded by the more elaborately engraved design, 
giving the accepted likeness of the Prince, with his style and 
contrasted royal titles encompassing it in the Pehlvi character. 
The portrait, in this instance, presents a remarkable specimen 

1 This arrangement is shown to have been in immemorial acceptation in theTar 
East, hy numerous passages in the Shah N amah ; among the rest, when Eustam 
takes leave of his wife Tahmimah, the daughter of the king of Samangan, we are 



llohl. Paris edition, ii., p. 82. Macan. i. p. 336. 

The conclusion of this passage has been quaintly paraphrased by an early 
English translator in the following couplets : — 

“ This seal with care preserve, and if by Heaven 
To your caress a daughter may be given. 

Upon her hair you must this charm entwine 
As an auspicious star and happy sign. 

But if a son he bom, his arm armmd 
Let this insignium of his sire be bound.” 

— C. T. Eobertson, Calcutta, 1829, p. 18. 

So also, in the fatal single combat between father and son, in front of the 
hostile hosts of Iran and Turan, whose several nationalities each is supposed to 
represent — where the son fights with the fuU knowledge of the person of his 
adversary, but Eustam is ignorant that Sohrab is the offspring of his own deserted 
wife, — the latter in his dying moments reveals himself with the expression, “ Thy 
seal upon my arm behold.” 



of Oriental j^outhful beauty, of which I have vainly sought 
to obtain a thoroughly satisfactory representation, though 
the accompanying ■woodcut gives a very artistic rendering 

Head of Varahran, from the Devonshire Amethyst. 
[True size of the seal, 1-25 x 1'05 inches.) 

of the general details. The following is a fac-simile of the 
legend that surrounds the bust on the signet : ^ — 

Inscription No. 9. — Varahran, Kirm.In Shah, seal in use during the life- 
time of his Father, Sapor II., Zu’laktaf. 

Varahran, king of Kermhn, the son of Ormazd-worshipper, divine Shahpfir, 
king of kings of Iran and Anirhn, of celestial origin from God. 

' Numismatic Chronicle, N. S. vol. vi. p. 241. 



The second less perfect seal, to judge from the engraving 
of 1791,^ does a certain amount of justice to the profile of the 
Prince, who is there figured with a full and weU arranged 
beard and curled locks, while his Parthian helmet is adorned 
with the self-same device as is seen on the more valuable 
gem. The inscription, however, breaks off abruptly, though 
the introductory portion follows the arrangement of the lines 
of the legend above given, while the which follows 

in line after the , and the reduced size of the letters of the 
name of Varahrdn, sufiiciently establish that the first published 
design is not a mere vague copy of the more finished seal. 
The transcript in modern Persian rims — 

It seems, it must be confessed, a strange hazard that brings 
to us, from a far distant land, two if not three signets of a 
king who Kved nearly fifteen centuries ago. 

The authenticity of the portrait-seal of Varahran, employed 
while he was his father’s viceroy, in Kerman, is sufficiently 
attested by the legends on its surface. The signet we have 
now to deal with as clearly declares its associations, though 
in a less formal manner, inasmuch as the style of head-dress 
borne by the chief figure typifies the conventionally distin- 
guishing crown of Yarahran lY. as “ king of kings,” or after 
his accession to Imperial honors.® 

The seals of the deceased Sassanian princes were, without 
doubt, religiously preserved in the Jewel Treasuries of the 
family, who, as we have seen, were sufficiently jealous and 
punctilious in these matters ; so that nothing short of a total 
disruption of dynastic ties would be likely to have scattered 
abroad such cherished symbols of ancestral domination ; but 
precisely such an extreme convulsion took place some 250 years 

1 Tassie’s Gems (London, 1791), pi. xii. fig. 673, vol. i. p. 66. See also 
Ouseley’s “Medals and Gems’’ (London, 1801). 

* The date of this event is not very exactly determined, but it may be placed 
in 389 A.D., with a reign of ten years, extending to 399 a.d. Clinton, from 
Western sources, fixes Ms advent to the throne in 388 a.d. — Fasti Romam, 
p. 518. 



later, in the total conquest of Persia by the early Muham- 
madan Arabs, whose practice of dividing the spoil, on the 
one partji and their objection, then hut partially developed, 
to graven images, on the other, would equally conduce to the 
dispersion of the more or less correctly-appreciated valuables 
of this description.^ 

The gem in question, an engraving of 
which is given in the margin, has lately 
been brought to this country by General 
A. Cunningham, to whom I am indebted 
for my present knowledge of it, as well as 
for many recent obligations of the same 

The seal is sunk into a dark onyx, upon 
whose upper surface a milk-white film has 
been allowed to remain. It is stated to have been obtained 
from Rawal Pindi, in the Punjab. 

On the first cursory inspection of the device, a suggestion 
arose as to whether the standing figure might not represent the 
oft-recurring Sapor I. with the prostrate Valerian at his feet? 
But it was felt that, as a general rule, the coin portraiture of 
each Sassanian king had been intentionally reduced to a de- 
finite typical model in respect to the form of the crown, — 
which sufiices, even in these days, to determine, with almost 
invariable precision, the individual monarch to whom any 
given piece should be assigned, however obscure or defaced 
the descriptive legends may chance to be. 

Ardeshir Babegan, and more notably Sapor I., as we have 
seen, varied with the progress of their arms the forms and 
representative devices of their crowns ; but their successors 

1 After the battle of Kadesia, the spoils, after deducting one-fifth for the 
Khalif, were divided among the sixty thousand horsemen at the estimated rate of 
12,000 dinars each! — Price, Muhammadan Hist. i. 117, 120, 121. 

2 There are odd tales, alike, of the Conquerors, from the desert, offering gold for 
the better-known silver, and of their being unable to distinguish camphor from 
salt, etc. ; but in regard to the number of precious stones stored up and partially 
adapted to the purposes of Oriental display, there can he no question. The carpet 
of “ Cloth of Gold,” of 60 cubits square, had its pattern fashioned of jewels of the 
highest value. This was cut up into small pieces, “ one of which, of the size only 
of the palm of a man’s hand,” was afterwards sold for 20,000 dirhams; or, as 
others say, for the same number of dinars.” — See Price, 1 17, 121, 122, etc. 



necessarily exercised less licence in this respect, though the 
sculptured representations were not always bound by Mint 
laws. The first monarch who adopted, on the public money, 
the design of head-dress introduced by Sapor I. (as figured in 
page 62), was Yarahran II., at least to this particular one of 
the several kings of the name, are all coins distinguished by 
this style of head- gear, by common consent, attributed ; and 
to Yarahran lY. are assigned, by the equally arbitrary 
decisions of Numismatists, all those pieces that are marked 
by the subsidiary modification upon the earKer form ; com- 
prised in the introduction of the projecting front of the mural 
crown, in advance of the established eagle’s wings ; and it is 
this peculiarity alone that, in the present state of our know- 
ledge, determines the attribution of the seal to the last-named 
ruler. ^ 

The subordinate prostrate figure is evidently designed to 
represent a Roman warrior, but the semblance of the “ lau- 
reated” Yalerian of the sculptures is altogether abandoned; 
and though it may be freely admitted that the helmet, with 
the flowing plume, here depicted, is identical with the design 
adhered to in the leading Imperial mintages of his period,^ 
yet it must be remembered that there were many such western 
casques left behind in Persia, to serve as models for artistic 

' Some of the local historical authors pretend to give descriptions of each 
Sassanian king’s costume in succession, from a book of portraits, which was sup- 
posed to carry considerable authenticity. The following is Hamza’s account of 
Varahrhn the IV.’s dress and appointments: — “Vestis coerulea est, acu picta, 
braccse rubrae itemque picturatae, corona viridis inter tres apices et lunulam 
auream; stat, dextra manu hastam tenens, sinistra gladio innixus” (p. 39). The 
description of the crown in the original text is couched in the following terms : — 
1 — j . The i •• i I 
may possibly refer to the three projections of the mural crown Pinna 

arcis vel muri). The Persian version in the Mujmal-al-Tawarikh has .t ^ , 

(M. Quatrembre, in the Journal Asiatique, 1839.) The ^ has very much the 
air of the ordinary Persian ^ > which would so nearly accord with the Arabic 

in the parallel descriptive passages. 

^ Visconti. Icon. Rom. vol. iii. pi. 56, Nos. 10 and 13. See also Tresor de 
Numismatique Icon. Rom. Helmet of Gallienus (pi. lii. fig. 5), and his successors. 

VOL. in. — [new series.] 




reproductions, even if, in the interval, any general change in 
equipment of the Byzantine legions had been sufficiently 
obvious to reach Oriental perceptions. So that with the 
parallel divergences of forms and t}q)es, it will be preferable, 
under all circumstances, to assign this seal to the later epoch. 

The device of an Assyrian king in the act of slaying a lion 
was a favourite subject for royal signets in very early times,^ 
and the same symbol of power entered largely into the figura- 
tive sculptures of the Achaemenians at Persepolis, mutatis 
mutandis, amid the more civilized tendencies of the fourth 
century a.d. Varahran reproduces a similar idea, but replaces 
the lion by the type of the normal national adversary. There 
is no record, as far as can be ascertained, of Varahran having 
personally encountered the Romans after his accession,® but 
it is not impossible that he may have fleshed his maiden 
sword during the campaigns of his father. Sapor II., against 
Constantins, Julian, and Jovian, or on later chance occasions ; 
and hence may have adopted this emblematic device on his 
seal, as Sulla adhered to the gem which depicted his early 
success against Jugurtha.® 

I conclude this resume of the extant Sassanian inscriptions 
by a reference to two mural epigraphs at Persepolis, copied 
by Sir Wm. Ouseley in 1811,^ which, as far as I am aware 
of, have not been reproduced by any other traveller.^ The 
original writing does not seem to have afforded a very favour- 
able text, and the coarse and straggling lithographed copy 
inserted in “ Ouseley’s Travels,” is anything but encouraging 

1 Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, 154 ; Ker Porter, ii., pi. 54, etc. ; Flandin, iii., 
pis. 121 bis, 122, 123, etc ; G. Eawlinson, Ancient Monarchies, ii. 123; iii. 338. 

2 The treaty of peace with Rome was ratified in 384 a.d. 

* Pliny, xxxvii. 4; Plutarch in C. Marius, x; Valerius Maximus, viii. c. xiv. 
§ 4. 

* In the inner chamber of the Hall of Columns at Persepolis, among the 
various inscriptions in other characters, “ we also find two Palilavi inscriptions, 
which, though slightly cut, are sufficiently conspicuous ; yet no former traveller 
has, perhaps, taken the trouble of copying them. In plate xlii. both are given ; 
one containing twelve lines, the other eleven. While copying these inscriptions 
from the marble, I reduced each letter to about half of the original size. They 
record the names and titles of Sh&hphbr, Auhormizdi, and Varahran. Among 
all the ruins at Tukht-i-Jetnshid, I did not perceive any other specimen of Pahlavi 
writing.” — Vol. ii. p. 238. 

® Flandin adverts to them in general terms, but gives no copies. — Folio, texte, 

p. 1060. 



to the home decipherer. I have given a few broken specimens 
of the more legible portions, from which it would seem that the 
one inscription refers to Sapor II. and the other to Sapor III. 
The style of the associated inscriptions varies considerably, 
both in words and letters. Ho. xi. uses the / in Sapor’s 
name instead of the 2. introduces a “of,” be- 

tween the King’s name and his titles. The word 
occurs once if not twice in those portions of the text in 
which I have not as yet succeeded in tracing a running 
context sufficient to justify even a suggestive restoration. 

It will be noticed that the genealogy of Sapor III., as given 
in Ho. xii., differs from that recorded at Tak-i-Bustan : here 
he is represented as the great-grandson of Yarahran, while in 
the northern inscriptions (Hos. vdii. x.), where his own 
descent is carried up two generations, and extended in his 
father’s official pedigree to a common ancestor, the great 
grandfather would appear to have been Harses. But even 
supposing Sir W. Ouseley has not been hasty in his decipher- 
ment of the name of Yarahran, which, however, comes out 
clearly enough in his facsimile,^ it would always be preferable 
to accept the more proximate and immediate declaration of 
lineage from Harses, and to infer that the Southern annalists 
of later days were careless about remote descents. 

Inscription Xo. xi. Sapor II. Son of Hormazdas II. (Sir 'W. Ouseley 
Yol. ii. pi. xlii. B.) 

. . . la. . 










Insckiption No. xii. Sa.por III. Son of Sapor II. (Sir W. Ouseley, vol ii. 

pi. xlii. A.) 



^\ ^_Jj2Ssy^Jil . . . 10 

Inscription No. xiii. 

In order that I may not be supposed to have neglected 
any of the materials for the illustration of my subject, witbin 
reach, I devote a momentarj^ notice to the seven lines of com- 
paratively modern Peblvi that have been engraved upon the 
bas-relief (B)^ at Firozabad. The subject of this sculpture 
is one of the many repetitions of the investiture of Ardeshir 
Babegan by Ormazd, and in itself presents little worthy of 
comment beyond the greater simplicity of the garments of 
the persons represented, and the peculiarity that Ormazd’s 
baton is exchanged for a pointed saw-edged sword. Of the 
purport of the inscription, it may be as well to attempt 
to say nothing, as Flandin’s copy is more than usually 
illegible, a difficulty, perhaps, inherent in the more com- 
plicated writing. The letters, where decipherable, present 
undoubtedly modern forms of the normal types. The epigraph 
has been cut in the vacant space between the Divinity and 
the King, and reads upwards, perpendicularly, instead of 
horizontally, as in the established usage. We may conclude 
that the inscription has been added at a period considerably 
later than the first execution of the sculjiture, to record for 
posterity the interpretation put upon the tableau, while Pehlvi 
still continued the current language of the country. 

* Flandin, plate 44. 



The marginal engraving of a Carnelian Seal lately acquired 
by the British Museum (No. 12 f 3) is inserted for the pur- 
pose of illustrating the use of the 
word CSii (p. 40 ; Hyde, p. 358, 

“ Bilagh, quorum hoc ultimatum 
magis peculiariter Flammam no- 
tare videtur’ ’ ) . The woodcut has 
been executed in Germany, but 
it must be confessed that much 
of the strange presentation of 
the device is due to the conven- 
tional treatment of the original 
gem, rather than to the short- 
comings of the modem artist. 

The stone, moreover, has suffered from a fracture, which 
runs entirely across its surface, and is especially damaging 
to the forehead of the profile. The legend is as follows : 

:>S s 

Attestation of Shahpur^ Fire-priest of the Iranians'' 


The only word in this epigraph which presents any difficulty 
is the , which I suppose to be a Pehlvi modification from the 
Hebrew root 1^^, “ to return,” “ to say again and again,” hence 
“ to testify.” But looking to the unusual size of this and of 
the second seal here noticed, which may be supposed to in- 
dicate the exalted position of their owners, it might be pos- 
sible to interpret the original Pehlvi word by some indica- 
tion of acceptance, recognition, or confirmation of a compact. 

' The font of PehM here employed has lately been commissioned from Vienna, 
witli a view to render Mr. Austin’s Printing Establishment independent of the 
single case of Pehlvi type in this country, heretofore made use of in this essay, in 
regard to the loan of which some diflBculty has been created. It will he seen how 
very inadequately the former fulfils the duty of representing the ancient character, 
which is far more legible and exact in its powers of definition than the modern pro- 
duction which sufficed for the obscured knowledge of the Parsees of Bombay. Im- 

mediate steps win he taken for engraving discriminating letters for 2 , and ^ 
and likewise for marking the difference between 1 and i, which at present are 
both dependent upon the simple jj. 



or other graduated expression of sanction on the part of an 

Oriental superior, and thus to refer the to “ promis- 
sum” (from the Indian “promise, agree- 

ment.” Though the curtailed jj. — *11? “ a witness,” on the 
Paris gem, Xo. 1339, seems directly to support the former 
interpretation. On other occasions we meet with 
from “ to give” (Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, 1840, pi. i.). 

“truth,” occurs frequently; and ^ is 

seen on an unpublished gem of General Cunningham’s, as 
well as the more definite term of seal,” 

which appears on a signet with the device of a lion couchant 
and palm tree. On a second gem, with similar emblems, the 
opening word seems to be (ja-s p*^), “ truth, 

veracity.” Other doubtful readings may be cited in = 

from “ to do” (J.K.A.S. xiii., gem No. 12). 

(a; wzawMs), (Bibl. Imp., Paris, No. 1336). 

? (Maj, rn3- “redemption, ransom”), etc.* 
Before taking leave of the question of seals and their 
legends, I wish to supply an omission, and to explain why 
1 did not cite the inscription on the Himjmritic Cylinder Seal, 
described by Sir H. Bawlinson (at p. 234, J.R.A.S. i. N.S.), 
in confirmation of the parallel antiquity of the Ethiopian 
writing noticed at pp. 247, 248, of this Essay. My reason may 
be given in but few words. I am not satisfied that the 
Himyaritic legend was engraved simultaneously with the 
rest of the device ; indeed the more closely the design is 
examined the more it becomes evident that the deduce and 
the legend are the work of difierent artists, and unless it may 
be assumed that they were engraved contemporaneously, it 
would scarcely be safe to rely upon the device as determining 
even proximately the date of the writing. 

' See also J.R.A.S. vii. pi. 6, and Sir H. Rawlinson’s valuable paper on 
Bilingual Cuneiform and Phoenician readings, J.R.A.S. vol. i. N.S. p. 212. And 
likewise on the general subject of Sassanian Seals Dr. A. Mordtmann's “ Studien 
uber Geschnittene Steine mit Pehlewi-Inscbriften,” Zeitschrift, 1864. 




Art. X. — Account of an Embassy from Marocco to Spam in 
1690 and 1691. By the Hon. H. E. J. Stanley. 

[Read Jiily 1, 1867.] 

The following notes are taken from an account of his 
journey to Spain, written by an Ambassador of Yluley Ismail, 
a copy of which is preserved in a library at Lisbon : the MS. 
ends abruptly, and does not contain the author’s name. From 
the narrative it appears that the Ambassador came to treat of 
the exchange of prisoners, and to ask for some of the Arabic 
works preserved at the Escurial : he appears, however, to 
have imagined that these were remnants of the libraries of 
Cordoba, whereas they proceeded from the library of a former 
Emperor of Marocco, which was captured at sea whilst being 
transported from one port to another. The Ambassador was 
told that the books had been destroyed by the fire which took 
place about twenty years before in the Escurial, where, in 
fact, the greater part of the Sultan’s library was burned ; but 
about two thousand were saved, of which nothing was said to 
the Ambassador, and these form the actual collection of Arabic 
works preserved in the Escurial. M. Chenier, in his Histoire 
du Ylaroc (Paris, 1787), states that Yluley Ismail took L’Arrash 
from the Spaniards in 1689, and that the Spanish garrison of 
that place was exchanged at the rate of ten Yloors for each 
Christian : he also states that, in 1681, Hajy Themira, Gover- 
nor of Tetuan, and Cassem Menino, brother of the Governor 
of Sallee, went to Paris in the end of December as Ambas- 

VOL. III. — [XE-W SERIES.] 24 



sadors, so that it is possible one of these was also employed 
in this Embassy ten years later. It is evident from his nar- 
rative that he was a man of talent and observation, and he 
appears to have made a very favourable impression upon 
King Charles II. 

The Ambassador came in a Spanish vessel from Kasbah 
Afrag Ceuta to Gibraltar, and thence to 

Cadiz, where he was met by a large number of the Moorish 
captives, who were much cheered by his arrival and announce- 
ment of the Sultan’s intentions with regard to them. He also 
was informed in Cadiz, by a Christian priest in Constanti- 
nople, of the victory of Sultan Suleyman, who had recon- 
quered Belgrade, and that its walls were destroyed, and that 
the Sultan had already set twelve thousand workmen to re- 
store the walls. 

[The Turks laid siege to Belgrade on the 1st October, 1690, 
and exploded the magazine on the 8th, by which a thousand 
of the besieged were destroyed, and the besiegers entered the 
place. Mr. Stanhope writes from Madrid, December 6, 1690, 
“ The Marocco Ambassador landed at Cadiz the 23rd past, 
was received on the water-side by the Governor, and saluted 
with thirty pieces of cannon. He lodged there only that 
night, and went next day to Port St. Mary’s.” Lord Mahon’s 
Spain under Charles II.] 

From Cadiz the Ambassador went in a row-boat to Santa 
Maria, where he describes a large house, looking towards the 
sea, with the chief entrance door walled up, and this was the 
house in which lodged the Sultan and Sheikh, son of a Sultan, 
Ahmed Al-Dhahiby when he came to Spain; and 

no one lives in this house, for it is the custom of the Chris- 
tians to honour the house in which a king has dwelt, and 
they wall up the door, as they did at Madrid with a house in 
which Charles the Fifth lodged his captive, the French king. 
[At the present time it is a custom and a right to suspend 
chains over the entrance of a house in which a Sovereign has 
lodged.] Between Xeres de la frontera and Utrera the Am- 
bassador passed a night at a town called Alberijah : 

in this place some of the inhabitants gave him to understand 



by secret signs that they were descended from the Arabs of 
Spain, for they could not communicate except by secret dis- 
course. In TJtrera he says he saw the daughter of the Go- 
vernor and the daughter of the Judge, who were extremely 
beautiful ; and these two were of the blood of the last king of 
Granada, known amongst the Spaniards as el rey Chico. 
Here he relates that at Madrid he knew a Don Albeniz, a 
descendant of Musa, brother of the conquered king of Granada, 
and a relation of the two damsels of Utrera, who was one of the 
first knights in Spain, and much esteemed by the Christians, 
yet he had much inclination towards any of the Muslims whom 
he might meet, and related to them his genealogj^, and ad- 
mired what he heard from them of El Islam and its people ; 
and he told the Ambassador that when his mother was bear- 
ing him she had a desire to eat kuskusu, and that her father 
said to her, “ Perhaps the burden you are bearing is of the 
race of the Muslims.” In saying this he was joking, for they 
did not fear to make known their genealogy, and that they 
were of the king’s house. From Utrera he passed through 
March ena to Ecija, the beauty and elegance of which he 
praises very much, and quotes the following verses in praise 
of Wady Ash and Ecija from Ail!! the poetess 

I.A a 1 i ^ 

1 Al-Makkari says ske is also named Hamdunah, tke daughter of Zeyad : 

2 Al-Makkari, Leyden edition, ii. Tr. ^ jjjjJl Ibid. ^ \_^\ Ibid. 

® Ibid. 6 Another line is given by Al-Makkari : 

A b it] ,1^ 

Hamdah, the Andalusian : ^ 
^ S 



At Cordoba more of the Moorish prisoners of war came out 
to meet the Ambassador : he describes the great mosque, and 
the palace over against it, which then still existed. He says 
that the horses in the neighbourhood of Cordoba were the 
host in Spain, and that on that account the King had pro- 
hibited breeding mules from asses and mares under pain of 
imprisonment and confiscation, and that mules were bred in 
La IMancha. lie mentions a village called Alkaraby 
at fifteen miles distance from Cordoba, near the Guadal- 
quivir, and twenty-one miles from Andujar : this place seems 
to have disappeared. At Andujar he found the greater part 
of the inhabitants to be descendants of the Abenserrages, who 
had gone over to the Christians after some of that family had 
been put to death at Granada. He says that the highest 
dignity to which those of this race can attain is the right of 
wearing a cross upon the shoulder embroidered on their coats, 

1 added, not in the text. Al-Makkari. 

* The text of these lines appears not to be entirely correct. 



and that they fill the offices of clerks, ushers, the goTernment 
of small towns, and other offices of small importance. And 
in these districts there are a great many of them : some of 
them relate their lineage, others shun the mention of it, and 
fear it, and attribute their origin to the mountains of Navarra 
and boast of it ; and those of this race who hold an office, or 
are employed in collecting the revenue, do not fear relating 
their lineage. The Ambassador met a man in Madrid, whose 
name he had forgotten, in a coach with some ladies, old and 
young, who stopped and made many salutations, and he 
and the ladies were much pleased, and greatly welcomed the 
Ambassador, and on taking leave of him gave his name, and 
said we are of the race of the Muslims of the lineage of the 
sons of Al-Serraj ; and the Ambassador inquired about him 
afterwards, and learned that he was one of the Secretaries of 
the Council, and the one who read out the petitions and me- 
morials presented to the Council. There were also a number 
of Granadines who held employments in Granada and lived 
in Madrid, and came with Don Alveniz to see the Ambas- 
sador, and they attribute their origin to the Granadine Arabs. 
(And misery prevailed over them, and our refuge is with God.) 
And these people used to question about the faith and customs 
of El-Islam, and when they heard the Ambassador’s answers 
as to its faith and ordinances, they admired what they heard, 
and approved and gave thanks for it in the presence of the 
Christians, and were not ashamed on account of those that 
were present ; and they did not cease to come and see the 
Ambassador several times during his stay in Madrid, and to 
show him great marks of friendship and afiection, “ We pray 
the Most High to direct them into the right path and guide 
them to the true faith.” 

[This account is curious in conjunction with what the Am- 
bassador relates further on of the power and activity of the 

At Linares the Ambassador speaks of the lead mines and 
of a convent of women which he vi.sited by invitation : he 
gives a long account of the life of the nuns, and of the various 
motives for which they enter. His account is very fair, and 



lie refers to two other convents which he visited at Seville and 
Carmona. From Linares he passed through Torre Juan Ahad, 
whose inhabitants and their sing-insr he states were different 
from the other Spaniards, and compares them with the Berbers 
of the mountains of Alfahsiyah and stopped at 

Segalana at the foot of a mountain and off the road. 

Here he describes inns and the dangers of the road from 
brigands. One of these he met when returning from Madrid 

O O 

who lived at Cozera .... miles from Torre Juan Abad : 
the king had sent three hundred archers against him, and 
they took him, hut he escaped, and now he lives in Cozera 
without fear of anybody, only he wishes for a safe conduct 
from the King ; and he said to the Ambassador that if he 
were ready for the joiumey he would go with him to Muley 
Ismail to beg of him a letter to the King of Spain to ask for 
a safe conduct to give him tranquillity. The Ambassador then 
describes the administration of the post couriers, and mentions 
the arrival of letters from Madrid at San Lucar in three days. 
He next stopped at the Yenta San Andres, and mentions the 
fair held at four miles distance from that place [the fair of 
Almagro] ; from San Andres, through MembriHa to iManza- 
nares, and from there to Mora [six leagues from Toledo] ; be- 
tween these two towns he passed an enomious quantity of 
vines, but no other trees. From Mora he crossed the Tagus 
on a raft, leaving Toledo on one side, to Pintos a small 

village'; from there to Getafe ( six miles from Madrid, 

a large town, which formeily was larger untO. the Government 
came to Madrid, when it became deserted. [This vdlage is 
is now the first station on the railway south of Madrid.] At 
this place he was met by a grandee in one of the King’s coaches, 
named Count Carlos de Castilla, whose office it is to receive 
all who come from other kingdoms, for which he receives 
three thousand reals a year ; and he took the Ambassador 
with him in the coach after welcoming him in the King’s 
name. At a mile from Madrid many people came out in 
coaches and riding and walking to meet the Ambassador. 
They crossed the Manzanares, which the Ambassador says 
has a great deal of -vvater after the snow falls in the moun- 



tains : he mentions two bridges, one of these had lately been 
destroyed by a flood, and was then rebuilding, and the coaches 
passed over a wooden scafiblding. Within the town he was 
again met by Moorish prisoners of war, who rejoiced greatly 
at his arrival. He was conveyed to a house near the palace, 
disposed for the reception of those who come from distant 
countries and not of Christian nations, and they rest there 
three days, and look out for a residence if they intend re- 
maining in the capital^ So it happened to the Turk who 
came to Spain forty years before ; they believe that he was 
from Constantinople, but the truth is that he came on behalf 
of some seditious people who desired to disturb the kingdom 
of Constantinople. Also three years before this there arrived 
an envoy from Muskovia, which is a distant country in the 
parts about the Horth Pole, and he came to the Sovereign of 
Spain and begged in marriage from his mother (Dona Mariana 
of Austria), a daughter of a sister of hers who was in Ger- 
many, and the King of Muscovy desired to be married to her. 
And since her family did not desire that she should marry 
him, they entrusted her business to her aunt (the Queen 
mother of Spain), and got rid of the Ambassador to Spain. 
And this was the object of the arrival of the Muscovite embassy 
to this king, according to what they say here. 

[According to the historj^ of Russia of Ernst Hermann, 
tom. iv., p. 14, Hamburg, 1849, this Ambassador was the 
Kniaz FeodoroHtch Dolgorouky, who was envoy to France 
and Spain during the regency of the Arch-Duchess Sophia in 
the years 1682-1689. According to a Russian authoritv he 
was Prince James Fedorovitch, who went on an extraordinary 
embassy to Paris and Madrid in 1686 : he was removed from 
the Russian Court by the Regent Sophia, who feared in him 
too zealous an adherent of the young Tzar: and the real 
object of the Embassy was to seek the assistance of France 
and Spain against Turkey, but it was unsuccessful.] 

The Marocco Ambassador arrived at Madrid in the after- 

^ “ The French Ambassador has demanded to have bis Sospedage, that is, to be 
treated nine days in a house designed for that purpose at the King’s charge. 
This is a custom that has been many years antiquated here except with Turfe, 
Moors, and Muscovites.” Mr. Stanhope, Madrid, September 3, 1698. 



noon of Saturday, the 7th of Reby al Evvel, 1102 (equal to 
December 9, 1690) : twelve days later he was received in 
audience by the Kingd During that time the Count who 
had charge of him came to inquire what manner of salutation 
the Ambassador would use, since the king had not yet received 
any one of the religion of the Ambassador. And the Am- 
bassador gave him an account of the salutations used amongst 
^Muslims and of those used by them to others not of their 
religion, and that is to say, “ Peace be upon him who follows 
the Direction,” without adding anything to this. And the 
Count informed the King of it, and his Majesty declared his 
admiration of this salutation which was related to him, since 
he was not prepared for it, and he could not do otherwise 
than accept it. And the Count returned with a written pro- 
gramme of the reception. The next day the Ambassador 
went to the Palace, where he was received by the Mayordomo, 
and then by the Secretary of the Great Council and many 
Dukes and Counts : he then entered the presence chamber, 
and found the King standing, with a gold chain round his 
neck, and at his right hand a table embossed with gold, pre- 
pared in oi’der to place upon it the Sultan’s letter. [At the 
beginning of this century the King of Portugal still had a 
table at his side covered with a gold embroidered cloth at 
audiences to receive ambassadors.] And on the right of the 
table was a minister called the Condestable, and on his right 
the wife of the King, and her ladies and the daughters of the 
nobles, and on the left hand of the King the other ministers. 
When the Ambassador entered the King welcomed him and 
smiled, and expressed his satisfaction, and inquired about the 
Ambassador’s Sovereign, el Mansur b’lllahi, several times, and 
Avhen he mentioned him he took off the hat sombrero) 

which he had on his head, to respect and honour him. And 
the Ambassador replied that he was well, praise be to God, 

' Mr. Stanhope -wrote to the Earl of Nottingham, January 10, 1691 : “Our 
Marocco Ambassador is at last fallen to an envoy. I saw him go to audience, 
■where was an extraordinary concourse of people to see him, for the rarity of the 
thing and the oddness of the dress, as little known here as with us. His business 
is only to treat about the redemption of the prisoners taken at Earache. It is 
adjusted he is to have ten Moors a-piece for a hundred officers, and the common 
men to be exchanged man for man.” 



and presented his letter to the King, who took it, raised it to 
his forehead, and kissed it, and placed it on the table prepared 
for it ; after that he also raised what he had on his head. 
Then he asked the Ambassador after his own health and 
about his journey, and the Ambassador expressed his thanks 
for his treatment of him, and for the treatment which he had 
met with from the King’s officers. And the King was pleased 
and approved, and after the Ambassador had spoken, said, 
“ Thanks be to God for your health, and on another occasion 
we will return an answer to that which you have brought.” 
And the Ambassador withdrew, and those who were with the 
King came out also and took leave of the Ambassador. 

The Ambassador then mentions that Carlos II. was not of 
the ancient family of kings who warred with the Muslims, 
but of Flemish origin : he then relates the discovery of 
America and its conquest, and the riches acquired by Spain 
from those possessions, and says, “ So much so that pomp and 
luxurj" have prevailed over them, and none of their race can 
be foimd who carries on commerce, or travels to other coun- 
tries for that purpose, as is the custom of other Christian 
nations like the Flemings, and the English and French and 
Genoese and others. And in the same way this nation rejects 
all the despised employments which poor people follow, and 
esteems itself more excellent than any of the other nations of 
the Messiah. And the greater number of those who follow 
those employments which are despised in Spain are French- 
men, because their country is poor, and they have become 
very numerous in Spain for the sake of service and acquiring 
and heaping up property, which they are able to do in a short 
time.” The Ambassador then says that very many Spaniards 
desire to acquire dignities, and that these are not granted to 
persons in trade, though they may obtain them for their heirs. 
And dignity or greatness consists in a cross embroidered on 
the breast, and can only be obtained by those who are of 
ancient Christianity, and can count seven ancestors who have 
always professed Christianity, without suspicion of Judaism 
or of anything other than the faith of the Messiah. After 
establishing that, he may receive the order to wear a cross, 



and then he gives mone}’ to the people of the Council, and to 
the friars, who also give their license. The Ambassador then 
gives a short account of the royal family of Spain, beginning 
with Philip el Hermoso of Flanders : he speaks of Charles the 
Fifth’s expedition to Algiers, and of Don Sebastian of Por- 
tugaTs disaster at Alcazar Kehir in Marocco, where very few 
of his armj’- escaped. The Ambassador says, “The number 
of the Christians, according to what is knovTi amongst us, 
was eighty thousand ; and the Christians say that Don Se- 
bastian’s army was eighteen thousand ; that there were 
twelve thousand Portuguese and three thousand English ; 
they brought succour on account of the peace and treaty of 
friendship which existed between them ; and there were three 
thousand Spaniards whom Philip II. lent to the son of his 
sister ; and the truth as to the number is that which is estab- 
lished amongst the Muslims.” 

[A detailed account of this battle, 1578, was lately published 
in Portugal, and a French translation appeared in the Biblio- 
theque Universelle Suisse, tom. 17, Geneva, 1863, which men- 
tions an Italian and a German regiment, but no English.] 

The Ambassador says of the expulsion of the Moriscoes, 
that it was not possible to discover them all, on account of 
their being confounded with the rest of the inhabitants, and 
their having forgotten El Islam. He also says that, “ On 
account of the advice which the Minister (the Duke of Lerma) 
gave to the King to expel those who were expelled, who were 
Christians and had entered the Christian faith in such num- 
bers, the Spaniards accuse him (the Duke of Lerma) of 
Judaism, because his counsel was not in accordance with their 
religion in the matter of expelling this midtitude after they 
were reckoned as Christians. 

[Whether this opinion mentioned by the Ambassador were 
general or not in his time, it is certain that all those who 
wrote in favour of the expulsion quoted from the Jewish wars 
as freely as did the Puritans, and in that sense the charge of 
Judaism might be sustained against the Duke of Lerma and 
Fray Bleda.] 

The Ambassador continues : “As some of the Christians 



are accused of Judaism there is a tribunal in Madrid called 
the Council of the Inquisition he then describes it, and 
says that whilst he was at Madrid the Inquisition seized one 
of the favourites and ministers of the King and put him in 
prison at Toledo, and another man also employed in. the 
collection of the King’s rents, and the King could do nothing 
for them. 

The Ambassador gives a long account of the insurrection of 
Portugal and struggle against Spain in Philip the Fourth’s 
reign, and of the troubles caused by Don John of Austria and 
Don Fernando Valenzuela, the “Duende,” or Ghost of the 
Palace, in the be^inninw of the reim of Charles II. He 
describes the old Moorish Castle of Consuegra, which was 
then used as a state prison : [this castle is now in ruins, it is 
said to have been the last place held by the French in the 
war of Independence.] 

The Ambassador then returns to the subject of his embass}", 
and says that the Sultan’s letter was given to an Aleppo 
Christian to translate. And when it was translated, and the 
King read what it contained, and the request of the Sultan 
for five thousand volumes and five hundred captives, the royal 
consent became difficult and the King did not know how to 
meet this request, and he understood that this was the firm 
intention of the Sultan, and that he could not hesitate in the 
matter. So the King held a consultation with his councillors, 
and they were of opinion to listen favourably to the request 
of the Muley and Imam ; and they debated about it several 
days, and said that the Muslim books had been burned in a 
town in Spain, and that as the Sultan had in his letter left 
the option in case of the books not existing or being damaged 
of giving up a full thousand of the Muslim captives, 
they wished to omit a part of the thousand. And they did 
not find it possible to do this, and they could only end the 
business by conceding it ; and when the Sultan on his side 
accepted this, they set to work to seek for and collect the 
captives, during which time the King was very friendly to 
the Ambassador. 

The Ambassador saw all the great houses at Madrid and 



the King’s palaces and gardens : he describes skating on the 
water in the Retiro, and says this art was introduced by the 
Flemings. He says that mares in foal were brought to 
see the horse of the bronze equestrian statue of Philip IV. in 
the Retiro, and that a sound was made to come from the 
statue like neighing ; and the breed of the foal was supposed 
to be improved thereby, and that it was likely to become like 
the horse of that statue. He was invited to shoot in the Pardo, 
a permission which excited great surprise, since it had been 
asked for by the Ambassadors of France and Germany and 
had been refused to them. He then describes a great cere- 
mony in the Plaza Mayor ; this was for the canonisation of 
San Juan de Dios : here the Ambassador was placed in a seat 
in a gallery opposite to the King’s gallery, and treated with 
great kindness and consideration by the King. San J uan de 
Dios was the founder of many hospitals in Spain ; and the 
Ambassador gives the following description of many of 
fourteen hospitals of Madrid which he visited : “ In each of 
these hospitals there are magazines full each one of what 
belongs to it, oil, vinegar, remedies and potions, etc., and a 
kitchen ; and I have found in these flesh of sheep, of chickens, 
of rabbits, partridges, and of swine, and the rest of what is 
wanted for the sick. And when the doctor enters to visit 
the sick he feels his hand and informs himself of his state, 
and writes upon a tablet, and gives this tablet to the person 
charged with the sick, and he gives it to the oflicial of the 
kitchen, and they prepare for the sick man what the doctor 
has ordered. And I have seen in the hospital another build- 
ing, in which were the clothes of the sick. This is when the 
sick man enters the hospital, they take away all the clothes 
he wears and deposit them in the building disposed for this 
purpose, and they write on them upon a tablet, to recog- 
nise the clothes and their owner ; and clothe him with other 
garments prepared for the sick, and the property of the 
hospital endowment. They give him a bed, with a mattrass, 
pillow, and sheet, and every week they wash the clothes he 
wears and give him others. And if he rises up from his 
sickness they dress him in the clothes he brought with him, 



and lie goes his way ; and if lie dies they shroud him at the 
expense of the hospital, and take information of his family, 
and return to them the clothes which he left. And for each 
of these hospitals there is a doctor, who has a house appointed 
for him close to the hospital, and its rent is paid from the 
hospital endowment, and all the provisions of the doctor 
and of his assistants and their necessaries proceed from the 
endowment, so that they may he always present and not 
absent, and not occupied with the cares of their maintenance. 
And this order of monks dedicated to San Juan serve the sick 
more than any other men do, and they do so with faith and 
belief In truth, one of our friends fell sick when we were 
staying in the city of San Lucar, and this religious order used 
to visit us every day, and when they saw the sick man they 
begged our leave to carry him to their place to cure him and 
occupy themselves with his affair. And we did not permit 
it ; and they came again, and said, we love to do good, and 
do not believe you will prevent ns from doing it ; and they 
made great entreaty, but it was not granted to them in this 
case. And they did not cease to visit him until he was con- 
valescent. And men love them for their good faith, and for 
the goodness of their disposition, and their poverty and hu- 
mility : indeed, if they were in the straight path, thej’ would 
be the best of the race by their disposition ; and the greater 
number of them are poor. And God directs whom he pleases 
into the true' path.” 

The Ambassador then describes the Post-office and the lists 
for letters poste restante, and saj’s the pajunent for letters was 
their own weight in silver from beyond Spain ; and that a 
courrier came from Pome in February with a weight of 53 
arrobas of letters, upon which 13 cwt. and a quarter of silver 
was levied. The Ambassador then speaks of another inven- 
tion better than the Post-office for spreading news. “ There 
is a building containing moulds of letters under one man who 
for this gives a sum of money to the King, which is fixed at 
the beginning of each year ; and all the news that can be 
collected is put into the mould, and with that they print a 
thousand of papers and sell them at a very low price. And 



a man carries a great number of these papers, and cries them, 
and says. Who buys the news of such a country, and the news 
of such a country ? Then whoever wishes to inform himself 
about this buys one of these papers, and they call it Gazeta ; 
and by means of them a man acquires much news. Never- 
theless there is in them much exaggeration and falsehood, 
which is introduced by evil passions.” [Regularly published 
newspapers began in England in 1695 ; Macaulay, vol. iv. 602.] 
The Ambassador then mentions the death of the late Pope, 
and the long time that elapsed before a new one was named, 
and says a courier arrived from Rome with news of the 
election of the new one when he was at San Lucar on his 
return from Madrid, which fixes that date at the end of 
July, 1691, as this Pope (Innocent XII.) was elected July 
12, 1691 : he then describes minutely the mode of election. 
Speaking of the rights of the Dukes of Medina Celi 
[several of which still exist], he says these Dukes in 
saluting the King always said, “ We after your Majesty,” 
meaning that they held the succession after the King if 
he left no posterity ; and that nine years before, when he 
was minister, Charles II. having no children, this form of 
greeting vexed the King’s heart, and he begged of him to 
abandon and give it up, and not express the hope, “ You, and 
there is no posterity after you,” upon which the Duke left 
it off. The Ambassador mentions as present at Madrid the 
Nuncio, and Ambassadors from Germany and England, also 
from Portugal and Valencia: he speaks of the two latter as 
established and domiciled with their children and business. 
[The agents or deputies from Catalonia were till a late time 
called ambassadors.] The French Ambassador had gone away 
on accoimt of the general war. Here he states that some 
time before “ there was an English Ambassador who fell in 
love with a lady, and what he felt for her increased so much 
that he became a Christian and followed the religion of the 
people of the Cross, for the English nation do not adore the 
Cross ; and when the English had news of his having become 
a Christian, they changed him, and sent another in his stead ; 
and he remained in , Madrid, married. And the King gave 



him an office with which he might live, and. which might 
amount to twelve thousand reals each year ; but he lost all 
that he possessed in his own country, so that there was no 
covetousness in him in this business.” [This ambassador 
was Sir Wm. Godolphin ; see Lord Mahon’s Court of Charles 
II., pp. 90, 96.] 

The Ambassador then gives a very fair account of the 
causes of the war in Europe, of the French differences with 
the Duke of Savoy, with the Pope [Innocent XI. with respect 
to the Ambassadorial Asylums in Rome for thieves and 
assassins], of the demands of the German Emperor to 
France to break the truce with the Turks, and of the 
Augsburg League. This is how he describes the situation 
of England : “ When the King of the English died dur- 
ing the period of enmity between the Christians, he left no 
son to succeed him on the throne, and a brother of his suc- 
ceeded him named James. This James and his wife believed 
secretly in the Christian religion without anyone of their 
nation knowing it ; and wdien his brother died, and the dis- 
position of the government belonged to him, and he had no 
doubt as to the succession, and of entering upon the dignity 
of his brother, and they asked him to reign over them, he 
refused, and declined feignedly and with cunning ; and whilst 
they were discussing it, he said, I do not consent to what you 
ask of me unless you do according to my desire, which is not 
to your injury, and that is, that each one who loves his reli- 
gion may be able to follow it and they agreed to this, and 
consented, and set on him the crown and made him king. 
And he did not alarm them until he and his wife arose one 
morning wuth crosses hung round their necks, and they 
allowed the friars to be seen publicly who were with them, 
and they entered the churches and performed the prayers of 
the Christians. All those who were in the secret followed them, 
and those also who desired to conduct the people of their 
nation to follow their religion which the King had suddenly 
manifested. And when the English nation saw what had 
happened to them of the difference of the King’s religion and 
1 Declaration of Indulgence, AprR 4, 1687. 



theirs, and because he followed the religion of the people of 
the Cross, they feared that this would be an injury to their 
community, and that they would not be able to find a remedy 
for this business : and they protested against the King and 
his acts respecting religion ; and they assembled their council 
and made haste to kill him. When the King knew their 
intentions, he fled to the French King, he and his wife, and 
took refuge with him. And the French made haste to pro- 
tect and defend him, from their enmity to the English, and 
to spite them.i And they disputed about it, and there were 
words between them, and the rupture between them happened 
when the French King said. You are all as much my enemies 
as the other Christians, and expect war from me until I shall 
have restored the fugitive to his house and kingdom in spite 
of you. And when there happened to the English, what 
happened in the matter of the departure of their king, and of 
the war which was lighted up between them and the French, 
they took for their king the Prince of Orange, the adminis- 
trator of the Flemish nation, for these two wei’e following 
the same religion in the difference which exists between them 
and the people of the Cross,” etc. etc. 

The Ambassador speaks of the taking of Mons by Louis 
XIV., and says there were twelve thousand Spanish troops 
there. [Henry Martin says, “ The Governor of Mons gave 
up the place on the 8th April, and came out of it on the 10 th 
with four thousand eight hundred men. There ought to 
have been twelve thousand men, and the Governor had assured 
William III. that he had that number. King William was 
irritated when he knew he had been deceived, and wrote to 
complain of it to Charles II,” From the Marocco Ambassador’s 
statement it would appear that the Court of Madrid in general 
had been equally misled by the Governor of Mons.] The 
Ambassador goes on to relate the state of the war between 
France and Spain, and mentions two occurrences which I 
have not been able to find mentioned elsewhere. He says 

' The Parisians could talk of nothing hut what was passing in London. Na- 
tional and religious feeling impelled them to take the part of James,” etc. etc. 
Macaulay, vol. ii. p. 694. . 



that when the French bombarded Barcelona, the people of 
Barcelona rose up against all the Frenchmen living in their 
country, and expelled all the single men, and allowed to 
remain only those who were married : and “ when the French 
ships left Barcelona, they came before Alicante and levelled 
with bombs more than six hundred houses ; and the people of 
Alicante also laid hold of the Frenchmen who were amongst 
them, and killed them, for not one escaped. And they say 
that the number of those who were killed in Alicante was 
three thousand souls.” [Henry Martin says, “The French 
threw eight hundred shells into Barcelona and two thousand 
into Alicante (in July, 1691), these cities having refused to 
pay ransom : they thought to make Barcelona rise by bom- 
barding it ; they only succeeded in blotting out what might 
exist of the ancient sympathy of Barcelona for France.” tom 
xiv. p. 147.] 

The Ambassador then relates the state of affairs in Italy, 
and the movements of the Turkish and Tatar armies, and the 
conduct of Tekely in Hungary ; he describes the alliance of 
Louis XIV. with the Turk, but attributes it solely to the 
interests of French commerce in the Levant ; and he says 
[referring to the policy of Colbert], that in this reign men of 
commerce were for the first time taken into the councils of 
the French monarchy. When speaking of the probability of 
the succession to the throne of Spain going to the French royal 
family by inheritance through a female, he says that on 
account of that expectation the Spaniards were learning 
French and teaching it to their sons. He then again alludes 
to the slaughter of Frenchmen this year as likely to increase 
the enmity between the two nations. 

From Louis the Fourteenth’s disputes with the Pope the 
Ambassador goes back to explain the origin of Protestantism, 
and describes the fasts and Easter ceremonies : he gives a 
detailed account of the washing of the feet of thirteen poor 
people by the King and by the Queen and Queen-Mother, 
and of the dinner served to them before that by the King in 
the presence of the Nuncio and Archbishop : he presented to 
each poor man thirty dishes. The Ambassador saj^s the poor 

VOL. III. — [new series.] 




men carry away all the dinner in their vessels, and sell it in 
the streets to crowds of people, as they believe there is a bless- 
ing on this food.^ He then quotes the Gospel of St. John in 
explanation of this ceremony. In describing the processions 
he says, “ There are Christians who represent the crucified 
personally, and veil their face not to be recognised, but a 
servant of his or a friend follows him to take care that he 
does not faint by the way from the number of stripes he 
receives on his shoulders, and the blood runs down his legs.” 
He says that on Easter day a number of pieces of paper are 
scattered in the air, on which are printed pictures of Saints 
and the word Hallelujah in Hebrew letters : [this is the origin 
of the name Haleluia given in Spanish to a sort of doll on a 
stick, and to pictures with verses and mottoes.] 

After the description of the Easter ceremonies he gives an 
account of Rome, of his discussions with friars, and then an 
invective against some of their abuses. Apropos of these, he 
relates that “ a handsome woman at Seville came to see him 
with her mother and two sisters, and many Christians were 
present, and they began to talk of the friars and clergy. And 
the young woman said. He who trusts to the friars is accursed. 
And he asked her why she said this, and she answered, I 
know' them all, and have no need to give more explanations. 
The Ambassador w'as much surprised at her speaking in 
that way whilst some of the clergy were present, and con- 
sidering the great rank they hold amongst the Christians.” 
How'ever the Ambassador says, notwithstanding this, he had 
seen a great number of very good monks, especially an old 
man, the head of the church in the Escurial. [From the 
register of the Escurial this man would be Fray Pedro Reynoso, 
a Catcdratico, or Professor, who succeeded Fray Luis de 
San Pablo on the 5th December, 1690.] This leads to a 
description of the Escurial : speaking of the college there, 
and of the study of Latin, he says Latin is equivalent to the 
study of syntax amongst the Arabs. When the Ambassador 
was at the Escurial the damage done by the fire in 1671 had 
not yet been entirely repaired. 

1 This is still the practice at the present day. 



After this the Ambassador went to Aranjuez, where he took 
leave of the King, and was received by him and the Queen 
and a great number of ladies. The King gave him a letter 
for the Sultan, and charged him with presenting his saluta- 
tions to the Sultan, and with requesting from him his favour 
for the captives in Marocco, and expressed his readiness and 
desire to comply with any representations which the Sultan 
might make. The Ambassador, though in a hurry to return 
to his country, was persuaded to remain a day at Aranjuez, 
to go out shooting with one of the King’s confidants ; he then 
returned to Madrid, and left it for Marocco on the 1st of 
Ramazan (or the 29th of May, 1691), and journeyed to 
Toledo ; of this he gives a long description, and follows it 
with several passages from the history of the Arab conquest. 
[Some of these are taken from Ibn Adhary, others are con- 
tained in A1 Makkari, and some seem to come from works 
which are not at present known. The Ambassador’s narra- 
tive breaks off abruptly, after concluding with a defence of 
the character of Musa bin Nosayr. Some of these extracts of 
Arab history have been published in M. Dozy’s Recherches, 
and others in a memoir of Mr. Gayangos on the Chronicle 
of the Moor Rasis.] [The following passage is not, I think, 
so well known.] 

“Abdul Malik Ibn Habib said, and he attributes it to some 
of the Tabis who entered Spain, the Khalifs of Deny TJmeyah 
had disposed that when the produce of the taxes arrived, there 
should present themselves with it ten of the principal and 
best of the inhabitants of each place ; and neither dinar nor 
dirhem entered into the treasury of these taxes until the de- 
putation had sworn by God, there is no other deity but He, 
that there was not amongst that money any dinar or any 
dirhem which had been taken otherwise than lawfully, and 
that this money was only the produce of what had been given 
by the people of the country for their families and children. 
There arrived a deputation from Afrikiyah with its taxes in 
the last days of the Khalif Suleyman ; and when they were 
ordered to take the oath, eight of them swore, and two men 
abstained, these were Ismail bin Abid Allah, a client of the 


Beny Mahzum, and As-Samli bin Malik Khaulany. And 
Omer bin Abdul Aziz was surprised at what they bad done, 
and when be succeeded to tbe Califate, be drew tbem near to 
bim, and experienced in tbem good faitb and good conduct. 
And be set Ismail bin Abid AUab as governor over Afrikiyab, 
and As-Samb bin Malik as governor over Spain.” 

Two Turkish words, horjhaz, straits, and sanjah, a flag, are 
used in this MS., also which is not to be found in the 

dictionary, and is Magbriby for hillal, tbe crescent, or pinnacle 
of a mosque. There is also tbe word Ai UU which I have been 
unable to find the origin of, it must mean a sim-dial or clock. 


Art. XI . — The Poetry of Mohamed Rahadan, of Arragon. 
By the Hon. H. E. J. Stanley. 

The history of the Day of Judgment, and the canto of 
the death of the Prophet Muhammad, by Rahadan, were 
published in the preceding number of the Journal of the 
Asiatic Society. These two poems were received with much 
enthusiasm at Barcelona. With the exception of the history 
of Hexim and Abdulmutalib, none of Rabadan’s poetry has 
been before published. It may be as well to remind the 
reader that Rabadan wrote in 1603. The following notes 
are given here, as it would have been inconvenient to give 
them as foot notes. 

Como quieres encerrarme 
Eu este vaso asqueroso ? 

Compare with this expostulation of the soul of Adam the 
following passage from the Zohar : — 

“At the time when the Holy One, blessed be He, willed to create 
the universe, the universe was already present in His thoughts; 
then He formed also the souls which later were to belong to men, 
they were all before Him, exactly in the form which they were to 
have later in the human body. The Eternal looked at them one 
after the other, and saw several which would corrupt their ways in 
the world. When its time is come, each of these souls is summoned 
before the Eternal, who says to it : Go to such a part of the earth 
and animate such a body. The soul replies : 0 Lord of the universe 
I am happy in the world in which I am, and do not desire to leave 
it for another where I shall be subjected and exposed to all pollu- 
tions. Then the Holy One, blessed be He, answers : Erom the day 
on which thou wast created thou hadst no other destination than to 
go into the world whither I am sending thee. Seeing that it must 
obey, the soul with grief takes the road to earth and comes down 
amidst us.” — La Kahbale, p. 241, by Ad. Eranck. Paris, Hachette, 
1843, Rue Pierre Sarrasin, 17. B.M. 1363, d. 

Q,uen amor vienen a ser 
Tina came y una sangre. 

“ Our Prophet has declared to us the reason why the first man 



was composed of so many kinds of earth from such distant spots, 
since on this account knowledge of mankind is communicated to 
men, and by it men of all parts know one another, — those of the 
West recognise those of the East, and on only seeing one another 
they contract friendships, and through love are of the same flesh 
and blood.” 

This refers to the law laid down by Muhammad that all 
men are equal, and that there is no difference between the 
white and black or the red and yellow among the children 
of Adam. This declaration was proclaimed in the midst of a 
nation second to none in pride of birth and pride of race ; 
and this doctrine is that of interdependence, which modern 
philosophers are attempting to establish. Mr. Congreve 
writes ; — 

“Under whatever divisions man exists, — races, national aggregates, 
tribes, empires, states, families, all are but integral parts, prac- 
tically, of one whole ; branches of one great family, each with its 
proper functions; each able to minister to the welfare of the 
others and of the whole” (International Policy, p. 5). 

M. Renan also, whilst discrediting the Mosaic Revelation, 
insists on the necessity of clinging to the belief in one first 
man and a common origin of mankind, as necessary to all 
civilization and progress. 

Mr. Deutsch has been so kind as to give me the following 
extracts from the Talmud with respect to the unity of the 
human race : — 

‘■'•Man was created alone, to show you that he who destroys one 
human life destroys as it were the whole world . . . and further, 
that one man might not say to another; my father was greater 
than yours . . . and further, that every single human being might 
be equally entitled to say, the world has been created for my sake 
. . . and in order to destroy family pride. See now, since there is 
only one progenitor of our race, how they squabble about their 
lineage, what would they do if there were two ? Let them also 
remember that man was created last, that even the gnat may boast 
of a more ancient lineage. . . . [Adam was created from the dust 
gathered together from the whole earth.”] — (Talmud, Sanhedrin, 
37. a; 38. a.) 

It is, perhaps, from, this Rabbinical lesson that a Spanish 



story is derived of a black Marquis who was derisively asked 
about his genealogy, and who replied that he descended from 
the second Adam : on being reproached with his supposed 
ignorance, as there was no such person, he answered : then 
why inquire into my genealogy since we are both descended 
from a common ancestor. 

Era el pavo, y esto viendo. 

“ The Porter of Paradise excused himself, who, as the 
Ulema say, was the peacock.” See D’Herbelot — art. Adam, and 
Note at p. 175 of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar, 
Hakluyt Society, respecting the association of the peacock 
with Satan. This tradition is still current in Spain. Pavo 
is from the Paris MS., the London MS. has pago, an error, 
which Mr. Morgan has not attempted to translate. 

Debaxo sus paladares. 

One of the most remarkable of the frequent coincidences in 
sense and expression between Milton and Rabadan, is where 
they both represent Satan as entering the mouth of the 
serpent : — 

“in at his mouth 

The Devil enter’d, and his brute sense. 

In heart or head, possessing, soon inspir’d 
With act intelligential ; ” 

This coincidence is probably owing to a tradition followed by 
both poets, since it would have been more natural to represent 
Satan as taking the form of the serpent, and Milton twice 
refers to the transformation of Satan and his angels. — V. Book 
i., 423, and iii., 634. 

No relumbrante como antes. 

According to Rabbinical tradition, Adam’s stature was 
diminished after his fall. 

Con una vedriera clara. 

Mr. Morgan translates this line thus : “ This was covered 
with most clear and transparent glass,” and he puts a sarcastic 
note as to their having glass in those ages ; but the fact is 
vidriera is a very good equivalent for the word used in Grenesis 



vi. 16, which we translate window : tsohar signifies clear 

and bright, Symmachus translates it Si,a(})ave^, a transparency, 
and a Rabbinical commentary says it was made from a trans- 
parent stone brought by Noah from the river Pison. This 
tradition also is still current in Spain. 

Ya no habia mencion dellas. 

Here and elsewhere Rabadan uses the same words as in his 
description of the destruction of the world before the Judg- 
ment, and it is clear that he is drawing a parallel between 
the universal deluge and the end of the world. 

Este {Tareh) fue padre de Ezar. 

With regard to this, Mr. Morgan gives the following note : 
“It is generally concluded that Moses’ Tareh was the Azar 
of the Arabs, because, according to the Hebrew text of 
Genesis, that Patriarch was the son of Tareh ; for in all 
Mahometan histories, Abraham is called the son of Azar : 
yet it appears that the Arabs do not mean the same person 
by those two names, since Tareh is by them made Abra- 
ham’s grandfather. Had our chronologists, who have taken 
so much pains to reconcile the epochs of Abraham’s trans- 
migration, with the years of his age and the death of Tareh, 
been acquainted with this genealogy of the Arabians, perhaps 
they would not have needed to fly to a second transmigra- 
tion of the Patriarch, not mentioned in Scripture ; and they 
might easily solve all their difficulties by admitting of two 
Tarehs, one of whom, called also Azar, was father, and the 
other grandfather, to Abraham ; which is not repugnant to 

The next number of the Journal will contain the history of 
Abraham, and of the prophets in the line of Isaac. 





A ti, monarca divino, 

Eey de los ympirios Cielos, 

Senor de las potestades, 
Gobernador sempiterno ; 

Tii que los flacos sentidos 
En este suelo terreno 
Admites, y por lo poco 
Das cumplido y largo premio ; 

Tu que solo te contentas 
Con solos buenos deseos, 

Y aquellos premias y guardas, 

Si son limpios y perfetos, 

Pues nunca niegues la oreja 
A los que con limpio pecho 
Piden tu divino ausilio 
En sus apretados hechos, 

SocoiTe, Eey piadoso, 

Este miserable siervo 
Q,ue arrimado a tu bondad 
Se engolfa en un mar inquieto, 

Sin remos y sin entena, 

* El santisimo nombre de Allab invoco, 
3 Coxa, P. 

Eoto el mastil y el gobierno, 

Con sola la triste proa 
De su flaco entendimiento, 

Que rompe las fieras olas'^ 

El animo de su zelo ; 

Confiado que tu gracia 
Le de favorable viento, 

Con el qual sus cortas velas 
Arriven a salvo puerto, 

Donde su derota caxa^ 

Tu santo acontentamiento ; ‘ 

Y si tu no le socorres, 

Sera posible que en medio 
De su jornada se anegue, 

Sin valerle humane medio. 

Tu que la voz sonorosa 
Sacas de un troz de madero, 

Y la musiea suave 

De un mudo y tosco instrumento ; 
Tu que Races que resuenen 
Las piedras con roncos ecos, 

MS. de Paris. ® Ondas, P. 

* Acompanamiento. 



Y que retumbe y de vozes 
Un vaso de cobre y hierro, 
Concedeme, Key piadoso, 
Ayiida, favor y esfuerzo, 

Y aliento con que retumbe 
Mi voz y baxos acentos, 

Con que pueda acoseguir 
El fin de mi sano intento, 

Que a tu divina bondad 
Va dedicado y sujeto. 

“ Y tii mensajero, a quien 
En suerte eupo ser lego, 

En cuya lengua estampado 
Eue el camino verdadero ; 
lutercedeme favor, 

Pues en loor tuyo, pienso 
Contar lo que mi rudeza 
Me concede, y pobre engenio, 
De tu linaje escogido, 

De aquellos que posieron 
Aquella luz relumbrante, 

Que antes de fraguar los Cielos, 
Grid el Senor poderoso 
Para tu propicio herencio ; 

Dire do tomo principio, 

Y quienes y quantos fueron 
Los varones seiialados 

Que esta insignia merecieron, 
Pasando de padre en hijo 
Desde aquel Padre primero 
Sin cortar cl claro hilo 
Hasta llegar a su puesto ; 

Que fue su preciosa f rente 
Criada para este efecto. 

Dird los hechos notables 
Destos justos mensajeros 
Que llevaron esta luz ; 

Lo que en su defensa hicieron, 

Y la misteriosa gracia' 

Que el Senor bizo por ellos, 

Por honrra de la ventaja* 

De su patron y heredero. 

Y a ti lector muzlim 

A cuyo poder mis versos 
Llegaren, ruego que supla 
Mis faltas y torpes yerros 

Tu grande benevolencia, 

A cuyo honor los ofrezco ; 

Y advierte lector prudente, 

Que son 16s gustos diversos : 
Que de lo que uno aborrece, ) 3 
Otro recibe contento ; ) 

Unos gustan de la prosa 

A otros les agrada el metro, 
Que ya Dios ansi lo quiso, 
Segun las vueltas del tiempo. 
Muchas autores han sido 
Los que hablaron y dixeron^ 

De los profeticos triunfos, 
Historias de grande ejemplo; 
De do quedaron sus nombres 
Ilustrados y laurentos ; 

Asi de los que alloharon® 

Como los que lo hicieron ; 

Que si no las escribieran 
Es averiguado y cierto 
Que tales hechos quedaron 
En perdurable silencio ; 

Ni la jente se exemplara® 

Con tales acaecimientos 
Ni se les diera la palma'' 

A los que hicieran los hechos ; 

Y ansi por esta razon 

Se debe dar tanto premio 
A1 que saca a luz la historia, 
Como al patron de ella mesmo. 
Pero al que acertd a estampalla 
En termino tan moderno 
Que en musica se cantase 
Con dulce y sabrosa acento ; 
Este merecio mas gloria 
Por que hizd mas, supuesto 
Que dio mas fuerza a la fama, 

Y al mundo mayor contento. 
Pues como sea verdad 

Que el testimonio mas cierto, 
Que dan el cuerpo y el alma 
De su grande ajuntamiento, 

Es la voz que entre los dos 
Concuerdan y dan al viento ; 

Y el que hace que sonore 
La voz con dulce resueno 

1 T las mercedes y gracias, P. ^ Yvantalla, P. ® Variante en la margen. 
‘ Escribieron, P. ® De luh tabla, poner por escrito en una tabla. 

® Ejemplarse por -tomar ejemplo. ’ Fama, P. 



Es el verso que nos mnestra 
Lo cumplido de talento ; 

Por el qual muclios han sido 
Puestos en celebre asiento, 

Como el hijo de Hamema, 

Bilel, el gran pregonero 
Que su voz le puso en trono 
De ser unico en el suelo ; 

Pues los versos que cantaba 
De solamente ser buenos/ 
Mereceran ser cantados 
En aquel descanso etemo. 

En verso salio cantando 
Omar, aquel gran guerrero, 
Qtiando a pubHcar su dim* 

Salio con el mensajero. 

David cantando espelia 
Los axaitanes* perversos 
Del cuerpo del Key Saul, 

Con su divino instrumento ; 

T todas quantas pigramas 
Que hizo en reconocimiento 
De sus conocidas culpas 
Canticos sagrados fueron. 

Los tazbihes* y loaciones, 

Sus altos entonamientos, 

Todos son cantos gloriosos 
Que dan los coros angelicos. 

Es el verso reclamante 
Que aviva el entendimiento, 
Incita a que con mas gusto® 

La memoria renovemos, 

Y es bien que los hecbos raros 
En general los cantemos ; 

Por que siempre su acordanza 
Yos exorta con su exemplo; 

T aunque estos versos no puedan 
Ser del niimero de aquellos 
Que con acendrada pluma 
Sus nombres engrandecieron, 

Por ser mi caudal tan pobre ; 

X lo menos, estoy cierto 
Que la materia que sigo 

Servira de contrapeso, 

Para que en mi flaqueza 
Tenga a hacer un buen medio. 
De modo que se concuerde 
Con mi voluntad y zelo, 

Ques de acertar a servir® 

Al' fin de este gran misterio 
Que ensenorea® todo el mundo : 
Tanta obligacion tenemos, 

T aunque, como ten go dicbo, 
Es bien que nos aeordemos 
De todos los annabies 
Por el muy grande provecbo, 
Que de sus becbos saquemos 
Para gobierno del cuerpo 
T descanso a nuestras almas 
En las alturas del cielo ; 

Yada tanto nos avisa 
Como el honrrado alcoram, 

Que manda por su decreto 
X todo buen muzlim, 

Ensena lo que en derecho 
De nuestra verdad entienda, 
Amonestando y dieiendo 
Con palabra 6 alcalam, 

El camino y fundamento 
De nuestra divina ley 
Ques lalizalem® perfeto. 

Esto nos manda, y apreta, 

Que todos nos esforzemos, 
Como mejor lo entendamos, 
Siquiera en prosa 6 en verso, 

T como mas nos parezca 
Que nuestro dim enxalzemos, 
Ensancbando su creencia ; 

T que si no lo bacemos, 

Yos denegara su gracia,*® 
Dandonos pena y tormento. 

Y por sacudir de mi 
Este debido preeepto, 

Y no quedar con conduelma 
De lo que mi entendimiento 
Con su flaqueza me incita, 

1 En su clamante pregueno, MS. Paris. ® Ley, P. 

* ' l Shaitan es el mesmo qne Satan, por los axaitanes el antor entiende 

los demonios. * alabanzas. 

® T hace qne con mas juicio, P. 


® Escrivir, P. " El, P. ® A ensenarlo h. 

10 Arahma, P. 

® El Islam. 



Determine de ponerlo 
En materia tan subida, 

Indigna de mis conceptos, 

Ques semejante a la hormiga 
Con un terrible camello, 

O' como el flaco gusano 
Con un Elefante grueso. 

Mas basta a mi consolar 
Ver que un pecho limpio y bueno 
Muchas vezes acabe 
Mil imposibles apretos, 

Como Noe con el agua, 

Como Brabim con el fuego, 

Como Daniel con las fieras, 

Y Judit con Holoferno, 

Que solo su pura fe 

Los libro destos estrecbos, 

Y los hizo venerados 

En la tierra y en el Cielo. 

Esta misma confianza 
Me da animo y esfuerzo, 

Que he de salir victorioso 
Por* el poderio inmenso ; 

Y como Allah dio lugar^ 

Que los Moros de este reyno® 
Con tantas persecuciones 
Sean pugnidos y presos, 

Las cosas de nuestro dim ^ 

Han venido a tanto estrecho,® 
Que ya no se administraba 
En publico ni en secreto. 

Ya el azala se olvidaba 
Ni se hacia caudal dello 

Y si se hacia, era poco, 
Denunciado y sin respeto ; 

El ayuno interrompian® 

Mai guardado y descompuesto, 
El azaque’ sepultado, 

Las alfitras® y sus diezmos ; 

Y el nombramiento de Allah, 
Con el de su mensagero, 

Ya casi no se nombraban 

Por sus nombres los perfectos ; 
Por que siendo baptizados 
A fuerza, con tantos miedos, 
Perdiendo los alquitebes,® 

No quedando rastro de ellos, 
Los alimes acabados, 

Quales muertos, quales presos, 
La Inquisicion desplegada 
Con grandes fuerzas y apremios, 
Haciendo con gran rigor 
Cruezas y desafueros, 

Que casi por todas partes 
Hacia temblar el suelo ; 

Aqui prenden, y alii prenden 
A los baptizados nuevos. 
Cargandoles cada dia 
Galeras, tormento y fuego 
Con otras adversaciones 
Que a solo Allah es el secreto. 
Pues entre tantos trabajos 
E' intolerables tormentos 
Que hasta hoy han caullebado, 
Setenta y seis ahos ciertos, 

Y siempre con mas rigor 
Que en su principio primero,'® 
Que luz se podra tener 

Del adim y su cimiento ? 

Si en el servicio de Allah 
Anda turbio y perplexo,” 

De cosas tan encubiertas 
No es mucho que esten agenos, 
Tuviendo tantos contrarios ; 

Y nuestro mayor adverso,'* ■ 
El mundo que siempre incita 
A que nos desacordemos 

De este soberano bien, 

Con sus deleites y enrredos.’® 
Esto es lo que me ha movido 
(Este me dio atrevimiento)'* 

A emprender este compendio'® 
Con tan pequeho talento, 

Y a declarar el origen 

* Con, P. 2 J'^e servido, P. s Eeynos, P. * Adim, P. 

® Estremo, P. ® Interrumpido, P. ’ limosna. 

lu fiesta despues del ayuno. ® t ^ ibC'l los libros, 

10 Va su corriente siguiendo, P. n Andan tibios y perplexos, P. 

12 Y el mas enemigo nuestro, P. i® Con sus deleytosos (jenos, P. 

11 Del MS. de Paris. i® Tan gran jornada, P. 



El manantio y sonuelo 
De do nuestro santo dim 
Tomo el principio primero ; 
Para que los muzlimes 
Eeciban este contento 
De ver las grandas mercedes 
Q,ue el Senor hizo por ellos, 
En guiarnos a una ley, 

K un camino tan derecho 
Que sale del Paraiso 
T vuelve a su nacimiento. 

Eeciban esta instancia* 

Los muzlimes discretes, 

Al quien remito la enmienda 
De mis faltas y defectos ; 
y su divina bondad 
Alumbre mi pensamiento 
Con la lumbre de su gracia, 
Para que acierte a ponerlo 
En el punto que conviene 
K lo que tengo propuesto. 

Comienza la Historia primera del discurso de la Luz de Muhamad 
Salam ; trata el origen de la luz, la fundacion del mundo, el bale- 
camiento de Edam, la destronacion de Luzbel, y cayda de nuestros 
primeros padres, con lo que fue de su destierro y prevaricanza : y 
pasa la Yarouia de la luz basta Nob alebisalem. Contiene esta 
Historia dos cantosA 

Antes que fuese formado® 

Edam, nuestro primer Padre, 
Antes de fraguar los Cielos, 

Y antes que el mundo formase,* 
Cuenta Melique en su dicbo 

Y en su consorcio de nabues® 

Un caso muy singular 

Y un secreto memorable, 

Que bizo el Eey de los Cielos® 
En favor de los mortales, 

Por donde nos enseiio 
Aquel amor entraiiable, 

Que nuestra balecacion'' 

Quiso Allab conmunicarle ; 
y fue que mando a Cbebril 
Que con su mano guiase 
El alcalam y escriptura,® 

Una carta de bomenaje, 

En la qual quedo estampada 
Su n’omesa y delitaje, 

Q'/U( en este universal siglo 
Qbffia que se bumanase 
El ieebo de sus criaturas, 

Sus -obras, tiempos y edades : 

El plazo de su vivir. 

Y el premio que babia de darle. 
Pues como ya fuese escrita, 
Dixo Cbebril ! “ que te place, 
Senor, que ya tu al-calam 

No quiere andar adelante,” 
Tomo entonces la carta® 

Y primero que doblarla. 

La sello con su Eeal juro*® 

Que es su promesa fincante ; 
Mando a Cbebril que fuese 
Con ella y que rodease 
Los signos altos y baxos, 

A1 fin de que no quedase 
Tronacion ni potestad 

Que todos no le azaxdasen ; 

Y fue tan llena de gracia 
Que todas las potestades^^ 

Le bicieron gran reverencia, 

Y prestaron bomenaje. 

Dixo Cbebril ! 6 Senor ! 

“ Ya bice lo que mandaste, 
Mira que mandas’® que baga.” 
Dixo el Seiior : “ toma y parte 
Ese cristal, y esa carta 
Pon dentro, y vuelve a cerralle, 

1 Intencion (Paris). 

2 Canto primero en el qual cuenta la criazon y formacion del mundo hasta la 

caida de nuestros primeros padres con todo lo que fue de su prevaricanza. MS. 
Londres. 3 Criado, P. * Formarse, P. 

5 Naubes, MS. Londres, retor, gramMico, de ® Seiior Piadoso, P. 

’ Creacion. Que k nuestra bumana nacion, P. ® Escriviese, P. 

® Tomo Allab la carta entonces, P. Sello, P. 

Los almalaques. jq^s quies, P. 



Que este es homenaje mio 
Seguro e incontrastable.” 

Dice A1 Hasan a este case : 

“ Quando acabo de cerraiie, 

El cristal lanzo de si 
Una voz tan traspasante 
Que Chebril quedo atajado 
Yiendo misterio tan grande; 
Que aunque quisiera decir 
De esta luz alguna parte, 

Ho basto su actividad 
Para poder semblanzarle.” 

De aqui puedes colegir 
Como nuestro delitaje 
Excedera en mayor gracia 
A' todos los almalaques, 

Por que esta luz del cristal 
Mas de dos mil aiios antes 
Que el Senor formase a Edam 
Quiso en la carta estampalle : 
Donde estuvo detenida' 

Para que Edam la gozase 

Y toda su varonia, 

Y” hasta llegar a entregalle 
En la frente de Mubamad, 
Como se dira adelante. 

Pues quando Allah fue servido^ 
Que el primer hombre tomase 
El habito de este mundo 

Y en el viviese y morase, 

Sin tener ningun acuerdo 
Previno a sus potestades 
Aparejar® un alarx 
Entre todos los alarxes ; 

Quiso decir un lugar, 

Una fabrica, una parte, 

Un mundo donde estuviesen 
Las criaturas que criase. 
Obedeciendo el mandado 
Hiziendo* los Almalaques, 

Un mundo negro y escuro. 

Sin luz que lo aclarease : 

De lo qual se admiran mucho, 
Como el secrcto no saben ; 

Y vueltos a su Seiior, 

Dicen con Tozes suaves : 

“ O' Seiior de los secretos ! 

1 Detuvida, P. * Placiente, P. 
* Fixos. ® Quieres criar, P. 

Que cosa tan admirable 
Es esta ? por aventura 
Somos nosotros causantes 
■ De alguna desobidencia. 

Esta ha de servir de carcel, 

Que tan obscuras tinieblas 
Ho sabemos quien las cause?” 
Dixo Allah, “no hay en vosotros 
Desobidencias formales ; 

Mas formare halecados 
De especies tan singulares, 

Que haran ante mi obidencia, 
Desobidencias muy grandes.” 
“Ho nos hagas comarcanos 
De esos siervos desleales. 

Ho nos ajuntes con ellos, 
Dixeron los almalaques. 

Pare que Senor los quieres, 

Pues a nosotros criaste 
Para tu santo- servicio, 

Y ellos no te satisfacen ? 
Hosotros te serviremos, 

Siendo fitos® azaxdantes 

Y haremos y desharemos 
Quanto tu grandeza mande : 

Y esos que quies halecar® 

Como podran azaxdarte 
Entre estas fieras tinieblas, 

Y grandes escuredades ?” 

Dixo Allah, “de vuestro alarxe 
Saldra luz que los aclare 

Y los alumbre y de guia 
A su menester tan grande 

Y quiero que en vosotros haya 
La holganza perdurable, 
Descansos y contemplanzas, 

Sin que trabajo os alcanze : 

Sobre los que agora formo 
Contemplanzas y pesares, 
Descansos y pesadumbres 
Dulce, amargo, agrio, suave 
Calor, frio, sed, cansancio, • 
Con otras calamidades, 

A lo que estaran sujetos 
Mientras vida sustentaren; 

Pero tendran tal franquia 
En sus hechos munerables,® 

® Que aparexen, P. * Hicieron, P. 

’ Bastante, P. ® Variables, P. 



Que haran absolutamente 
A. sus libres voluntades, 

Sin haber quien su designio 
Les estorbe ni contraste 
Sobre ellos pondre preceptos 
Que me conozcan y acaten, 

Con otros devedamientos 
T estos mantengan y guarden 
Por mi divino servicio 
Pasibles y vadeables, 

Conformes al sufrimiento 
De lo que puedan guardarse ; 
Tendran tal conocimiento 
De mi poder inefable, 

Que para observar^ aquellos 
Preceptos que yo les mande, 

De su® razon haran otros, 

Que no menos iraportantes 
Seran ante mi obediencia 
Que lo que yo les encargue : ‘ 

T los que con pura fe 
Estos mis preceptos guarden 
!No habra en merecimiento 
Tronacion que les iguale. 
Vosotros sereis sus guardas, 

Que ninguno me les dane f 

Y en resguarda de sus obras, 

Y de quantos sus percases® 
Merezcan 6 desmerezcan 
Habreis de ser testiguantes, 

Por que ante mi justicia 
Cuenta estrechahabran de darme.' 
Los almalaques que oyeron 
Secretes tan admirables, 
Volvieron a sus tazbibes, 

Sin mas razon replicarle. 

Crio pues, Allah este mundo, 

A una bola semejante, 

Pedonda por que tuviese 
Todos los cabos iguales. 

Haleco los siete eielos 

Y pusolos tan instantes'' 

De su® alarx, que no pudiese 

Por ningun cabo allegarse. 
Formo Allah naturaleza 
A semejanza de madre, 

Que criase en ancho y largo 
Todas las cosas iguales ;® 

Y por que no produciese 
Cosas muy estravalgantes,^® 

Le push limite y tasa 
Para que de alii no pase. 

Hizo planetas, hizo signos 

Y mando a los almalaques, 

Que el Cielo y sus moviihientos 
Eijesen y gobernasen. 

Crio la noche y el dia 
En un ser tan concertante 
Que se partiesen las boras 

Y crecientes y menguantes.’® 
Crio’® Allah, el sol y la Luna 

Y les mando que alumbrasen, 
La Luna, en la escura noche ; 

Y el sol, el dia alumbrase ; 
Hizo el oriente y poniente, 

Que son muros y seiiales 
De la luz y las tinieblas, 

Que las dividen y parten : 

Dio a la Luna conjunciones, 
Sus crecientes y menguantes 
Que son mesura del tiempo 
En doce partes iguales. 

El Cielo adorno de estrellas, 
Por donde los navegantes 
Supiesen de la ancha tierra 
Sus ascondidos lugares. 

Crio los quatro elementos 
De especies tan separantes, 

Que aunque se junten en uno 
Disformes efectos hacen. 

Al fuego mando que ardiese, 
Que hirviese y calentase ; 

A la tierra dio las plantas, 

Al aire entrego las aves ; 

El’® agua mando a los peces, 

Y todos los manantiales, 

Los estorben ni contrasten. 

’ Sin saber que su disignio 
— V. Milton, lib. iii., 100-134. 

2 Ausentar, MS. de Londres. s Fuera, MS. de Londres. 

♦ V. Milton, lib. iii., linea 194-197. ® V. Milton, lib. ix., linea 156. 

® Percances, P. ’ Distantes, P. « Deste, P. s Mortales, P. 

Estravagales, MS. Paris. ” Concordante, P. Y creciesen y menguasen, P. 
Haleco, P, Aclarase, P. Al. 



Con que todas las naciones' 
Nascan, crien, broten, granen. 
Crio el frigido Invierno, 

Y el Verano deleitable, 

La Primavera templada, 

El Otono sazonante. 

Aparto el calor del yelo ; 

Alando al aire que soplase 
Amorosa y blandamente ; 

Al fuego temple y ablande 
Su calor, por que no queme 
Mas de lo que se le mande : 
Mando a las mares y rios 
Su cavernal fruto saquen, 

De suerte que pudiesen ser 
A' esconderse ni encorbarse f 

Y todo lo sobredicho, 

Con otros muchos millares, 

De milagrosos misterios, 

Que en mi sentido no caben. 
Todo lo hizo en seis dias 
Allah, el poderoso y grande, 

Y despues de todo hecho, 

Se igualo sobre su alarxe, 
Enfermoseo este mundo 
Con deleites agradables, 

Todo dedicado al hombre. 

Tome, dexe, rede y mande. 

Crio el alchana viciosa, 

De gloria tan abundante, 

Para dar premia a los suyos® 

Que sus mandamientos guarden; 
Crio la escura chabana, 

De los condenados carcel ; 
Aquellos que sus preceptos 
LTeguen, su ley, y contrasten.^ 
Lalcbana sobre los cielos 
Alla quiso edificarle, 

Chabanama a los abismos 
Tenebrosa y espantable. 

Esto hecho y puesto en orden, 
Mando Allah a sus almalaques, 
Diciendo, “ qual de vosotros 
Sera M que a la tierra baxe, 

Y suba un pufiado della?” 

Plies en aquel mismo instante, 
Cubriendo^ toda la tierra 
Tantos millares de azafes ; 

Y al tiempo de hacer las pruebas, 
Einguno oso franquearse 

A' tomar de ella, diciendo : 

“ Quien ha de poner delante 
De un sehor tan soberano, 

Y una luz tan traspasante, 

Cosa tan rustica y fea, 

Tan hediente y de mal taUe ? ” 

Y ansi se volvieron todos, 
Determinando dexarle : 

Otros, pasaron® tras destos ; 

Y otros, despues sin pararse, 

Y ninguno se atrevio 
A subirlo, ni tocarle ; 

Hasta que despues baxo 

De entre todos solo un angel, 
Que Azarayel se llamaba, 

De grandeza incomparable. 

Este baxo, y asio della, 

Lo que Allah quiso tomase, 
Comprendiendo en un punado 
Del mundo las quatro partes : 

El Austruo y el Setentrion, 

El Poniente y el Levante, 

De donde los quatro lados 
El hombre se fabricase. 

Dixo Allah a Azarayel, 

Viendo que en aquel viaje 
Se aventajo mas que’ todos, 
Mirandolo a su semblante : 

“ Tu seras la misma muerte 

Y el que los arrohes saques.” 

Y por esto le llamamos 
Azarayel malac al mauti.® 

Mando Allah tomar la tierra, 

Y la taharen® y banen 
En los arroyos y fuentes 
Que en el alchana se hallen.’® 
Dice Alhasan que fue puesta 
Tan clara y tan relumbrante, 

Que rayos de luz lanzaba 
Mas que el sol clarificante; 

’ Naciencias, P. * De suerte que no pudiesen. Esconderse ni encobarse, P. 
3 Buenos, P. * Nieguen, y se los contrasten, P. * Cubieron, P. 

® Baxaron, P. ’ Sobre, P. 

8 Por nombre malac al maute, P. Azarael, angel de la muerte. ® Laven, P. 
w Hacen, P. V. Milton, lib.vii., linea 535, siguiendo a Genesis ii. 8. 



Luego Allah mando a Chebril 
Tome la tierra, y traspase 
Con ella todos los cielos, 

Las tierras, centros y mares, 

Por que todos los vivientes 
Le vean honrren y acaten. 
Quando los angeles vieron 
Misteiio tan sobelante,^ 

T aquella piedra tan bella, 
Dicen, Seilor, si te place 
Azaxdaremos a ella 
En tu nombre el alto y grande. 
Dijo Allah : “yo soy contento 
Que le adoreis, adoralde.” 

Y en aquel punto bnmillaron 
Sus clarificadas fazes. 

Solo Luzbel se detuvo, 

Sin querer reverenciarle, 
Engrandeciendo su becbura 
Con la soberbia arrogante. 

Dixo Allah: “azaxdad a edam!’ 

Y alia que quiso abajarse,^ 

Se detuvo en las rodillas 

Y de alii volvio a endrezarse. 
Los almalaques que vieron® 
Segunda vez a inclinarse, 

Por cumplir lo que falto 

El que no quiso abajarse 

Y esta es la razon por donde 
En todos los azalaes, 

En cada arraca® bacemos 
Los zacbedas consonantes.® 
Lixo entonces Allah : 

“ Por que no quies azaxdarte 
A la piedra que crie’ 

Como los demas lo hacen ?” 
Dixo Luzbel : “ yo no quiero 
Que mi grandia se abaxe 
A un pedazo de barro, 

Siendo yo serafin fincante,® 
Mucbo mejor que no el, 

Por que a mi me halecaste 

De compostura de fuego ; 

Y es menosprecio muy grande 
Que yo reverencie a quien 

Es de tan baxo quilate.” 

Dixo Allah : “ sal, enemigo, 
De mi alcbana y sus lugares, 
Apedreado, maldito, 

Rayo de fuego quemante. 

Mi maldiciou te persiga 

Y mi condenacion te alcanze ; 
Mi pena te de tormento. 

Mi castigo te acompane.”® 

Y asi cayo el enemigo, 

El y todos sus sequaces, 
Aquellos que le siguieron 
En su soberbia y maldades 
A los mas baxos abismos 

Y fieras penalidades. 

Do vivira para siempre 
En carceles perdurables. 

No cayo tan a la sorda 
Este maldito linaje, 

Segun el tazfir^® hebraico, 

Y cabu-alcbabeP^ departe : 
Dice este gran sabidor, 

Que al tiempo de este dilate,'® 
Quando cayeron a una 
Todos estos perniciantes, 

Que resudaron los cielos, 
Tremolando a todas partes ; 
Las tierras se estremecieron ; 
Los rios, fuentes y mares 
Agotaron sus corrientes ; 

Y todos sus manantiales, 
Hicieron calma suspensa 
Le su contlno azaxdarse, 

Y sus perfetos’® tazbibes,'^ 

En este espantoso lance, 
Quedaron desafiados,'® 

Sin dar, a esta causa, alcanze, 
El sol quedo restaiiado, 

Siu que luz alguna ecbase ; 

' Superlante, P. ^ y a lo que quiso acorbarse, P. 

3 Vol vieron, P. * Humillarse, P. 

® Arraquea, P. Racat es la postracion que hazen en sus oraciones, tocando el 
suelo con la frente, o, Raca es el inclinarse y azaxdar es postrarse con la cara en la 
tierra. ® Cuchedas, P. ’ Que be criado, P. “ Siendo yo seraficaute, P. 
3 V. Milton, lib. v., lineas 600-615, 773-802; lib. ix. 148-157. 

^3 Tacir, P. comentario. Caebulaber, MS. Paris. Dislate, P. 

^3 Perpetuos, MS., Paris. Himnos, loores. Desafinados, P. 

VOL. III. — [new series.] 




La luz triste, ennegi’ecida,' 

Y los limpios almalaques 
Quedaron en sus postuias 
Como el que en desmayo eae. 
Todos quedaron en pasmo, 

Y los cursos naturales 
Cesaron de aquel corriente 
Que de dentro dellos cae ; 

Hasta ChibriP espantado, 

Que es quanto puede espantarse,® 
Unico en su fortaleza, 

Yo hay cosa que se le iguale, 

Fue su actividad enferma 
Que bubo tambien de atajarse, 
Sin saber que causa fuera 
La causa que ansi lo trate. 

Mirad que tal fue el castigo 
De la soberbia, y quan grande 
Los espantos que causo, 

Y quantos males atrae ! 
Queenmudezca, atorde*y tiemble, 
Que inficione y que restaiie, 
(Inpida agote y suspenda),® 

Que enferme, desmaye y pasme, 
Cielos, tierra, sol y lima, 

Angeles, cursos y mares ; 

Y toda cosa criada 
Trueque, amedrente y espante. 
Cayo esta maldita esquadra 
Con tan feroces visages. 

Tan disfrazados y feos 
Que no puede semejarse ; 

De relumbrantes y claros, 
Cambiaron sus semblantes 
En las mas malas visiones 
Que podemos aplicarles;® 

Y en viendose en este alarxe, 
Como aquel quen origen cae '' 

Va buscando do esconderse 

Y no halla quien lo ampare ; 
Ansi andaba rodeando 

Este maldito almalaque® 

Por las cavernas obscuras 

Y solariegos solazes ; ® 

’ Ennegrida , P. • Fue, P. s 
5 Del MS. Paris. 

Como aquel que en crimen cahe, P. 
s Lugares, P. Consuele. 

'2 Resollo, P. Siendo de tu ei 

Y ti mi servirte y loharte, P. 

Y en ninguna parte ballaba 
Habitacion do habitase 
Hasta que sus mismos enganos 
Fueron a desenganarse, 
Quedando desapegados 

De cosa que los amahe 
En fe, cequedad escura. 

Sin tener segura parte, 
Aguardando el gran castigo 
Que, quando vendra, no saben, 

A juro destronizados 

Sin retumbada que guarde.” 

Desipado este enemigo, 

Quiso Allah comunicarle 
Que de aquel cristal hermoso 
El hombre liabia de formarse ; 
Luego mando a Chebril 
Que en aquel vaso soplase 
Su resuello,^® por que fuese 
Convertido en sangre y came ; 

Y al tiempo quel limpio arroh 
Fue a entrar, volvio a humillarse, 
Diciendo : “ Hey piadoso, 

Como quieres encerrarme 

En este vaso asqueroso, 

Siendo yo tu serviciante ?*® 
Encierras-me en mi enemigo 
Do mi limpieza se manche, 

Y a ti te desobedesca 
Por no poder apartarme 
De poder deste contrario 

Y de su enemiga came ; 

Y yo habre de padecer 
Tus castigos’^ desiguales 
Por los distinos enormes 
Que el cuerpo consigo trae. 
Dame parcida, Sehor, 

De este trabajoso trance, 

Que a ti es, Seiior, el mandar 

Y a mi, Seiior, el rogarte.'® 
Luego al tiempo que acabo,'® 
Quiso el Sehor ensenarle 
Satisfacion en sus quexas. 

Con que pueda’^ contentarse 

Estimarse, P. * Aturda, MS. Paris. 

® V. Milton, lib. i., lineas 40-87. 

* Este raundo a todas partes, P. 
Sin retornada que aguanien (MS. Paris.) 
sncia parte, P. Tormentos, P, 

Fayacuiido, P. Pud6, P. 



Subenlo a par del Alarx, 

Donde en infinitas partes 
Vio unas letras que decian : 
Muhamad, Patron, triumfante : 

Y en todas los siete cielos 

Y en sus puertas y alquitabes^ 
Vio estampadas estas letras 
Muy claras y relumbrantes ; 

Los almalaques y alainas, 

Entre sus ojos galanes, 

Llevaban este blazon 

Por divisas de sus trajes.. 

Entro en lalcbana gloriosa, 

Y en lasojas de susarboles, \ 

Y en sus entradas y puertas, > ^ 
En todos vio estos senales, ) 

Y deseando saber 

La cifra de estos albarfes, 
Pregunta. “ Que nombre es este 
Que relumbra todas partes ?” 

“ Has de saber, le responde, 

Que de ti y de aquella came 
Ha de salir* un caudillo 
Que llevara este lenguaje, 

Por cuyo amor crio Allah 
Los cielos, tierras y mares ; 

Y por quien seran honrrados 
Quantos este nombre alcanzen.”^ 
En oyendo estas razones, 

Le dio un amor tan radiante 
A1 aroh, que codicio 
Haberse encerrado antes. 

Entro en eP y fue intluido 
En el cuerpo, de tal arte 
Quel amor con que se unieron 
Ho hay amor que se compare. 
Eue la compostura de Edam 
Con divcrsos materiales, 

Segun los varios araores 
Que en el habian de encerrarse : 
Su cara y cabeza fueron 
Hechos del sitio ilustrante 
Do hizo el Aleaba santa® 

El siervo de Dios IbrHiim : 

Su cuerpo, de Almaqdiz,’ 

1 Arquitraves, P. ® Del MS. I 
® Luego, P. ® La Caaba de M 
® Alhicehar, P. Memphis segun Mo 

Andantes, P. Y’ al istinche, P, 

Templo ensanteeido y grande ; 
De Micera,® sus dos piernas ; 

De Alchiher® sus pies y manos 
Su mano diestra, en oriente ; 

La izquierda, de la otra parte. 
Su natura, de Alistinche,” 

De sierras inhabitables, 

Y los demas instrumentos 
Que al vivir son serviciales 
Subieron en el punado 
Que subio Malac almauti ; 

Y todos fueron masados 
Para quel hombre quedase 
De gracias perfeccLonado, 

Lo que podia imaginarse. 

Y diole lengua sabrosa 

Con que le nombre y le alabe ; 
Pusole Edam por nombre 
Que quiere denotar Padre. 

El ser de tantos especies 

Y lugares. tan distantes, 
Eabricado el primer hombre, 
Hnido en sola una came, 

Declara nuestro annabi, 

Y dice qpe de aqui sale 
El conocimiento humano 

Que en los hombres se reparte ; 

Y para que se conozcan 
Las gentes de todas partes 

Y conoce el del poniente 

Al que ha nacido en levante, 

Y en solo ver se conciben 
En sus tratos y amistades, 

Quen amor vienen a ser 
Tina came y una sangre. 

Criolo'^ el sumo Hey. 

Sin que nadie io tocase, 

De la forma que le plugue 

Y en el mejor de los talles, 
Grande, Undo y muy hermoso 

Y mas que el sol quando sale, 
Lanzaba rayos de si, 

Que a par del no llega angel. 
Despues le dio por morada 
El alchana y sus lugares, 

ris. 3 Nacer, P. * Acaten, P. 
ica. ’ Jerusalem. 8 Cairo, 

jan, segun un variante alhicbes, el Hejaz. 
limpieza. *3 Dabricolo, P. 



Dandole libre albedrio 
Por donde quiera que ande, 

El querer y no querer ; 

El sabor y no saber 
Todo lo puso en su mano.; * 

Y para que no pensase 
Quera Senor absoluto, 

Le mando que observe y guarde 
Solo un precepto, y aquel 
Harto leve y soportable, 
Principio de nuestro duelo, 
iledio y fin de nuestros males. 
En este patio glorioso, 

Tan vicioso y agradable, 

Poblado de mil descansos 
A su gusto provocantes, 

Solo un arbol se reserva 
“ Y este, dice, has de guardarme 
De no llegarle a su fruto, 

Ni comerle ni tocarle, 

So pena de mijusticia 

Y de a muerte condenarte.^ 
Advierte que de tu luz 
Has menester sobelarte, 

Que es tu enemigo claro; 

No tengo mas que avisarte.” 

“ Esto dicho y advertido, 

Dame contento en guardarme 
De la pecunia advertida.” 
Pareciendo cosa facil, 

Gozaba de aquel descanso 
Solo y sin quien le acompane, 
Hasta que rogo ad Allah 
Fuese servido de darle 

Dna corapania con quien 
Pudiese comunicarse. 

Allah le dio luego sueno, 

Y antes que se despertase, 

Tomo del lado siniestro 
Tina Costilla sin came, 

De do fraguo la muger 
De linda gracia, y donaire ; 
Pusole por nombre Hagua, 

Como si dijera, Madre, 

De cuyo nombre salian 
Tantos tribus y Images. 

Desperto Edam, e como vio 
Figura tan codiciante, 

Luego le quiso echar mano 
Sin mas respeto guardalle, 
Quando oyo una voz que dijo : 
“ Tente, Edam, no adeiantes, 
Teme al Senor que te ha hecho, 
Que no puedes allegarte 
A ella sin mi licencia : ” 

Y luego, en aquel instante 
Hando el Senor a Chebril, 
Vaya al alchana, y que trate 
Aquel primer casamiento 
Con sus arras y cidaque,* 

Y de alguali* y testigos 
Serviran los almalaques.® 

Y ansi fueron desposados 
Aquellos primeros padres, 
Gozando de tanta gloria 
Como el Senor quiso darles, 
Unanimes y conf'ormes. 

Sin que nada discrepase, 
Loando a su Hacedor 
Que les dio moradas grandes. 
Eazon sera que aqui cuente 
Aquel caso perniciante 
Que enjendro tantos trabajos, 
Tantos danos, tantos males, 
Tantas penas y tormentos, 
Guerras, discordias y afanes, 
Pleitos, incendios, revueltas, 
Sobresaltos y pesarcs, 

Al fin muerte y a mas desto 
Condenacion perdurable. 

Ya te he dicho que aquel arbol 
Que en esta huerta fragante 
Encargado a estos justos 
Reserven, guarden y acaten; 
Como el maldito Luzbel 
Andase tan sobelante, 

En como podra vengar 
Su colera, rabia y coraj e, 
Viendo que por solo el hombre 
Lanzado es de tanta gloria. 

Sin que aguarde a recobralle, 

Y al hombre de tosco barro 

1 V. Milton lib. iii., Hnea 95, etc. ^ V. Milton, lib. rii. 542-547. 

3 Jw? dote. * ° ‘1’^® respondepara la muger. 

4 V. Milton, lib. viii., lineas 4B5— 487. 



A siquiera tronizarle : 

En el lugar do solia 
Con mas gloria y libertad 
De la gloria que posee 

Y al terreno mundo baxe, 

Do le tenga mas a mano 

Por que pueda alii enxalzarse 
Con sus embustes malinos 

Y al infierno condenarle, 
Aunque con todo cuidado 
Este maldito almalaque 
Procuraba dalle caza 

No podia dar alcanze, 

Por que no podia llegar 
A poder a ellos malvalles. 
Andando pues desta suerte 
Este inventor de maldades, 
Trastornando y revolviendo 
Mil qnimeras y fantaches, 
Acerto a pasar acaso 
Por la puerta relumbrante 
Del alchana, y al portero ^ 
Ansi comenzo a hablarle : 

“ Yo tengo necesidad 
Por cierta cosa importante 
De hablar con aquellos dos 
Siervos, por desenganarles 
De cosas pertenecientes 
De lo que estan ignorantes.” 
El Portero se excuse, 

Que segun dicen los alimes^ 
Era el pavo y esto viendo 
Pogole que le 11am ase 
A la culebra,® que entonces 
Era de hermoso talle. 

Esta vino y le rogo 
Tuviese por bien tomalle ; 

Al fin quedo decebida 

Y por mas disimularse 
Le dixo que lo pusiese 
En la mas secreta parte ; 

Y eUa enganada lo puso 
Debaxo sus paladares/ 

Entro pues este traidor, 

Y como al arbol llegase, 
Quiso la torpe serpiente 
De su boca vomitalle ; 

Mas nunca quiso salir 
Si no en su lengua apegarse ; 

Y envuelto en eUa se sube 
Sobre el arbol reservante. 

Has de saber,^ que estos justos 
Acudian a juntarse 

Debaxo el arbol, por causa 
De con mas veras guardalle. 
Llego Hagua a requerir, 

Y como al arbol mirase, 

Yio la serpiente enemiga, 

La qual comenzo a hablarle. 

; “ Ah Hagua bella y hermosa ! 
Si desta fruta gustases 
Esta gloria que posees 
La gozaras perdurable, 

Y mas que en sabiduria, 

Seras a Dios semejante ; 

Y te sera manifiesto 

Todo aquello que no sabes.” 
Estando en estas razones 
Edam Uego, y le dio parte 
Hagua de lo que trataba, 

Y el con muy fiero semblante 
Le retaba tal intento, 

Y ella volvio a importunalle 
Que cojiese de la fruta 

Por que le seria importante : 
Eue tanta la persuacion 
De Hagua, que hubo de darle 
Contento, negando a Dios 
El ofrecido homenaje, 

De este arbol hay opinion 
Diferentes y en contraste, 

Que manera de arbol fuese 

Y que fruta deraostrase ; 

Y al fin concuerdan los mas 
Dando razones bastantes, 

Quera parra, y daba uvas 
Por el efecto que hace ; 

Y que solo es de su fruto 
El que con su licor hace 
Salir los hombres de juicio,® 

Y sus propios naturales, 

Y engendra desobidencias 
Torpezas y fealdades. 

I Alargo Hagua la mano 

* V. Milton Parayso Perdido lib. iii. linea 654. Naubes, MS. de Londres, 
* Serpiente, P. ^ V. Milton, lib. ix., 187. ® Quicio, Paris. 



() triste y aciago trance ! 
Quantos danos en el mundo 
En este punto cansaste 
; 0 Hagua ! quan sin porque 
Tantas almas condenaste ! 
Ciuantas vidas cercenaste ! 

0 quantas desobidencias 
Por tu gusto aceleraste ! 

Y en solo alargar la mano 
Quantas gargantas segaste ! 

1 Faltabante en esta guerta 
Fruta dulce mil millares ; 
Arboles tiernos, frondosos, 

Con tantas diversidades 
De especies azucaradas, 

Donde tu gusto saciases, 

Sin esta, que agora cojes, 

Tan aceda e insaciable 
Que tan' amargos resapios* 

Con su sabor terpetraste.* 
Bastabate a contentar 
Ver, que pocas boras antes 
Eras un vaso de lodo, 

El mas vil de los metales 

Y que te enxalzo el Senor 
En los coros celestiales 
Sobre todas las criaturas 
Pues hizo que te azaxdasen ; 

Y te puso en el lugar 
Sobre todos los alarxes. 

Con tan franca libertad 

Que huelgues, gozes y mandes, 

Y que en pago de estas gracias 
De tal modo te desmandes, 

Y con quien te ha dado el ser 
Asi quieres igualarte ! 

Alcanzo pues de la fruta 
Segun afirman los nauhes* 

Doce granos, y los ocho 

Dio a su marido, y los quatro 
Se detubo, y al instante 
Los puso dentro su boca 

Y los trago sin pararse. 

De aqui quedo en los herencios 
Que los hombres heredasen 
Dos tanto que la muger ; 

Y ella del marido alcanze 

* Con, P. * Resabio, P. 

* 0 transgreso, P. _ ' 

El quarto, por justa herencia, 
Pues hijos no le quedasen, 

Por aquellos quatro granos 
Conquella quiso quedarse. 

Al fin ella los trago 

Y Edam por el mismo talle 
Puso la fruta en la boca, 

Y al tiempo que fue a tragalle 
Oyo una voz espantosa, 

Y queriendo Tomitalle 
Puso mano a su garganta, 

Mas nunca pudo sacarle, 
Tampoco pudo tragalle, 

Que aqueUa voz retumbante 
Le aiiudo de tal manera, 

Que no paso y fue a quedarse 
En mitad de la garganta 

Sin ir atras ni adelante. 

Dixo la voz, “ ay tan guai,® 
Quan presto que te olvidaste 
De solo aquel mandamiento 
Que te obligaste a guardarme ! 
Como mi limpia. morada, 

Por tu gula, violentaste 
Do jamas desobidiente 
Dubo que en ella pisase.” 

Edam turbado y. sintiendo, 
Comenzo de disculparse, 

Y como se entremetieron 
Dando las culpas a Hagua, 

Y ella para eongraciarse 
, Culpa la fiera serpiente, 

Sin saber como librarse. 

Oh, como se cntorpecio ! 

Que turbacion vino a dalle 

Y que carga se cargaron 
Por no saber descargarse ? 

j Como se ciega un culpado ! 
Como se olvida de aquello 
Que mas a su case hace ! 

O' pecadores culpados 
Como de vuestros alcanzes 
Teneis cerca la libranza 
Franca si quieres hallarle ! 

Solo consiste en querer.® 

Que aunque os falten centenales. 
Tan franco hallareis lo mucho 

s Perpetuaste ! P. * Nahues, P. 

® V. Milton, lib. x., lineas 1086-1096. 



Como lo poco se hallo. 

No vais buscando pertrechos,' 
(Desnudad vuestras verdades)* 

Y a nadie echeis vuestras culpas, 
Como estos culpados hacen ; 
Volved a vuestro Hacedor 

Quo do vuestx’as culpas Race 
El secreto, suplicado 
Quo do su pena os restaure : 
Pidilde perdon do aqueUo 
Quo no podeis encelarle ; 

Y manifestad las llagas 
Antes que se sobresanen ; 
Pedilde, que es noble y franco, 

Y jamas se nego a nadie. 

Solo perdon, solo arrahma, 

No busqueis otro lenguage. 
Eetrono la voz de Allah 
Mandando a sus almalaques 
Que los saquen a la hora 
Del alchana y sus lugares, 

T que les quiten las ropas 
Con que cobijan sus carnes, 

Y las privadas coronas 
Que sobre sus frentes traen. 
Elios llorando y gimiendo, 
Eogando a Allah se apiade 
Dellos por las ybantallas ^ 

Que puso en sus potestades. 
Allah sin darles licencia,® 

Dice : “ salid desleales 

No poseis en este sitio, 

Pues no supiste guardalle.” 
Edam trabando las ramas 
De aquellos preciosos arboles, 
Diciendo : “ Senor piadoso 
Deste siervo miserable ; 

Pues tu, Senor, me ofreciste 
Que de mi capa® y linaje 
Saldria un hijo, por quien'' 

Todo el mundo restaurase, 
Volviendo como de nuevo, 
Segunda vez se criase ; 

Por cuya alfadila’ y honrra 

Te suplico que me ampares.” 
Dixo Allah ; “ lanzaldo fuera; ” 

Y el, volviendo a suplicalle 
Decia: “ Apiadame, 

Senor, que tu me albriciaste 
Que de mis lomos saldria 
Un hijo tambien andante,® 

Que en el mundo habia de ser 
De generaciones padre. 

Senor, por el premio deste, 

Por sus honrrados linajes, 

Que te duelas de nosotros 

Y que no nos desampares.” 

Dixo Allah : “ salgan de aqui.” 

Y Edam volbio a suplicalle, 
Diciendo: “ Seiior piadoso, 

Tii me ofrecieste y mandaste, 
Que en mi descendencia habria 
Un hijo tan importante® 

Con quien tu divina esencia, 
Mano a mano razonase. 

Ten piadad, Senor, de mi 
Por tu ibantaja'® tan grande.” 
Allah afirmando su dicho, 

Que jamas tuvo contraste, 

Mando que salgan, diciendo ; 
“No tienen que replicarme.” 
Edam siempre apellidando, 
Mezclandose con los angeles, 
Decia : “ A mi, Senor, 

Tu prometiste de darme 
De mi genealogia un hijo.” 

Sin instrumento de padre, ^ 

A quien harias tantas gracias, f j, 
Que las gentes se admirasen, k 
Por cuyo nombre te ruego” j 
No quieras desampararme. 

Volvio la voz rigurosa : 

“ Lanzalde'® fuera, lanzalde.” 
Los almalaques le aprietan 
Que saiga fuera y no tarde, 

Por no ser inobidiente 
A lo que no hay escusarse. 

Edam iba ya saliendo 

1 Pretestos, P. ® MS. Paris. ® Ventajas. * Darles audiencia, Paris. 

6 Cepa, Paris. ® Aqui el MS. de Paris tiene Noh escrito eu la margen. 

’ tlLL.»A£jl, excelencia. ® Aqui el MS. de Paris tiene en la margen Hibrahim. 

® Aqui el MS. de Paris tiene Muse. Su ybantalla, Paris. 

” Aqui el MS. de Paris tiene Hize. Del MS. de Paris. Lanzadle, Paris. 



y asiendose a los frutales 
De aquellos arboles tiernos, 
Lloraba sin consolarse, 

Viendo un bien qual el perdia. 
De nuevo vuelve a quexarse 
Diciendo : “ E.ey piadoso, 

Tues aquel que me albriciaste 
Con un hijo justo y bueno' 

Del mas alto delitaje^, 

De quantos seran nacidos 
En personas y animales,® 

A cuyo efecto has criado 
La luz que me encomendaste, 
Por cuyo amor te suplico, 

Y por su luz clareante, 

Que me cumplas tu promesa 
Que esta no puede faltarme.” 

; Oh quanto deben los hombres 
Considerar cosas tales; 

En los contornos del mundo. 

Y en sus ti'abajosos trances 
En suplicar ad Allah, 

Ser firmes y muy constantes ; 
No desconfie ninguno ; 

Pida, ruegue y no se cause, 
Por que el Seiior no se cansa 
De rogarias semejantes; 

Y demas con tales medios 
Como estos justos traen. 

Pues apenas hubo Edam 
Acabado de nombrarle 

El nombre del anabi, 

Quando did vozes “dexalde. 
Saiga por su voluntad, 
Apiadaldos y amparaldos 
Que me ban pidido de quien 
No puedo piedad negarles.” 
Ansi fueron amahados,^ 

Y los mismos almalaques 
Los pasaron a este mundo 
En divididos lugares. 

j Quien podra decir los duelos 
El sentimiento tan grande 
Que tuvieron estos justos :® 
Quando hubieron de partirse® 

En la tierra escura y negra ? 
Desnudos en vivas carnes, 
Sujetos al frio y yelo 

Y todas las terapestades, 

Sus caras bellas y hermosas 
Todas tostadas del aire ; 

Sus lindos rostros hendidos, 

Sus ojos llorando sangre ; 
Pisando algunas espinas, 
Rasgandose a cada parte ; 
Algaribos" sin tener 

Cosa que les acompane 
Sino sierpes y lagartos 
Fieras brutos y animales. 

No le echemos en olvido, 
Acuerdense los mortales 
Deste paso de amargura 

Y en sus angustiados lances 
Veran que aunque scan sus duelos 
Quantos puedan semblanzarles. 
Sera imposible que Ueguen 

A la centisima parte 
De las que Edam padecio. 

Sin solo un punto atajarse. 
Soledad, destierro, afrenta, 
Desnudez incomparable, 

Miedos, temblores y espantos, 
Erie, calor, sed y hambre ; 
Trabajos, pena, cansancios, 
Tantos amargos enxagues.® 

Todo noche, todo escuro, 

Todo negro® sin mostrarse 
De claredad una dragma,'® 

Con que pudicse humanarse. 
Considere un buen sentido 
Estos tan fuertes alcanzes 
Del que se crio en lalchana 
Venir a miserias tales. 

Pues quando Allah fue servido 
Que aquella noche acabase 
Su curso y el alba bella 
Su rostro y cara'^ mostrase, 

Hizo aquellas dos arracas 
Que los muzlimes hacen 
Antes de asubhi*® y las llaman 

Deleytaxe, P. ® Almalaques, P. 

® Quando vieron apartarse, P. 
Heces, Enj agues, Paris. 

^ amanecer. 

* Aqui el MS. de Paris tiene Mohamed. 

V. Milton, lib. xi., lineas 105-117. ® Dos, P. 

7 i., el que esta fuera de su patria. 

® Negror, Paris. Darra, Paris. Variante, y ella. 



Las anefilas* de alfachri.^ 

Estas hizo muy secretas 
Q,ue aun no osaba publicarse, 
Por que la luz era poca 

Y su miedo era muy grande. 
Mas quando ya el claro dia. 
Acabo de clarearse, 

El triste y aflito Edam 
Comenzo a determinarse 
Eijo: “Allah hu aqbar, 

Con Toz clara y retumbante 

Y hizo estas dos arracas 

Y publico su quilate ; 

De do el azala de subhi 
Tomo origen y lenguage. 
Pasada ya esta agonia 
Que ya el Eebo rutilante 
Doro con sus claros rayos 
La tierra monies y valles, 

Ya le daba algun consuelo 

Y por que no le durase, 

Sintio tomada su persona 
Cargada con mil achaques, 

Que no podia evadirse 

De aquellos fieros fantaches.® 
Anduvo ansi treinta dias, 

Sin que Tianda gustase 
Que son los que hoy se ayunan 
De Eamadam el honrrante. 
Luego baj 6 el fiel Chebril 

Y comenzo de amaharle 
La persona con sus manos, 

Y agujero aquellas partes 
Por donde salio la escoria 
Que no pudo destilarse^ 

De aquel bocado de acibar 
Que comio por nuestros males : 
Que como 61 estaba puesto 

A los olores fragantes 
Del alchana y sus deleites, 

Y aquellos hezes le dasen 
El olor tan corrompido 
Ahno a querer esmayarse,® 

Y preguntando la causa 

A chebril, le dixo : “ sabe 
Ques la corrompida hez 
Que de tu rescalo® sale.” 

Tomo tanto sentimiento 
Edam que hubo de atajarle 
De las sabrosas razones 
Que pasaban con el angel 
Cosa que aun nuestros suenos 
E”o podemos alcanzalle. 
Chebril pues le consolo 

Y le ensefio industria y arte 
Con que rompiese la tierra 
Para ver de sustentarse, 

En vez de la gran holganza 
Que pirdio en ser inconstante. 

Y para hacer el servicio 
Allah mando que lave 
Aquellos lados que fueron 
En su delito culpantes ; 

Las manos y hasta los codos 
Que fueron los principales, 

La cabeza que sustenta 
Los sentidos corporales ; 

Que todos complices fueron 

Y en el transgreso ayudantes ; 
Los pies donde sustentaron 
Estos lados coiiyugales 

De donde tomo principio 
El alguado'' que hoy se hace. 
Desta manera el buen Edam 
Quedo consolado en parte, 
Pompiendo la dura tierra 
Tragando sudor y sangre ; 
Haciendo fiera aspereza 
Por si podia amaharse 
Con su Seiior y volver 
De nuevo a hacer sus pazes : 
Quareinta a nos se escribe 
Que hizo sin detallarse 
Alcafara la mas bella® 

Que puede signilicarse. 

Su sangre que era mas blanca 

1 XJjlj plegaria 6 obra pia espontanea, que no es de obligacion. 

* el amanecer. ® Pantaxes, Paris. 

* V. Milton, lib. v., lineas 438, 439. ® Desraayarse, Paris. 

® Pecado, Paris MS. 

’ 1 el lavarse antes de las oraciones. ® ^ ; Espiacion la mas fiera, Paris. 



Que la leche fue a tiznarse 
Con sus hervientes congoxas, 
Quando la toz espantable 
Le dixo por que has pecado ? 
Entonces fue a cambiarse 
Quedando como hoy se vee 
Cimiento de enfermedades, 

De cuya espuma quedaron 
En nuestros cuerpos mortales, 
Las gotas que nos incitan 
A soberbias penetrantes, 
Desobidencias, codicias, 

Ira, rabia, enemistades, 

Y todas las demas cosas 
Quel pecado con si trae. 

Estas le fueron quitadas 
A nuestro annabi triunfante, 
Quaudo le abrieron el pecho 

Los muy santos almalaques 

Y ansi nunca tuTo cosa 
Que a pecado le incitase. 

A1 cabo de esta aspereza, 
Que ya le denuncio el angel, 
Que Allah estaba satisfecho ; 
Quiso el Senior ajuntarle 
Con su amada muger Hagua, 
Para que se consolase 

De los trabajos pasados 

Y la criazon comenzase : 

Y ansi los dos se toparon 
Sobre el monte tronizante 
De Arafa junto de ilaca, 
Donde con llorosas fazes 
Se recibio el uno al otro 
Con amorosos semblantes. 


En las grandes eonfusiones 
En los precisos rebatos, 

En las revueltas hazaiias, 

Suele ser muy ordinario 
Olvidar lo que en tal tiempo 
Hace mas al propio caso ; 
Dando al furor rienda suelta, 
Por do lo encamina el hado, 
Como en la ystoria presente 
Se muestra patente y llano. 
Han sido tantos los duelos 
De Edam que nos descuidamos 
De la triste madre Hagua, 

De su suceso y estado, 

Siendo la primera causa 
Inventora del rescalo^ 

Simiente del perdimiento 
De toda el linaje humano. 

Ho fueron menos sus duelos, 

Si bien lo consideramos, 

Siendo muger flaca y debit 
Algariba^ a todas manos, 

Que la rabiosa congoja 
Habia un fluxo tan amargo 

De sangre roxa y tiznada, 

Para aquel oculto vaso, 

Baiiando sus carnes bellas. 

Con mil aeedos desmayos ; 

Y mas, que siendo criada 
Por compahera y regalo 
Del hombre, quedo sujeta, 
Obligada a su mandado, 

En vez de la persuacion 
Con la qual quiso obligarlo 
A que comiese la fruta 

De aquel arbol reservado ; 

Y la primera golosia 

Que tuYO antes de incitarlo, 

Pago con la propia sangre 
Que en ella engendi’6 el rescalo,* 
Y" su deliberacion, 

Digo el tragar el bocado, 

Paga con las grandes ansias 
De los dolores del parto ; 

Y mas que ninguna alaya^ 

Pueda estar asegurada 

De estos rostros^ pernicientes® 

En ningun tiempo asignado 

1 Pecado, Paris. ^ estraviada. ’ Pecado, Paris. 

periodo. Alayda, P. ^ Yariante, rocios. « De estos iupudicos rastros, P. 



Por que a deshora les vienen, 

Y a tiempos desconcertados, 
Descomponiendo su ayuno 
K su servicio emplazado. 

Pues quando Allah dio liceneia 
Quen uno fuesen juntados, 

T de su primer distino 
Absuellos y perdonados ; 

Hecha su grau penitencia, 

Y del Senor apiadados, 

Y con nuevas antiparas 
Ya sus cuerpos adornados ; 
(Dicen unos questas ropas 
Eran de pieles de gamos, 

Otros de hojas de higuera, 

O' de otro qualquiere arbol 
Entalladas por el angel 

Que siempre estaba a su lado) 
Quedo Edam muy hermoso 
Lindo y bien argonizado/ 

No relumbrante como antes, 
Mas muy bien proporcionado, 
De galan disposicion, 

Su alteza de treinta palmos, 

Su cara bella y graciosa, 

Bien criado y de tal mano 
A Eahmo de lo de aquella^ 

De Muhamad nuestro amparo. 

Y por darles mas contento 
Aquel Senor soberano 

Le influyo para consuelo 
De luz en la frente un ramo 
Que con los cielos fixaba,® 

De muy relumbrante y claro, 
Pendiente de aquel cristal 
Que atras quedo recitado, 

Que fue verdadera insignia 
Lo de aquel divino x'ostro, 

Por do le enseno el camino 
Del bien perdurable y santo ; 

Y que aunque poco le daba 
En senal de por^ la mano, 

Y tambien por que tenia 
Otro mayor bien guardado 
Para el patron de esta luz 
Que ninguno de prestado. 

Lo que no us6 con Luzbel, 
Siendo almalaque cercano 
Que cay 6 para in eterno 
Sin esperanza de amaho. 

En esto nos da a entender 
El Bey poderoso y alto 
Que excederemos en gracia 
A' los tronos soberanos, 

Y que usara de piedad 

Y amahara a todos quant os 
Su misericordia pidan, 

Con corazon limpio y salvo ; 
Como nuestro primer padre 
Pidio perdon, confiado, 

Que la piadad del Senor 
Sobrepuja a su rescaloA 
Dice Alhasam, que, aunque fuese 
Muchas vezes albriciado 
Con nueva gracia y perdon 
De su suceso pasado, 

Que siempre tuvo su pecho 
Inquieto y sobresaltado, 

Quando tenia en memoria 
Su culpa y gran desacato ; 

Yiendo la gran piadad 
Quel Senor con el ha usado ; 
Siempre andaba penitente, 
Siempre andaba soUozando, 
Siempre la paeiencia poca, 

Aquel continue trabajo. 

Andando pues desta suerte 
Siempre en Allah contemplando, 
Oyo quentre las orejas® 

De su frente estaban dando 
Vozes que Allah’ llamaba 
Loandole y tazbihando ; 

Y dixo ante su Senor 

Con un hablar tierno y blando : 

“ Senor ? que vozes son estas 
Quen mi frente estan zumbando ? 
Dixole Allah: “estos tazbihes 
Me hace mi siervo amado 
Muhamad mi gran caudillo ; 

Ya su luz esta imvocando 
A su principal patron 

Y por quien yo la he criado, 

1 Organizado, Paris. ^ Para modelo de aquello, Paris. ® Frisaba, Paris 

^ Par, Paris. ^ Pecado, Paris. V. Milton, lib. iii., 130-134. 

6 Arrugas, Paris. ^ A su dios, Paris. 



Dcpositandola en ti 

Y en tu linaje preciado ; 

Y advierte, querido Edam, 

Mii’a que te encargo y raando 
Que de ti sea respetada 

Con reverencia y acato ; 

Y a tus hijos la encomiendes 
Do la suerte que yo hago, 

Y advierteles que le entreguen 
En vientres limpios y castos 
De las honrradas mugeres 

Y varones bien preciados, 

Hasta que los desampares 
En este varon honrrado. 
Taharareis vuestros cuerpos 
Antes que hayais de j untaros 
Con vuestras mugeres, y ellas 
Tengan el mismo recato : 

Yo le avisare quando sea 
La bora y tiempo llegado, 

Del que haya de llevar la luz 
Para que podais limpiaros. 
Mando que solo a mi adoren 
Tus hijos con gran cuidado, 

Sin ponerme otro segundo ; 

Yo soy unico adorado : 

No juren mi santo nombre 
En ningun caso profano, 

Y con sus proximos traten 
Qual quieran ser tratados ; 
Mando que a sus padres honrren 
Si ellos quieren ser honrrados, 

Y viviran largos dias 

En mi obidencia y amparo : 

No maten por quel matar 
Para mi esta reservado, 

Yo soy El que doi la vida 

Y acorto y alargo el plazo : 

Huye del vil adulterio 

Que es vicio torpe y nefando 
Aborrecido ante mi 
Instrumento de pecados : 
Guarden los bienes agenos, 

Qual guardan sus propios algos, 
No hurten ni tomen cosa 
Que no la hubieren ganado : 

Digan la verdad en todo 
No mientan por ningun cabo,^ 
Ni afirmen cosa dudosa 
Ningun testimonio falso;^ 

No cobdicien cosa agena, 
Contentense en sus estados : 
Que ya tengo para todos 
Sus arrizques® segurados. 

Y guardando estos preceptos 
Ansi como te lo mando 

Les ofrezco de mi parte 
Mi perdurable descanso ; 
Empero si los quebrantan 
Diles que ban de ser juzgados, 
A que seran en Cbahana 
Fieramente atormentados.” 

De esta instruccion adelante 
Anduvo tan sobelado 
Edam en guardar los ritos 
Que su Senor le ha mandado, 
Que punto no desistia 
De aquel precetaP mandado, 
Teniendo siempre en memoria 
El escarmiento pasado. 

Quiso Allah que nuestra Madre 
En los primeros prenados 
Pario dos hijos, los quales 
Dieron el serial muy claro 
De lo que el triste mundo 
Nos habia de ir mostrando ; 

Y como en continua guerra 
Habian de estar limitado,® 

Los descendientes de Edam 
Con sangre el suelo regando : 

Y fue quel mayor movido 
De ciega invidia, imitando 
A1 soberbio Lucifer, 

Dio crudamente a su hermano. 
Do tom 6 origen la guerra 

Y las pendencias y bandos. 

Dice Abulhasan que Hagua 
En todos quantos prenados 
Tuvo, pario hijo y hija, 

De dos en dos engendrados. 

Y quando Allah fue servido 
Que saiga el especialado. 

' Caso, Paris. ® Ni hagan testigo falso ; Paris. 

® ^jj Nutrimiento diario ; riquezas, Paris. 

* Prepectal, Paris. ® Militando, Paris. 



Se enjendro unico y solo 

Y la luz luego hizo paso 
Sobre la freute de Hagua, 
Quedando Edam sin sus rayos ; 

Y en pariendo lo saco 
£1 niilo glorificado, 
Eesplandeciendo su cara 
Q,ual rayos del sol lanzados, 
Q,ue de su hermosa frente 
Llegaba al cielo mas alto ; 

Y a este llamaron Siz 
De la luz el mayorazgo ; 

Y quando ya tuvo edad, 

Siendo ya varon formado 
Lo saco su padre Edam 

K un fertil y verde prado, 

K donde Allah se apagaba^ 

De recebir bolocaustos, 

Y todas las peticiones 

De estos siervos tan preciados. 

Y alzaudo al cielo sus ojos, 
Dice Alhasan a este case, 

Que quando alzo la cabeza 

Y aquel semblante acendrado, 
Mando Allah parar los rios 
Sus corrientes sosegados 

Y todos los manantios 
Del alchana y sus estados : 
Pararon todos los aires 

Su curso amoroso y blando, 

Los arboles sus meneos, 

Las aves sus dulces cantos, 

Los angeles sus tazbibes, 

Y todos los balecados 

De mares, tierras y cielos, 

Y todos los principados 
De los alarjicos coros 

En los cielos se asomaron 
Eescolgados para oir 
Lo que aquellos lindos labios 
Habian de pronunciar : 

Grande merced, grande amaho 
Que en solo alzar la cabeza 
Dn hombre desterrado, 

Manda aprestar los oidos 
A todo quanto hay cercado ! ^ 

Y aparece que concuerda 

Esto con el primer lado® 

Que tuTO, quando en la piedra 
Todos estos le azaxdaron. 

Bravo favor grande bonrra 
Parece que ymos cobrando ! 
Toda la tierra perdida 
En un tan pequeiio espacio. 
Dixo pues el justo Edam 
En este auditorio santo : 

“ Divino y alto Seiior, 

Tu que me has encomendado 
Esta luz para tu siervo 
Mubamad tu especialado 
Con precepto que la encargue 
En tus siervos mas honrrados 

Y en los vientres mas perfetos 
Que tienen de ser criados 
Cumpliendo en este precepto 
A lo que estoy obligado, 
Querias que este mi hijo 
Siga el uso precetario 

Para que la luz famosa 
Lleve el corriente asignado, 

Y para que se prosiga, 

Querria fuese casado 

Con su hermana Ilagualia 
Que se engendro en otro parto, 
Ques vaso limpio y honesto 
Para esta luz apropiado ; 

Y los dos dan su bomenaje 
Muy contentos y pagados ; 

Solo aguardo tu bondad 
Para el efecto nombrado ; 

Mira, Senor, que te place 
Que yo haga en este case.” 
Luego Allah mando a Chebril 
Quel y sus contemporanos 
Efectuen el casamiento* 

Ad aquellos dos bermanos 
Siendo su padre alguali 

Y ellos testigos nombrados. 
Mando tambien que baxase 
Para los dos desposados 
Eopas blancas de alchana 
Con que fuesen arreados, 

En vez de las que pirdieron 
Sus padres por el bocado. 

' Pagaba, Paris. ® Criado, Paris. ^Lauro, Paris. 

^ Basen a la tierra y casen, Paris. 



Asi fue casado Siz 

Con gran contento y regalo, 

T quando el justo Edam 
Se sintio viejo y cansado 
Tomo a Siz en gran secreto, 

Y descogiendo un gran pano 
Que el Senor dadole habia 
En aquel tiempo pasado, 

Rico y de galan hechura, 

Donde estaban estampados 
Todos quantos annabies 
Habian de ser inviados 
Con todos sus privilegios 

T decretos preceptarios, 

Sus alumas y naciones 

Y el bien que serian premiadosd 
Miro Siz y vido entre ellos 

Un precioso y rico vaso^ 

Que sobre todos los otros 
Sobrepujaba su grado, 

De qiiien sus caras cubria 
De luz con precioso ramo 
Que de los cielos pendian 
Con muy relumbrantes rayos 

Y vido como hasta Ybrahira 
Este esquadron tan preciado 
Seguia un solo camino 

Sin intervencion ni atajo; 

Y alii tomaron principio 
Otro bando ilustre y raro, 

Y aunque sin luz se mostraba, 
Era de precio muy alto, 

En el qual se figuraban 
Dos adines senalados, 

Que a dos caudillos seguian 

Y a sus alquitebes santos. 
“Razon sera, dixo Edam, 

Que miremos muy despacio 
Estos que nuestra luz lleban 

Y siguen® el principado 
Por la linea de Ismael, 
Primogenito engendrado 
De Ybrahim el escogido. 

Con el estandarte alzado 
De Miser, blazon antiguo 

De nuestro linage claro, 

Con quien todos los taquies* 
Seran triumfantes y ufanos 
Hasta entregarlo d Muhamad 
Para quien fue deballado : 
Advierte querido bijo, 

Lo que te mando y encargo 
Que sobre este mensagero 
De quien seguimos el bando, 
En todas tus oraciones, 

Y en todos tus holocaustos 
Hagas salvacion cumplida 
Con grande honor y recato ; 

Y esta luz que va en tu frente 
Que agora gozas de paso 

Te mando que la encomiendes 
En los vientres mas guardados 
De las mugeres mas limpias 

Y de los hombres^ mas santos ; 
Por que esta luz no se manche 
Ques don de Allah sobelado 
Ynsignia que nos ensena 

El camino reto y llano ; 

Y a tus hijos amonesta 

Lo mesmo que te’ ensenado.” 

Y acabada esta razon 
Yolviendo a doblar el pano, 

Le dixo que lo guardase 
Como sacro relicario 

Y junto con el le dio 
Los borceguies y zapatos 
Que sustentaron sus pies 
Tantos centenales de aiios, 

Y aquel dia los tenia 

Como de entonces calzados.® 
Estos estan hoy en Maca \ 

Por trofeo dedicado 1 9 

Y quando M clique elijen I 

Los Uevan a jurar colgados. ) 
Andando en esto el buen Siz 
Eue por Chebril albriciado. 
Quel y su muger adresen 
Para el fruto deseado, 

De que se hizo prenada 
Hagualia, y en llegando 

' V. Milton, lib. xi. lineas 370, etc. ^ Bando, Paris. * Segun, Londres. 
* los religiosos. ® Lomos, Paris. ® Aseculado, Paris. 

^ ’ Te he. ® Cortados, Paris. 

® L CL* nn rey. E§tas 4 lineas no se hallan en el M S. de Paris. 



Su termino pario un hijo, 

K quien por nombre llamaron 
Enoh,' y saco la luz 
Lindo hermoso y muy gallardo 
K quien Chebril tuvo en guardia 
Por que Luzbel asediado 
Andaba por allegarse 
A manciilarlo y tocarlo ; 

T ansi por este nivelo 
Pue la clara luz pasando 
Siempre por estos varones 
Mas perfetos y estimados,^ 

Por el Senor escogidos, 

Por su palabra avisados ; 
Corriendo de padre en hijo 
De un honrrado y otro honrrado. 
Y por que no es bien que queden 
En olvido sepultados, 

T por no causar fastidio, 

Seran en breve contados 
Los varones que esta insignia 
Por sus meritos ganaron. 

De Enoh paso a Cainam® 

Que fue de la luz el quarto. 

Este engendro a Malaile/ 

De quien Xared® fue engendrado, 
Padre del muy santo Edriz® 

A quien sus hechos tan raros 
Subieron al quarto cielo 
Do vivio’ hasta en tanto 
Que la trompa de Izarafil 


Muchos hubo en esta vida 
Que levantaron sus famas 
A la cumbre de potencia 
Donde (juisieron fixarlas ;® 
Pensando que su fortuna 
Para etemizar bastaba ; 

Sus hechos indignamente 
Hasta las nubes levantan : 

Qual con pompas y ambiciones, 
Qual con crueles hazanas, 

' Enos, Paris. ® Afinados, P. 
* Malialail 6 Mahalaleel. ‘ Jaret, P. 

® Figallas, Paris. ® Seta 

D^ fin a quanto hay criado. 

Deste justo Edriz se cuenta 
Que hizo veto encerrado 
De hacer arrahma cumplida 
Mientras duraren sus algos ; 

Y que andando por la calle 
Le salio un hombre acuitado, 

Y no tuviendo otra cosa 

Le dio en arrahma su manto ; 
Quedando casi desnudo 
Por no negarle su amaho. 

Otras mil cosas se cuentan 
De este bienaventurado, 

De lo qual es buen testigo 
Ver que Dios lo ha trasladado 
En cuerpo y alma a los cielos 
Do vive glorioso y santo ; 
Dexando aca sucesor 
Hijo suyo a quien llamaron 
Por nombre Matusalem, 

Que de la luz fue el otavo, 

Cuyo hijo fue Lameq, 

Padre de aquel esforzado 
Noh, que fue segundo padre, 

De todo el linage humano, 

En quien la primera edad 
Del mundo acabo, tomando 
Principle en el la segunda, 
Posiendo el don preciado, 

Cuyos memorables hechos 
Dire en el siguiente canto. 

(Loado es Allah) MS. Paris. 


Qual imventando heregias, 

Estos® cismas ydolatras, 

Dexando la rienda suelta 
A las maldades nefandas, 

Como si absolutes fueran 
Para poder perpetuallas ; 

Y al fin, quando en mayor punto 
Sus males hechos estaban, 

Y quando menos cuidaron'® 
Tener contraria mudanza, 

® Enos . . . Caynam, P. 

' Tdriz, P. Variante, vivera. Vivira, P. 
5, P. Variante, creyeron. 



Pensando estar mas seguros, 
Dio vuelta su rueda varia, 
Dando con ellos al fondo 
De la baxeza mas baxa, 

Donde fueron satisfechos, 

Donde tuvieron la paga 
De sus perniciosos triumfos, 

T sus hereticas causas. 

Miren al Rey Baltasar 

Y a su avuelo Baltuiiasar/ 

K Zamud y a Namerud, 

A' Paraon y a Abraha^a;^ 

Que todos estos quisieron 
Arbolar sus ficras armas® 
Contra el cielo y su bacedor, 

Y fue su suerte tan mala, 

Qucn lugar de su vitoria 
Hirieron sus propias caras 
Con ynominiosas muertes, 

Y por perdurables ansias ; 

Y aunque otros muchos pudiera 
Traer para testiguanza 

De lo que ten go propuesto, 

Lo que tengo dicbo basta : 

Y aquel general diluvio 
Asegurara mi causa, 

Con la asistencia de Nob, 

Aquel santo patriarca, 

De quien sus becbos famosos 
Nos dan evidencia clara. 

Como a solo Allab debemos 
Poner nuestras confianzas, 

Y en administrar su ley 
Tendremos perpetuas famas, 

En este mundo qual este, 

Y en el otro eterna alcbana. 

No qual los arriba dicbos, 

Ni qual aqui nos senala 

El general perdimiento 
De su gente distinada ; 

Que aqui acabaron sus vidas, 

Y condenaron sus almas, 

Segun se ecbara de ver 
En la siguiente allobada. 
Despues de la muerte de Edam 

Y de nuestra madi’e Hagua 

Levantaron dos linages 
Los dos bijos que quedaban; 

El uno siguio la luz 
Con limpieza y gran constancia, 
[El otro que engendro Cabil^ 
Eue gente perversa y mala, 
Indomita y sin verguenza 
De AUiib y su ley arrecb-ada, 

Y aunque el linage de Siz 
Era gente ilustre y rara, 

La malicia de los otros 
Vino a ser tan depravada 
Que inficionaba el mundo 
Con la peste de sus tacas ; 

De suerte que ya los buenos 
Con los malos se mezclaban, 

En tractos y casamientos, 

Cosas por su ley vedadas,® 

Y en las raaldades y vicios 
Poco se diferenciaban : 

Todo andaba ya rompido, 
Ningun precepto acataban, 
Ninguna virtud gobiernan, 
Ningun respeto guardaban, 
Todos eran ya viciosos, 

A toda maldad se ensayan 
Adulteros, bomicidas, 

Sodomitas, ydolatras, 
Transgresores y blasfemos, 
Soberbios y vil canalla ; 

Vino a tanto rompimiento 

Y a ser tan igual la llaga, 

Que a mas andar comprendia 
Toda la nacion bumana. 

I O' quanto deben los bombres 
En esta vida prestada 
Mirar con atentos ojos 
Con quien conversan y tratan. 
Con quien traban amistades. 

Con quien viven y acompanan, 
Mirando las desallidas 
Los sucesos en que acaban ! 
Viendo el poderoso Allab 
La desobediencia tanta, 

Manda a su escogido Nob 
Edifique y baga un area. 

1 Bakbtunnasr. ® Abraha. Variante, y, Paris. * Eabias, P. * Cain, 
fi Vease b Genesis vi. 2 ; y Milton, lib. xi. 1. 607-610 ; y 683-687. 
t Estas lineas son toraadas del MS. de Paris, y faltan del M S. de Londres desde el 
tiempo en que el Sr. Morgan lo compro, pues no las ba traducido. 



A lo qual baxo Chebril 
Ye le dio la orden y traza 
Pel largario^ y la grandeza, 

Lo que ha de ser de alta y ancha ; 
T dixole que entre tanto 
Que el area se edificaba 
Amonestase a su gente 
Se comTiertan, y que hagan 
Penitencia de sus obras^ 

Con conduelma de sus almas, 

Y que seran amahados 
Pe su piadosa arabma , ) 3 

Y que si no lo hacian ) 
Tuxiesen por cosa liana 
Que Allah los queria hundir, 
Cubriendo el mundo de agua. 

Y era de quinientos ailos 
Quando esta grande comanda 
Le denote el fiel Chebril. 

Ya la luz tenia mudada 

A Sem,^ su querido hijo, 

Y otros dos que le quedaban, 
Cam’ y Jafed se decian. 

Mancebo de grande fama, 
Imitando a su buen padre 
Que en tan pesima telada 
Estuvo quinientos ahos 
Mancebo limpio y sin taca, 

Pedo merecio este nombre 
Que todo el mundo le eanta. 

Y luego push por obra 

Lo que Chebril le encargaba, 
Proviendo de oficiales 
CarpinCeros, maestros de areas,® 
Arquitetos y peones 
Que la madera les traigan : 

Ya’ andaba por sus pueblos 
Que un memento no q>araba, 
Penotando el perdimiento 
Que a su gente se acercaba, \ 
Vestido de crude sirgo, I ^ 
Su persona triste y lacia, I 

Todo el color macilento, ) 

En que claro demostraba 
El fiero y cruel castigo 
Con que Allah les amenaza ; 

Yo paraba noche y dia 
Aquella ronca garganta 
Pe apellidar y decir : 
i “ O' gentes torpes y erradas ! 
Volved a vuestro Sehor, 

Pedid vuestra restauranza, 
Reparad tan grandes daiios 
Como del cielo se amana, 1 g 
Recordad vuestros sentidos, ) 
Pad oreja a mis palabras, 

Temed al que os ha criado, 

Mirad que dentro desta area 
Esta emvuelta su justicia 
Con una sangrienta vara 
Que amenaza vuestras vidas 

Y condena vuestras almas : 

Y sacudid de vuestros cuellos 
La esclavitud de chahana, 

Que esta con la boca abierta 
Aguardando vuestras almas.” 
Estas cosas les decia. 

Mas no aproveeha, que estaban 
Aquella precisa turba 
Ciega, sorda y obstinada. 

En esto la gran safina’® 

Con gran calor trabajaban 
Los maestros y arquitectos," 

La qual obra fue acabada, 
Cumplidos ya los’" cien anos 
Pe quando fue comenzada ; 

Y todo este tiempo Noh 
Puro su gran monestanza, 

Y quanto mas les decia, 

Tanto menos importaba ; 

Antes bien le respondian 

Que mintia en quanto hablaba.” 
Pues al cabo de cien aiios, 

Yo vieron seiial de nada; 

Yi el dilubio parecia, 

Y quanto Yoh predicaba 

1 Anchario, Paris. ® Terras, P. ® Del MS. de Paris. * En Sem, P. 

6 Cam MS. de Paris. Pero en el de Londres, Sem ; por eso el Sr. Morgan ha 
seflalado la confusion que hace el autor con los nombres de los hijos de Noe. 

® Acha, P. ’ Y el, P. « j)gi ;^s_ Paris. s j)gi jyig. de Paris, 
navio. ’’ Officiales, P. Cumplidos justos cien anos, F, 

Yease k Milton, lib. xi., 811-817. 

VOL. III. — [new sekies.] 




Les parecia imposible 
Mentira, burla y marana.* 
Acabada la safina 
Con sus atajos y quadras, 
Retretas y acogimientos, 

Por defuera claveada^ 

Por que al agiia no le entrase, 
Dentro muy bien cepillada : 

Era de admirable hecbura, 

De sutil ingenio y traza, 

Hecba a modo de navio, 

Cuya proa figuraba 
La cabeza de paloma, 

Y la popa que Uevaba 
Como una cola de gallo ; 

Y mil y doscientas varas 
Tenia de popa a proa, 

Y seiscientas tenia de ancba. 
Subiose Nob a lo alto 
Della, y con vozes muy altas 
Llamo a las naturalezas 

Que en macho yhembra se ballan : 
Aquellos que para el mundo 
Eran las mas necesarias 
Vinieron al mismo punto, 

Por que Allah mando que vayan 
De cada especie tres pares, 

Y un macho en ellas sohraba ; 
De manera queran siete 
Aunque el honrrado alcoram 
No sehala fueron tantas. 

Mas de un macho y una hembra, 
Que ninguno entro sobrado. 

Todo pudo ser ansi, 

Que el alcoram solo habla 
De aquello que no se excusa 

Y es de grande importancia.* 

Y aprestado el bastimiento 
Departe cada sustancia, 

Para sustentar a todos 
Un aiio por si duraba 
Tanto la persuacion.* 

(Que no dice entraron tantos)* 
Con gran orden gobernados, 
Luego sus hijos y nueras, 

El y su muger se embarcan 
En el area, y puestos dentro, 
Cierra la puerta y ventana 
Que estaba en la gran cubierta 
Con una vedriera clara : 

No les quedo otro agujero 
Por do poder ver el agua, 

Y esta quiso Allah que fuese 
Por defuera betumbada.® 

La gente que le vio dentro 
Reian del y mofaban, 

Diciendo ; “ agora estas bien, 
Encerrado en esa xaula. 

Con las bestias y animales 
Proprias para tu compana ; 

Que bien merece el que miente 
Tener este bien en paga. 

^ Donde esta tu profesia 
Tan mentirosa y tan falsa, ) , 
Do esta el agua que decias, ) 
Ni aun su talle y semejanza?” 
i Oh soberana piadad, 

Quien pierde la confianza 
De tu divino perdon 

Y de tu divina Rahma ! ® 

Que al cabo de tantos ahos, 

(Al cabo de tantas salvas),® 

Que hiciste a estos precitos, 
Despues de sentencia dada 
Contra su grande distino, 
Viendo sus fieras entraiias 
Aguardas su conocencia, 
Quando ellos menos se acatan ! 

Siete dias se detuvo. 

Despues de cerrada el area. 

Sin haber sehal ninguno 
De la tempesta 6 borrasca ; 
Aguai’dando si por suerte 
Habia’® alguna meritanza 

1 Patraffa, P. 

^ Segun el MS. de Paris. 

Quel alcoran solo habla 
De aqucllas que no se excusan 
Que son las mas necesarias. 

■* Persecucion, P. 

® Betunada, P. 

® Del MS, de‘ Paris. 

® Breada, P. 

T segun el MS. de Londres. 

Que el alcoram lo habla 
Que aquello que no se excusa 
Y ques de grande importancian. 

^ Esta linea sobra y no se balla en el MS. de Paris. 
’ Del MS. de Paris. ® Bendita arrabma, P. 

10 Habria, P. 



Por do poder detener 
Aquella sangrienta llaga. 
Pues viendo Allah su distino 

Y su dureza obstinada, 

T quel humano remedio 
Poco su distiuo ablanda, 
Sacude' el azote Hero, 

Tiende la cortante espada, 
Abren los cielos sus brazos;^ 
Rompense las cataratas ; 
Razgan las nubes sus senos ; 
Borbollan las tierras agua ; 
Revientan todos los rios ; 

Las mares quiebran sus alas,^ 

Y de sus limites salen 
Con tal furor y puxanza, 

Que piensan tocar el cielo ) 4 
Con sus tenebrosas ascuas ) 

Y' es cierto que lo bicieran 
Si Chebril no lo atajara. 

Ya la destinada gente 
Andaba triste y turbada ; 

Y"a temen el gran castigo, 

Y’’a gimen, ya se desmayan ; 
Ya se tienen por perdidos, 

Ya pierden su confianza : 
Aqui corren, alii gritan 
Yiendo la tempesta brava ; 
Todo es gemidos y vozes, 
Todo lloro, todo ansia; 

Todo suspiros amargos, 

(Todo congoxas y bascas)^ 

Ya la furiosa tempesta 
Entraba de casa en casa ; 

Y’’a los tristes uiiios tiernos® 
Atosigados los sacan, 

Donde sus cuitadas madres 
Sus peehos y rostros razgan, 
Llamando a sus iieros padres 
Les socoi’ran, y acenaban 
Con los ninos en los pecbos, 
Pensando ser ayudadas ; 

Pero no les socorrian 
Que el grande mal los ataja, 

Y ansi asidas a sus hijos 
Eran al punto abogadas. 

i O' quantas muertes a una 
Quantos tormentos gustaban ! 
Viendo la misera madre 
Ahogar su hija amada, 

Y la muger al marido, 

Los hermanos a las hermanas ; 
El triste padre a su bijo, 

El bijo al padre se abraza, 

Y ansi los dos zabullidos 
Se abogan cara con cara. 

Aqui gritan ; que me abogo ! 
Alla que me abogo ! llaman : 
Aca socorro apellidan ; 

Aculla sueltan’ las casas, 
Cayendo los edilicios 

Sobre sus duenos y alaxas,® 

Ya parecen cuerpos muertos ) 9 
Sobre las furiosas aguas. j 
Ya en la safina suben 
Muchas de sus anchas tablas, 
Quando los mas astuciosos.'® 

Sus defensas procuraban 
linos suben a los monies ; 

Otros, a las torres altas ; 

Otros, por asir las ramas 1 
Otros a los arboles suben > 
Asidos unos con otros ) 
Cayan y se abogaban. 

Los que estaban en las torres, 

Y en las mas altas montanas, 

Se retraian a la cumbre ; 

Mas, muy poco aprovechaba, 
Que ya el agua a todas partes’® 
Les va detras dando caza, 

Hasta que los reducia 

Sobre las cumbres mas altas, 
Donde usaban de crueldad 
Los que mayor fuerza alcanzan, 
Subiendo sobre los otros ; 

Que cada qual procuraba 
Ser el postrero en la muerte. 
Mas j ay que en vano trabajan 

1 Saber, MS. de Londres. ® Ondas, P. ® Su ampara, P. 

4 Del MS. de Paris. ® Del MS. de Paris. ® T hiertos, P., por enyertos. 
Suenan, Paris. ® Alhajas. ® Del MS. de Paris. Atrevidos, Paris. 

Otros k los arboles suben, ^ 

Otros, asiendo a sus ramas, [ MS. Paris. 

Unos por encima de otros ) 

Toda priesa, P. 



Estos pobres bomioidas ! 

Mil muertes en una tragan, 
Viendo ahogar a sus amigos, 
Padres, hermanos y hermanas. 
Sus mugeres y sus hijos 
Borbolan' entre las aguas ! 

Y ellos, quel fogoso alieuto 
A' despedir ya no bastan, 
Aunque mas y mas impiden 
Ya les cobija las barbas, 

Ya ven su muerte al ojo, 

Ya no hay subir otra escala; 
Atajandoles a una 

Las ultimas alentadas : 

Pues los animales simples, 

Y las fieras alimanas, 

Ya no habia mencion de ellas, 
Ya eran todas acabadas ; 

Solo las aves se esfuerzan, 
Sacudiendo aquellas alas 
due les dio naturaleza, 

En las quales revolaban ; 

Mas no pueden sustentar 
AqueUa tan grande calma, 
Donde con el gran temor 
Se rinden, turban y cansau. 

Y aunque mas alto revolan. 

La tempestad les alcanza, 
Cubriendo quareinta codes 
A la mas alta montana. 

Todo quedo sumergido 
Quanto vida gobernaba ; 

Solo los que hemos nombrado 
Que estaban dentro del area, 
Que alii fueron alumbrados 
Con la luz del gran Muhamad, 
Que en® la faz del justo Sem, 
Qual la luna relumbraba. 
Quareinta dias y noches, 

Duro el llover sin distancia ; 

Y ciento y quince la tierra 
Tuvo las aguas en calma. 
Comenzo este gran dilurio, 

(Y esta justicia asolada)^ 

A diez y siete de rachab. 

I Y por la cuenta nazara® 
i A diez y siete de Abril ; 

; Yendo bombeando cl area 
Seis lunas por justa cuenta, 
Hasta que quedo asentada 
El santo dia de axora, 

I El deceno de almuharram 
Sobre la sierra de Armenia, 

Eu el mundo celebrada.® 

Y dende quareinta dias 
Ya los montes- comenzaban 
A ensenar sus altas cumbres, 
Dando senal de apaganza. 

Y se aparecio en el cielo 

I Una seiial, con tres bandas 
i De diferentes colores, 

' Permeja, verde y gualdada,’ 
Que denotaba su vista 
i Sangre, muerte y esperanza ; 
j Y que de estas tres colores 
Saco la verde nneada 
I Por que de las otras dos 
Ya sus efetos cesaban. 

Esta es la sehal que hoy dia, 

En arco se nos seiiala, 

Quando las espesas nubes 
De su diluvio se paran. 

1 Y de alii a otros quareinta, 

Que abrieron la ventana® 

De la safina vedriera, 

Y a un cuervo mando que vaya 
A que descubriese tierra, 

Y viese el mundo, en que estaba. 
El fue, y en los altos- montes 
Do mas la gente habitaba,*® 
Hallo tantos cuerpos muertos, 
Que le codicio la caza ; 

De suerte que no volvio 
Con la respuesta aguardada. 
Viendo Yoh que no venia, 
Quando vino a la mauana, 
Mando fuese la’^ paloma 
La qual vino'® a la tardada, 

Y traxo un ramo de olivo 
Verde ; y a la otra semana 

' Borbollando, P. ® Se enpinan, P. ^ Que en, P. Con, MS. Londres. 
* Del MS. de Paris. ® Cristiano. ® Tan nombrada, P. 

" Amarillo. ® Solo la verde fincaba, P. ^ Abrio Nob la ventana, P. 
*® Acuytaba, P. • " Una, P. Volvio, P. 



La invio segunda rez ; 

Mas ya no volvio con nada ; 

Por donde eonocio j^oe 
Quera consumida' el agua ; 

Y aunque pudo salir luego, 

No quiso, por qne aguai’daba 
Licencia de su Senor, 

Como para entrar fue dada. 

Pues como Allah dio licencia, 
Salio Noh y su compaua; 

El mismo dia que entraron, 
Cumplido un aiio sin falta ; 

Muy alegres y contentos, 

Dando al Senor alabanzas, 

Los libro de tal fortuna 
Por su piedad y su rabma. 
Luego, Nob bizo bolocausto 
De las aves y alimauas 
Que dentro de la safina 
Quedaron^ despareadas. 

Allab puso bencbcion 
Sobre Nob y su compana, 

Para que muntipbcasen 
De nuevo criazon® bumana. 
Mando a todas las cosas 
Se les ajunten, y bagan 
Su mandado, en quanto quiera ; ‘ 
T a las yerbas y a las plantas 
Mando produciesen fruto 
Con fertilisima gracia ; 

Con que se poblase el mundo, 
Mejor que de antes estaba. 
Pasado que fue el diluvio, 

Ya la tierra sosegada, 

Ajunto Nob a sus hijos, 

A todos les dice y babla, 
Diciendo : “ Queridos bijos, 
Acordaos destas palabras, 

Con las quales os monesto 
La salud de vuestras almas ! 
Tened siempre en la memoria 
Esta justicia, pasada, 

Que vuestro Senor ba becbo 

En esta gente enganada ; 

Y que se queda su azote 

Y su mano levantada, 

Para castigo de aqueUos 

Que sus preceptos no guardan.® 
A el solo babeis de adorar, 

(Sin ponerle semexanza),® 

Que no consiente aparcero 
El que da el plazo y lo alarga. 
El, sustenta sus criaturas ; 

El solo, gobierna y manda 
Amaos unos a otros, 

Con amor fii-me y constancia, 

Y luziran vuestros becbos, 

Y uestros campos y manadas ; 
Produciran vuestros algos 
Con bendicion y abundancia ; 

Y la de vuestro Senor 

Y la mia os sea dada.” 

Y a su bijo Sem departe, 

Ques el que la luz Uevaba, 

Se la encomiendo qual Adam '( 

A Siz su bijo encargaba. j ® 
Pasados ya mucbos anos, 

Que vivian, y poblaban 
El triste mundo desierto, 

A todas partes sancbaba,’ 

Como era gran fabricante ) jo 
A todos les ensenaba, | 

A sembrar y arar la tierra 
A todas sus cultivanzas, 

Que con su grande presencia*' 
Tracendia,'^ y fabricaba 
Los cursos y movimientos ; 

Y principio a dar la traza 
Del peso y de la medida,** 

Y las demas ministranzas 

Que a nuestra bumana rivienda 
Convenian e importaban. 

Todo sucedio que un dia, 

Entre otras quespirmentaba, 
Cogio unos dulzes racimos, 

Que estaban en una parra ; 

* Resumida, P. 2 Dentraron, P. ; denotaron, Londres. * Criacion, P. 
■» Pida, P. ® Variante, Que su nombre desacatan, JIS. Paris. 

® Del MS. de Paris. ’ Variante. El solo rebilca y mata MS. Paris. 

® Del MS. de Paris, segun el MS. de Londres ; 

Se le encomienda aquel don A Siz su bijo encargado. 

2 Se ensanchan, P. w Del MS. de Paris. ** Esperiencia, P. 

n Transcendia, P. n Mesura, P. 



Estrujandoles el mosto 
Bebio del per que gustaba 
De saber que efecto hacian 
Todas las frutas* y plantas. 

El bebio y en aquel punto 
Pirdio el sentido y la habla, 
De suerte, que cayo en tierra 
Dandole terrible basca ; 

T parece que esta fruta 
Va confirmando a la clara 
La opinion de los que dicen 
Que fue la que gusto Hagua. 
Llegd a esto un nieto suyo^ 

Do su buen aguelo estaba, 

Y vio sus ocultas partes 
Descubiertas sin amparas ; 

Y envez de se las cubrir, 

Con grande risa llamaba 
Luego a su padre lafed* 

Otros dicen que esta falta \ 
Eue de Cam, bijo segundo i 
De Nob ; que para mi causa > 
Poco importa sea qual quiera, \ 
Lo cierto fue que mofaban 
Del buen Nob, basta que vino 
Sem, y con su propia capa 
Cobijd a su amado padre 

Con gran recato y crianza, 
Eetando a sus bermanos 
Su risa desvergonzada. 

Y siendo ya Nob despierto 
De la embriaguez pasada, 

Y enterado de la risa, 

Luego a lafed senala’ 

Con su Sana y maldicion, 

Y lo descluye y aparta 
De sus adqueridos bienes, 

Y de su amparo y su gracia. 
Por esto la santa Suna 
Desbereda y desampara 

A1 bijo desobidiente 

Que a sus padres desacata. 

Fue la maldicion de Nob 
Tan penetrante y tan larga, 
Que durara en este mundo 
Mientras criaturas® baya 
En la prosapia y linage 
De lafed tan senalada ; ’ 

Que sera entre las naciones 
Su cara® desfigurada. 

Deste tomaron principio 
Los macbucbes, a quien llaman 
Los negros masticencos,® 

Cuyas colores tiznadas 
Tomaron de su patron 
lafed,'® porque fue mudada 
Su color blanca en negrida" 
Quando perdio aquella gracia. 
Todo lo que este pirdio, 

Sem lo cobrd de alabanza, 

Que fue el mas aventajado 
En virtuosas crianzas. 

Este fue el que a peticion 
De los de Baniceraila'® 

Eesucito el justo'® Yse, 

Y salid tan demudado 
Su color, barba y cabeza 
Medio negra y medio blanca, 
Pensando que ya a la cuenta 
Del juicio lo llamaba. 

Deste Sem nacid Arfaban," 

Y Uevd la luz preciada j 
El qual engendrd a Sale, > 
Deste a Eber fue mudada, ) 

De cuyo nombre tomd 
Principio la lengua bebraica; 
De aqui decendid Falaile'® 

De do en Sareg fue asentada.'^ 
Deste Ezar traducio'® 

Y de alii a Tareb mudada. 

Este fue padre de Ezar, 

I Aquel famoso ydolatra 

’ Yerbas, P. * Llego A esto Cam su nieto, P. ® Asi tambien en el MS. de Paris. 

* Del MS. de Paris; en vez de estas lineas el MS. de Londres dice: Y los dos 
juntos mofaban. * A1 disoluto seflala, P. ® Alecados, P. 

■ De aquel que perdio la gracia, Paris. ® Color. 

® Los morenos mesticeucos, MS. Paris. Aquel, P. 

“ De blanca en negra, P. Israel. ’® Sancto, P, 

Arfasad. Estas tres lineas faltan y son sacadas del MS. de Paris. 

Falah, Paris. Sarug, Paris. is Del en Naqor traducida, MS. Paris. 



A qulen Allah por misterio 
Quisd que fuese asentada ) ^ 

La luz Santa y escogida, ) 

Que solo El a si se entiende, 
Nadie penetra sus trazas : 

Y aunque este fue descreido, 
En lo que a la vida humana 
Convenia, era zeloso 
T su vida limpia y casta. 

Este fue padre de Ibrahim ; 
Ved la diferencia tanta 
Que, quanto el padre fue malo, 
Tanto el hijo tuvd gracia ! 

1 Detuvo la luz bonrada 
Para con tan gran misterio 
® De un, P. 

Por eso, el santo alcoram 
Hos dice, ensena y declara 
Que, “ saca el muerto del vivo, 

Y el vivo de muerto saca 
Saca deP justo un infiel, 

De donde engendra una casta,® 
Como de Tare a Ezar, 

Y de Ezar un patriarca, 

Como Ybrahim, cuyos hechos 
Pequieren nueva garganta, 

Que para tan grande empresa 
Tengo ya la voz cansada, 

Dar a la gente enseilanza. 

— MS. Paris. 

De do engendra un alma sancta, P. 


Art. XII. — JIaterials for the History of India for the Six 
Hundred Years of Mohammadan Rule previous to the 
foundation of the British Indian Empire. By Major W. 
Nassau Lees, LL.D., Ph.D. 

[Read January 20, 1868.] 

Every inquiry which can elucidate the history, the laws, the 
institutions, or the characteristics of the people of India, ought 
to have a very practical interest for the people of England, 
and especially for that small section of them which is en- 
trusted with her government, either more directly as connected 
with the India Office, or less so as members of the British 
Parliament. Nor can it be said that information acquired 
by personal inquiry from people living on the spot is the 
most satisfactory for the purpose, or can be considered suffi- 
cient. Such is not the case. Englishmen in India, as a 
rule, never mix in social intercourse with the natives. They 
may receive friendly visits from a few ; but, in ordinary, the 
relations between Englishmen and the higher classes of the 
natives of India are either purely official or purely of a busi- 
ness nature, and with the lower orders those of master and 
servant. Again, the few natives of India who have received 
an English education have been effectually isolated from the 
great body of their fellow-countrymen, with whom they have 
as little real sympathy as with their English rulers. In the 
former case, sometimes from fear, but more often from a 
desire to coincide with and to please or flatter his superiors, 
as the Hindu historians did in the reigns of Akbar and his 
successors, — and in the latter, sometimes from ignorance, but 
sometimes also from interested motives, — the opinions of natives 
with which Europeans are likely to be favoured are not always 
a safe guide. On the contrary, in some respects, the greater 
the progress that is made in educating the ujjper classes of 
the natives of India, on the English model up to our own 



standard, the greater will be the necessity most cautiously to 
guard against the tendency that will arise, and naturally so, 
to depend for our knowledge of the feelings, prejudices, and 
wishes of our native subjects on native public opinion, as 
expressed through the medium of that section of the native 
community which we have separated from the mass of their 
fellow- countrymen . 

And the reason why I have so far transgressed the rules 
which ordinarily should guide contributors to a learned 
Society or Journal, as to discuss these matters from a ma- 
terial point of view, is this, — I desire to show how deeply 
interested the Government, the Legislature, and the people 
of Great Britain are in the researches of any Society whose 
object is to investigate the social and political history and the 
antiquities of India, and I am quite certain that my best 
chance of success is to combine the practical with the literary 
and scientific. 

It is true, I admit, and it is very gratifying that it is true, 
that the spirit of enquiry regarding the history and the tra- 
ditions of the Hindus which has sprung up in Europe within 
the last few years has awakened a deep interest in this ancient 
people, their institutions, and their languages. This interest, 
moreover, has extended far beyond the boundary limits of that 
comparatively small section of European communities which 
is connected with India, and which may be said to be directly 
interested in the welfare of her peoples ; or that fraternity of 
literary and scientific men who occupy themselves with old 
stones and bones, foot-prints of ages long since passed away. 
Not only the antiquity of the Aryans, and their influence 
and that of their language on the peoples and languages of 
the West, but the brotherhood of the race have been fully 

But if the study of the literature of the Hindus makes us 
acquainted with ancient India, and the modes of thought, 
the institutions, and the degrees of civilisation attained by the 
peoples of India in former times, it is not imtil we are brought 
in contact with the Moslim in India that we are enabled to 
assign accurate dates to kings, or that the sequence of events 



can be recorded witb that guarantee for their accuracy which 
is necessary for the requirements of history. Even here we 
are sadly at fault ; for, regarding the early Moslim con- 
quests in India, little reliable evidence has been recorded, 
some of that little has been lost, and much of that which 
remains is still unavailable to the public, being locked up in 
MSS. which are daily becoming more scarce from the ravages 
of time, climate, and moths, insects, and worms, upon whom 
nature imposes the necessity of sustaining life. 

Many able men have occupied themselves with the history 
of India, and each and all of them have contributed in their 
degree to dispel the mists of ignorance which cloud the know- 
ledge of even the best informed persons in England on this 
subject. The Hon. Mountstuart Elphinstone has written, 
perhaps, the most generally approved history of India. Still 
how very incomplete it is, and how very incomplete is every 
history of India that has yet appeared ! Yet the materials 
for a history of the Mohammadan period, if incomplete for the 
whole, exist in abundance for a great if not the greater part ; 
and it does not reflect credit on the English name or nation, 
that having been the paramount power in India now for up- 
wards of a century, and having been for upwards of half that 
period in complete possession of the greater portion of it, no 
efficient effort has been made to collect and consolidate these 
materials in such a manner as to make them available for the 
service of the future historian and for the instruction of the 
patient student, or of those who come to India to rule, to 
trade, to travel, or for any other purpose of business or plea- 
sure. True it is, as just stated, that the materials for the 
compilation of a history of India for the six hundred years of 
Mohammadan dynasties are not so complete for all portions of 
that period as could be wished ; indeed, for some they are 
very scant. True it is that the great mass of Mohammadan 
historical works partake more or less of the character of bio- 
graphies, and are rather chronicles of the deeds of kings than 
of the events of the period, the institutions of the people, the 
progress of civilization, and the results of policy and con- 
temporaneous opinions regarding them, and are deficient in 



many of those characteristics which enable posterity to derive 
valuable lessons from the experiences of the past. More true 
still is it that most of the historians were for the most part 
court chroniclers who wrote to order, and whose business it 
was to employ their eloquent language to draw a veil over 
the vices of those whose virtues they were hired to extol. 
Still, I do not coincide in opinion with those who estimate as 
of little worth the large body of historical works which has 
been bequeathed to posterity by the many very able writers 
who flourished at intervals within the period above men- 
tioned. Where are the historians from the ages of the Greeks 
and Romans down to our own time, to whose writings many 
and grave objections may not be taken ? You might almost 
count them on the fingers. In reading Oriental histories, 
moreover, all due allowance must be made for the influences 
of despotism, bigotry, love of flattery, and personal vanity, 
which is peculiarly characteristic of the men and the times 
of which they wrote ; but though exaggeration may some- 
times have been resorted to, a main peculiarity of Mohammadan 
writers — which is of the essence of all sound history — is regard 
for truth. Nor are we altogether dependent upon court 
chroniclers ; we have in some instances contemporary and 
independent historians ; besides which, writers have never 
failed to comment freely upon the histories of those authors 
who have preceded them, and their testimony in such cases 
may be considered impartial. Where, again, is the Emperor 
in modern times who would so truthfully and so frankly 
record his own follies and vices as the Emperor Jehangir has 
done in his memoirs or auto-biography, commonly called the 
Tuzak-i-Jehdngin ? Where is now-a-days the empire in which 
an author could dare to write of his despot ruler in the un- 
measured terms in which ’Abd al Kadir of Badaon has written 
of the Emperor Akbar ? Where in the whole range of the 
literature of that period of the world’s history can we find a 
more valuable and complete compendium of the political, 
religious, social, commercial, and agricultural institutions of a 
nation than is contained in the Institutes of Akbar compiled by 
AbM Eazl ? That much valuable information is to be acquired. 



and that many useful deductions may be drawn from the facts 
and events found recorded in the pages of the Mohammadan 
historians of India there can be little doubt ; and it is the 
more to be regretted that though attention was called to this 
subject now nearly twenty years ago, and a beginning was 
made, since then little has been done towards rescuing from 
destruction what the moths and insects have left behind. 

The person who first drew attention to this important sub- 
ject was Sir Henry M. Elliot, late Foreign Secretary to the 
Government of India, and one of the ablest public officers 
and most accomplished scholars who ever adorned the Indian 
Civil Service. But the death of the author at the early age 
of forty-five not only put an end to the immediate comple- 
tion of his original design, but the idea seems to have been 
abandoned by the Government, for whom, and on whose 
account, this lamented scholar prepared the materials which 
are now going through the press. This design was, to print 
or lithograph a “ Uniform Edition of the Historians of India.” 
The proposal, it is true, was not accepted by the Govern- 
ment of the North-West Provinces of India, to which it was 
addressed, on the grounds that the education funds at the 
disposal of Government were not sufficient to defray the 
expense of such an undertaking. It was intimated, however, 
that it was desirable that an index should be prepared so 
that the MSS. should be sought for, and the works deposited 
in some College Library, “ to be printed or lithographed here- 
after should circumstances render it expedient, and should the 
public taste, at present lamentably indifferent, show any inclina- 
tion for greater familiarity with the true sources of the Moham- 
madan History of India.” 

Sir Henry Elliot published the first volume of his “ Biblio- 
graphical Index to the Historians of Mohammadan India” in 
1859 ; but neither then nor since, as far as I am aware, has 
any search been made for the MSS. therein indexed, which 
were to be placed in the College Library, to await that future 
favorable moment when they could be printed or lithographed. 
Whether it is to the inexpediency of “ circumstances,” or the 
“ indifference of public taste,” we are indebted for this unfor- 



tunate result, I cannot say ; but, be that as it may, it is now 
too late to make the attempt.^ With the overthrow of native 
dynasties, and the general break-up of Mobammadan society 
consequent on the mutiny and rebellion of 1857-58, all 
prospect of obtaining many rare or valuable MSS. in India 
disappeared ; and though a good book may now and again be 
picked up, they are, in these days, seldom to be met with. 

A circumstance occurred, however, about eight years ago, 
which, if it proved mischievous in some respects, was fortu- 
nate for the design of Sir H. M. Elliot. The Bibliotheca 
Indica, a series of Oriental works, liberally patronized by the 
late Court of Directors to the extent of £600 a year, had 
some time contained a large number of Arabic works. 
Indeed, the character of the works which, from time to time, 
appeared in this publication, was influenced by the acquire- 
ments and predilections of the editors. During the incum- 
bency of Dr. Roer, or from the year 1847 to 1852, the 
majority of the works it contained were Sanskrit. During 
the incumbency of my learned and esteemed friend. Dr. 
Aloys Sprenger, activity was shown chiefly in the publication 
of Arabic works. It was during this period that those grand 
works, the Kashfu ’z-zimun, or, “ Dictionary of the Technical 
Terms used in the Sciences of the Mohammadans,” and the 
Igdhah fi tamyizi ’ g-Qihdhah, or, “Biographical Dictionary of 
the Companions of Mohammad,” were commenced. The value 
of such works as these to the students of Arabic philosophy 
and science, and the history of the first period of Isldm, is 
incalculable. But a Sanskrit scholar. Professor H. H. Wilson, 
could not bear to see so much of the Honourable the Court’s 
grant expended in publishing Arabic works. At his instance 
the noble old Court of Directors ordered that no work other 

' Since the above was written, Mr. Edward Thomas, the distinguished savant 
to whom the public are most indebted for the continuation of the papers of Sir H. 
M. Elliot, has brouglit to my notice that, under Mr. Colvin’s orders, much search 
was made by Mr. Hammond, of the Bengal Civil Service, and that a number of 
MSS. were collected, hut they were lost or destroyed in the mutiny. I remember 
the search made hy Mr. Hammond, for he was in communication with me for 
some years ; but I was not aware that his labours had resulted in the recovery of 
any MSS., or that they were lost. It would he interesting to have some record 
of what MSS. these were, so that, if possible, they might be traced. Possibly 
they may be amongst the Delhi prize MSS. (See Appendix to this Paper. Ed.) 



than works relating to India should be printed in the 
Bihliotheca Indica, under pain of the grant being withdrawn ; 
and it was under these circumstances that the Asiatic Society 
of Bengal conceived the idea of devoting the funds hither- 
to expended in the publication of Arabic works, to a 
Persian series, which should contain chiefly works on the 
History of India. Dr. Sprenger having returned to Europe, 
the task of the selection of the histories to be printed, subject 
to the approval of the Council of the Society, devolved upon 
me ; as also their superintendence while passing through 
the press. I may, therefore, give my own explanation of the 
objects of the publication, as addressed to the Society from the 
Chair, at the general meeting for August, 1864, which was as 
follows : — “ The present object of the Society in regard to the 
Persian series of the Bihliotheca Indica, is to aid in working 
out an idea which originated with the late distinguished Sir 
Henry Elliot, viz., to place in the hands of the future his- 
torian the best original materials for compiling a history of 
this country ; and the plan proposed for accomplishing our 
task is, to publish texts of the most trustworthy authors, 
giving the preference, when possible, to writers contemporary with 
the events their histories chronicle.” 

I have underlined the last passage in the above extract, 
because it has been the guiding principle which I have kept 
before me in my selection of the histories which have been 
printed, and those which remain to be printed — to obtain, if 
possible, the evidence of eye-witnesses of the events narrated ; 
failing this, that of contemporary writers ; and failing this, to 
obtain as near a view of the history of each period as possible ; 
always assuming the authors selected to be considered trust- 
worthy by their contemporaries, or by subsequent writers of 
note. That this principle is sound will not be questioned ; 
but it has not, of course, been practicable to meet the first two 
conditions very often. Up to the reign of Akbar, we have 
not much contemporary history ; nor have we any histories 
that were not available to the Mohammadan historians of later 
periods ; but, still, when it is remembered that all European 
histories of India have been compiled from works written 



centuries after the events they record, it will be a great stride 
in advance to get our ruaterials first hand. One of the 
greatest faidts of a large proportion of Mohammadan his- 
torians is their ambition to eclipse all writers of history who 
preceded them. Each historian seems to have set himself to 
write a history that would render all other histories obsolete. 
Hence, the great number of universal or general histories, 
commencing with the birth of Adam, and brought down to 
the period of the author. Now it is plain that an author’s 
version of events which occurred one or two hundred, or one 
or two thousand, years before he lived, could be useful only in 
the event of his having had access to works no longer extant, 
or which are not novi’ easily procurable. When we had to 
deal, moreover, with so extended a period as six centuries, and 
had verj' limited funds at our disposal, it became necessary to 
consider whether it would be possible, within reasonable limits 
of time, to publish comj)lete editions of all the works whose 
author’s histories of their own times, and of those immedi- 
ately preceding them, it was desirable to publish. I was of 
opinion that it would not ; and that we should confer greater 
benefits on the pubKc by adding, as soon as we could, as many 
missing links to the chain of the historical record as our 
search for good MSS. would enable us. It was not intended, 
however, to leave what may be termed standard works in- 
complete. Such works, it was always my opinion, should be 
completed as soon as the immediately pressing want was sup- 
plied and funds were available for the purpose. And an 
additional reason for this arose when it was found that the 
natives of India did not approve of incomplete histories, and 
would not readily purchase them. On financial grounds then 
the completion of certain histories is desirable, though the 
contents of the previously suppressed portions may not add 
much to the information already available to the future 

The first work of the new Persian series published in the 
Bibliotheca Indiea, was Abu’l Fazl Baihaki’s history of 
Mas’ud, the son of Mahmud of Ghaznin, edited by the late 
W. Morley, to whom was originally entrusted the task of 



editing Sir Henry Elliot’s posthumous papers. This work 
he styled the Tar'ikh-i-Baihaki, but it is simply a portion of a 
very much larger work in several volumes entitled the Tdr'ikli-i- 
dl-i-Subuktag'in, or “History of the descendants of Suhuktagin” 
the father of Mahmud the Great, and nominally the founder 
of the dynasty commonly called the Slave.^ This is a great 
work, and a standard work for that period ; and I was in 
hopes that more volumes of it might be found ; hut after 
much search I have not been able to hear of another volume, 
nor can I find even a complete notice of the work anywhere, 
nor that any late author has had access to it. I fear, there- 
fore, that the remaining portion of this very valuable history 
has been lost. Shams-i-Siraj, the author of the Tabakdt-i- 
Ndgiri, had a copy of it ; and he has taken a great portion of 
his account of the kings of this family from its pages, quoting 
Baihaki often in preference to any other author, which gives 
an additional value to those portions of his work which treat 
of times anterior to his own. 

Mas’iid, however, was not one of the kings of India, or, as 
they were in earlier times styled, kings of Delhi. But the 
history of the kings of Ghaznin and the Princes of the house 
of Subuktagin, from the time of Mahmud up to the final 
subjugation of Hindustan and the establishment of the 
Mohammadan power at Delhi, are so interwoven with cam- 
paigns and incidents connected with the foundation of the 
empire which the Pathans succeeded in creating, that any 
history of India without some account of the rise, progress, 
and decline of the kingdoms of Ghaznin and Ghor would be 
incomplete. I doubt much, however, materials being found 
to give a very full account of this important period of history. 
Sir Henry Elliot has given a long list of authorities for a 
history of the kings of Ghaznin, but many of these books he 
had not seen, and his lists in great part are made up of the 
authorities he found referred to in the prefaces of Moham- 
madan histories. In his notices of authors and their books 
he has invariably stated what works he had himself seen and 
consulted, and those he had derived information of from others ; 

1 Shams-i-Siraj, in his Tabakdt, calls the work the Tdrikk-i-lidfiri. 



but tbe notices which have been published are very few. 
The celebrated poet ’ Unguri wrote a history of the life of 
l^Iahmud, and copies of it were extant about a century and a 
half ago, for it was consulted by the author of the Khuldgat- 
ut-Tawdrikh, one of the most carefully compiled general 
histories of India I know of. The author commences with the 
Pandus, and brings his narrative down to the end of the year 
1107 A.H. It was continued for some years later by another 
hand ; and here I may mention, as an instance of how desir- 
able it is to print the texts of all the valuable histories of 
India compiled in former times we can, that the author of 
the well known Sujar ul Mutaaklikhar'in , who wrote his history 
when Lord Hastings was Governor-General, has transferred 
almost the whole of this work to his pages verbatim, without 
ever once mentioning the author’s name. A more glaring 
instance of plagiarism it would be impossible to conceive, yet 
the author of the Siyar has a great reputation, especially 
amongst European writers, and the name of the modest 
Subhan Pai, the real historian, is probably whollj' unknown. 
To make matters worse, this dishonest copyist sa}% in the 
preface of his book, that he found a feio pages of an old book 
prepared by some Munshi for one of the Mohammadan 
Emperors, which he made use of, but it was full of mistakes, 
which he corrected. This is nothing else but a barefaced 
falsehood ; for if there are mistakes in Subhan Pai’s history he 
has copied them all, and made very many of his own besides. 
Another dishonest writer translated the same history into 
Hindustani, and giving it a new name, the Ardish-i-JLahfil, 
passed it off as an original composition. He was, however, 
more honest than tbe other, as, though he denies that his 
book is a translation, he acknowledges some obligation. He 
deceived Mr. Shakespeare, however, the author of the Hin- 
dustani Dictionary, who always mentioned him as the author ; 
and also Professor Dowsou,^ the able editor of Sir H. M. 

1 The author seems to have been under some misapprehension on the subject. 
Mr. Shakespear heads his selections from the Ardhh-i-Mahfil with the statement 
that this work “is for the most part founded on the KhuIaqat-ut-Taudrikh'' 
Professor Dowson himself has on no occasion entered into the question of the 
authorship of this work, having merely quoted the work by name. — Ed. 

VOL. III.— [new series.] 28 



Elliot’s History of India, now going through the press. 
A great portion of the remainder of the Siyar is copied, 
though not verbatim, from Khdf'i Khan. This author I sup- 
pose was too well known to admit of the perpetration of so 
disgraceful a fraud upon the public without the certainty of 

’XJnguri was a contemporary of Mahmud, and, from his 
high reputation as a scholar, a history of this king from his 
pen would be very valuable ; but I fear the book has been 
lost. W e have a history, however, by a contemporary writer, 
also a vSry accomplished scholar and distinguished poet, Abu 
Nacr Mohammad bin ’Abd al- Jabbar al ’Otbi, the author of the 
Tdrilch-i-Yamini. lie wrote his history in the year 410 a.h., 
and it has always been considered in India a masterpiece of 
style and Arabic composition. It is consequently very diffi- 
cult to understand ; and having been written at the time 
the events it chronicles occurred, or when they were not 
only fi-esh in the memory of all, but the talk of half the 
continent of Asia, the facts related can be depended upon. 
Still as a history it would have been more acceptable had it 
been written in a simple narrative style. The consequence 
has been that the history has been overcome by the rhetoric, 
and what the author has gained in reputation as an elegant 
scholar he has lost as a truthful historian. Several com- 
mentaries have been composed on this work, one by Kasim 
bin al-IIusain al-Khwarazmi, who died as early as 555 a.h. ; 
and one by Abu ’Abdallah Mahmud bin ’Omar an-Najati an- 
Nishapiiri, entitled the Basdtin al-Fuzald tea Ridhin al ’Ukald, 
in 704 A.H., who says in his preface that he had consulted five 
previously written commentaries. A translation of the work 
in Persian was also made by Abu’ sh-Sharf Nagih bin Zafar.^ 
The book is very highly esteemed, especially in India, and was 
lithographed at Delhi by Dr. A. Sprenger in 1847, and was 
formerly one of the test books in the Oriental Colleges in Upper 

' (An English translation of the Persian text, by the Rev. J. Reynolds, was 
published under the auspices of the Oriental Translation Fund, in London, in 
1858.) See also Noldeke’s article on the Kitdb Yamini in “ Sitzungs-Berichte 
der Wiener Academie der Wiss,” vol. 23 (1857 ). — Ed. 



India ; yet I do not think it has ever been used by any Euro- 
pean historian. For some years copies have not been procur- 
able ; but I have lately extracted and reprinted the portion re- 
lating to Mahmud’s conquests in India in a test book whick I 
compiled for the Calcutta University B. A. examination ; and 
as the Asiatic Society of Bengal are precluded from publishing 
it in their Bibliotheca, I intend printing and publishing a 
complete edition of this work at my own risk if I can obtain 
good MSS. 

But the most remarkable author, perhaps, of aU those who 
wrote upon India at this period was Abu Raihan al-Binini 
(430 A.H.), of whom Rashid ud-din, who wrote before and 
after 700 a.h., expresses the following opinion: — “ He was 
the servant, the philosopher, and astronomer of Mahmud, 
son of Suhulvtagin ; he lived for forty years in India,^ and has 
related everything connected with the religions, astronomy, 
laws, and psychology of the people, the height and density of 
their mountains, their deserts, rivers, cities, manners, cus- 
toms,” etc. But al-Biruni was a traveller, and his book is 
valuable for the elucidation of the Hindu rather than the 
Mohammadan period of Indian history. There are two copies 
of his work in Europe, and we were promised an edition of it 
by Professor Wopcke, but since the death of this distinguished 
scholar there is every reason to fear that the idea has been 
abandoned. Rashid ud-din’s history, or the Jdmi’ut- 
Taicdrilih-i-RasMd’i, has a great reputation amongst European 
scholars. The greater portion of it was supposed to be lost, 
and the discovery of the missing portions was welcomed with 
great rejoicing in Paris, London, and Calcutta. But except 
in so far as concerns the history of the reigns of Ghazan Khan 
Oljaitu and of Rashid ud-din’s own times, for which it may be 
considered a standard work, and in the sense before mentioned, 
it is of little value. The ichoh of the Tdrikh-i- Yamini has 
been transferred by the author to his pages ; and the same in 
regard to other works, may be said of tbe remainder of his 
history down to about 650 a.h. It is unnecessary, however, 

* This, I think, must he a mistake, otherwise Ahu Raihhn must have left 
Khorasan too young to gain the high reputation he acquired in his own country. 



here to go into this question, I have discussed it fully in 
the fragmentary materials for a treatise on the “ Principles 
of Historic Criticism as applied to the writings of Moham- 
madan Historians,” which I have for some years been collect- 
ing, but which I have not had time to attend to. 

But to return to A1 ’Otbi, who has been so long neglected 
by the Oriental literary world, and to my humble effort to 
restore to him that merit of which, though justly his due, he 
has been deprived. I am unable to say how far the dis- 
tinguished and undoubtedly very able and accomplished 
Rashid ud-din is responsible for the disingenuousness in- 
volved in the suppression of A1 ’Otbi’s name, because I am 
not certain — rather, I should say, I have grave doubts — that 
we have his history in the form in which he wrote it ; and 
because I do not know whether or not he made use of Sharf ud- 
din’s Persian translation of the Tdnkh-i-Yamini, or the work 
of some other author who had previously appropriated things 
not his own without due acknowledgment. Writers in Per- 
sian are unfortunately extremely unsatisfactory on aU points 
of this nature, and this is especially noticeable when we have 
to deal with translations into that language. (Compare the 
Persian translation of Tabari by Bal’ami with the original 
in Arabic.) 

But with all this I have no concern just now. The transla- 
tion of the Tdrikh-i-Yamini to be found in the Tdrikh-i-Rashidi 
is extremely free, and, though in substance accurate, contains 
in the MSS. which I have consulted a good number of omis- 
sions. Still the author or translator would not seem to have 
availed himself of any fresh materials. He begins his narra- 
tive where A1 ’Otbi began his ; and although writing about 
three centuries later, he leaves off where A1 ’Otbi has con- 
cluded. And as Rashid ud-din, at the present day, has a 
very great reputation, and A1 ’Otbi is comparatively un- 
known, for the satisfaction of all who may be interested in 
the matter, I give the headings of the chapters of both 
authors, premising that while Rashid ud-din has followed the 
narrative of A1 ’Otbi throughout, he has not thought it neces- 
sary invariably to adopt his division into chapters. 



Tarikh-i-Tamim of AI ’Otbi. 


I Tarfkh-i-Rashidi of Rashidud-din 


Of the times of the late Amir 
AhCi Mansur Subuktagfn and of 
his life. 


Of the history of the genealogy 
and afiairs of N&qir-ud-din Su- 
buktag'm and the origin of his 


The Conquest of Bust. 


Conquest of Bust. 


The Conquest of Kuqdhr. 


Conquest of Kuqdkr. 


Of the causes which enticed the 
Turks into the country of the 
Amir Abdl Khsim Niihb. Man- 
qur, and the difficulties of his 
Government, and his flight from 
his country and province. 


A leaf appears to be missing 

Of Segistan. 


Of the affairs of Seestan. 


Of Husain ud-Daulah AbiT- 
’ Abbas Tksh al-Hkjib, and his 
appointment to the Commander- 
in-Chiefship of the Army. 


Story of Kubur and Fakhr ud- 

Of the return of Fakhr ud-Dau- 
lah towards his territories, and 
what took place afterwards in 
connection with engagement for 
mutual assistance, between him 
and Husain ud-Daulah, to the 
death of the latter. 


Of Fakhr ud-Daulah’s return 
to his country, and his friendship 
with Husain ud-Daulah. 


Of the departure of AbliT ’Abbas 
Tash towards Jurjan, and the 
arrival of Abi ’1-Hasan bin SimjCir 
at Nishapur in command of the 


No heading, but the accoxmts 
are the same. 

Of Ahu ’1-Hasan bin Simjur, 
Commander-in-Chief of the Aimy 
until he died ; and the transfer of 
the command to his son Abfl ’ Ali. 


Of Abd ’1-Hasan, son of SimjOr, 
and his Government in Khorasan 
until his death, and the succession 
to his office of his son Abu ’Ali. 


Of Fiiik, and what happened to 
him after the occurrence of the 
events mentioned in the foregoing 


Of Faik and his affairs at Mara- 
qdd after his defeat. 


Of the arrival of Bughi-a Khan 
at Bokhara. 


Of the departure of Niih bin 
Manqur from Bokhara and the 
arrival of Bughra Khan at Bokhara. 


Of the return of R&.dhi to Bok- 
hara after the departure of BughrS, 


No heading, but the subject 
matter is the same. 

Of Abii ’1-Kasim bin Simjdr, 
brother of Abu ’Ah', and what 
happened to him after separating 
from him. I 


Of Abd ’1-Kasim bin Simjur, 
brother of Abd ’Ali, and his cir- 
cumstances after his separation 
from his brother. 




Tan'kh-i-Yam'm'i of A1 ’Otb'i. 


Thrikh-i-Eashidi of Eashid ud-din. 


Of what took place between the 
Amir Saif ud-Daulah Mahmud 
and his brother the Amir Ism&il, 
after his (Ismail’s) accession to the 
throne of his father. 


No heading. 

Of what took place between 
Abii ’l-K&sim bin Simjur Bukhtu 
Zun after tbe above. 


No heading. 

Of the Khilats or dresses of 
honour which the Khalif A1 
K&dir Billah conferred upon 


Of the sending of a Khilat or 
dress of honour by Al Kadir 
Billah to Mahmud. 


Of the return of ’Abd al-Malik 
bin Null towards Bokhara. 


Of the return of ’Abd al Malik 
bin N.Qh to Bokhara. 


Of the setting out of Abii Ibri- 
him bin Niih al Munta(,‘ir, 
and what took place between him 
and Ailak Kh hn at M hwarauln ahr, 
and between him and the Com- 
mander of the Armies of the Amir 
Abii ’1-Muzalfar Na 9 r bin Naqr 


Of the setting out of Abu Ibra- 
him Ismail, aud what took place 
between him, Ailak Khan, and 
Amir Naijr bin Na 9 r ud-din. 

Of the Samsuii Amirs and the 
period of their djmasty ft om their 
accession to the succession of 


Of the Samhni Amirs and the 
period of their djiiasty. 


Of the causes of the fi-iendship 
and enmity which arose between 
Na(jir ud-din Subuktagin and 
Khalaf bin Abmad Wiili of Saji- 
stan ; of the enmity aud jealousy 
which afterwards took place be- 
tween him and Mabmdd, until 
the latter deprived him of his 
kingdom ; and Mabnuid’s vic- 
tories in India, until he accom- 
plished his wishes by the aid of 
the Almighty. 


Of the fHend.ship and enmity 
which arose between Nhejir ud-din 
Subuktagin aud Khalaf bin Ab- 
niad ; and how the Sultan de- 
prived him of his kingdom. 


Of Shams al-Ma’ali K&b6s bin 
Washmikar, and his departure to 
his kingdom after long and many 


Of Shams al-Ma’ali K&bus bin 
Washmikar and his arrival on the 
borders of his own country. 

Of what passed between Mab- 
miid and Ailak Khan regarding a 
treaty offensive and defensive, and 
allaying rebellion. 


Of the friendship of Mabrndd 
with Ailak Khim and their subse- 
quent hostilities. 


Of the battle of Bhatiyah. 


Of the battle of Bhatiyah. 


Of the battle of Multan. 





T^rikh-i-Tammi of A1 ’Otbi. 


T arikh-i-Rashidl of Rashid ud-din. 


Of the passing over of the army 
of Ailak Khhn. 


Wanting ; apparently defect in 
MSS., as the next chapter begins, 
“ The Sultan after these two vic- 
tories,” one only having been 

Of the taking of the Fort of 
Bhim Nagar. 



Of the taking of BimbughrS, 


Of the descendants of Farighiin. 


Of the descendants of Farighfin. 


Of the Aini'r al-Muminin al- 
Kadir bi’llah, and his succession 
to the Khalifat, and his confirma- 
tion in the office of Imam, and 
the acceptance of him by the 
people alter At-Tayi’i, and what 
took place between Mahmud and 
Babb ud-Daulah, Abii Na(;r bin 
Adad ud-Daulah. 


Of A1 Kadir bi’llah and his 
succession to the Khalifat after 
T&yl’i, and his fiiendship with 
the Sultan and Bahh ud Daulah 
bin Adad ud-Daulah. 


Of the battle (conquest) of 


Of the battle of Narain. 


Of the battle (conquest) of 

305 j 

Of the battle of Ghor. 


Of the famine which occurred 
at Nishapur 401 a.h. 


No heading, but account of the 
famine of 401 is there. 

Of what occurred with the 
Khans of Tui'kistan after his 
return from Mawaraulnahr. 


Of the Khhns after his (Mah- 
mOd’s) return from Mbwaraul- 


Of the conquest of Ku(;dhr. 


Of the conquest of Kuqdhr. 

Of the Shdrum (two Princes), 
the father Mohammad and his 
son Abu Naqr. 


No heading, but the account is 
there precisely as given in A'amini. 

Of the battle of Nardin. 


Battle of Nardin. (No heading). 

Of the battle of Thanesur. 


Of the battle of Thanesur. (No 

5 12 

Of the TVazirship of the Shaikh 
Shams ul-Kufkt Abh T-Kasim 
Abmad bin Al-Hasan. 



Of Shams al-Ma’kli Kabfis bin 
"Washmikar and the end of his 
affairs ; the succession of the Amir 
Falak ul-Ma’ali Abii Manqvir Ma- 
nuchihir to his inheritance. 


Heading wanting ; account pre- 
cisely the same. 


Of Dara bin Shams al-Maali, 
and what happened to him in the 





Tarikh-i-Y^am'mi' of A1 ’Otb'i. 


Tki'ikh-i-Rashidi of Rashid ud-din. 


Of Majd iid-Daulah Abu Talib 
bin Fakbr ud-Daulah. 


Heading wanting ; accormt pre- 
cisely the same. 


Of Bahk ud-Daulah and his end. 


Heading wanting ; account the 


Of Ailak Khhn and what hap- 
pened to him in the end. 


Heading wanting ; account the 
same precisely. 


Of the Amir Abb Ahmad Mo- 
hammad bin Mahmud. 


^Y anting. 

Of At-Taharti, the Envoy from 



Of the Amir Abu’l ’ Abbhs Ma- 
miinbin Mamun Khwhrazm Shah, 
and what happened to him until 
Slahmud took possession of his 


Heading only wanting; contents 
the same. 


The conquest of Mahrah Kin- 
nauj and the Province of Cashmir. 



Of the Great Masjid at Ghaznin. 



Of the Afghans. 


Of the Afghans. 


Of what happened in Nishkpiir 
after the "Wazir Abb T ’Abbks, in 
connection with those who were 
appointed to govern it until the 
appointment of Abu ’1-IIasan ’Ali 
bin Mohammad As-Saiyarji. 

Of Abu Bakr Mohammad bin 
I.shak bin Mahma Shaz, and the 
Kadhi Abb T ’AUi Sa'id bin Mo- 
hammad, and what happened re- 
garding them at Nishapiir. 

Of the Commandcr-in-Chief 
Abu T-Muzaflar Naejr bin Su- 




Here ’Abd ar-Rashid closes his 
translation from the Tarikh-i- 
Y^amini ; but the remaining chap- 
ters, in which he gives the history 
of Mohammad bin Mahmiid and 
Maudhd bin Mas’iid bin Mabmud, 
are contained in a page and a half, 
which would seem to establish that 
he had only a copy of Baihaki’s 
work, — provided always that we 
have his history as he wrote it, 
which would not appear to have 
been the case. 

Of what took place regarding 
myself when having completed 
my history so far I submitted 
it to the Wazir Shams al-Kufat, 
and his recognition of my services. 


But to return to Abu Mohammad bin al-Hosain al-Baihaki 
(d. 470?) I have not been able to ascertain the date of his 
birth. It was probably about 400 a.h. ; and as he wrote his 
history apparently between the years 450 a.h. and 460 a.h., 



lie may be considered a contemporary author for the first 
sixty years of the fifth century. In speaking of Subuktagin 
he generally says, “ I heard so and so from my father.” 
During the reign of Mahmud’s son Mas’ud, Baihaki’s 
master, Abu Nagr Mishkan, who also wrote a history, which 
is lost, was head of the Government Secretariat Department, 
and, according to Baihaki, was a very elegant letter writer. 
Baihaki was his chief assistant or secretary, and had frequent 
interviews, on business, with the Sultan. On the death of 
Abu Nagr, not having been appointed to succeed him, he 
considered himself slighted, and placed his resignation in the 
hands of the king. Mas’ud, however, would not accept it ; 
and although he acknowledged Abu’l-Fazl’s fitness for the 
office, he said he was somewhat too young for so important a 
post. The portions of his history published, although they 
are chiefly devoted to the biography of !Mas’ud, which is 
brought down to his imprisonment in 431 a.h., treat also of 
matters connected with the reigns of Subuktagin, Mahmud, 
Mohammad, and, incidentally, of events of the reigns of 
Furrukhzad and Ibrahim, who ascended the throne, accord- 
ing to Baihaki, in 451 a.h. This latter king reigned forty- 
one years, and Baihaki died in the middle of this reign, so 
his work cannot contain a complete history of the dynasty 
founded by Subuktagin, which terminated with Khusraw 
Malik Khusraw Shah, who was killed by Mu’izz ud-din Sam, 
the Ghorian, 598 a.h. 

A1 Baihaki has also given some account of the kings of 
Khwarazm, which he has extracted from a work by Rashid 
ud-din’s oracle, Al-Biriinl, who was a contemporary, though 
forty years his senior. His whole history is confused, and pre- 
sents the appearance rather of a rough draft than of a revised 
text. That which he has related, however, is accurate, and 
can be accepted as truthful history ; for we have not only his 
own statement, viz., “ 1 have recorded nothing that I have 
not myself seen, or have not received on the most trust- 
worthy authority,” but the internal evidences of truth and 
honesty his history afibrds, and the high testimony borne to 
his character by other writers of note. Regarding the con- 



fused style of his history, moreover, it is only doing him com- 
mon justice to record here his own pathetic lament for the 
loss of the otficial documents which would have enabled him, 
he says, to make his history so much more worthy of pos- 
terity. In speaking of a despatch sent by Mas’ud to the 
Khalifah at Bagdad he makes the following remarks : — 

“ My master Bu Nagr made a draft of the letter in a 
style that he knew so well how to do, for as a letter writer he 
was the first man of his age {Lndm-i-rozgdr dar dabiri), I 
who am Abu’l-Fazl copied this letter. All letters to the 
Khalifah, the Khans of Turkistan, and the kings of the 
neighbouring countries, were in my handwriting, and I had 
charge of the office copies ; but, intentionall\% they made 
away with them {na chiz kardand). Alas ! many times alas! 
that that garden of Paradise is gone, for had it been other- 
wise, this history would have been very different from what it 
now is. But I am not hopeless that through the grace of 
God I may j’et obtain these papers, and thus be able to 
publish them all. The public will then be in a position to 
judge of the worth of that high official (Bii Kacr).” 

The poor fellow seems to have been sadly distressed by the 
loss of these papers, though how they were kept from him 
his remarks do not make clear. He refers to them again 
further on in his history, and repeats the above lament, add- 
ing that he had asked the sons of Bu Kacr for the copy of a 
letter without result. He mentions in very high terms a 
contemporary, Mahmud "Warrak, who, he says, had written 
“the history of a few thousand years {chandia hazdr sdl),” 
bringing his narrative down to 409 a.h. ; and adds, “ he there 
stopped, because I had commenced my history from that year. 
And this Mahmud,” he continues, “is accurate and trust- 
worthy. I have seen about ten or fifteen of his works on 
various subjects of great merit, and I wished to write a long 
eulogy upon him, and to quote much from him, but as soon 
as his sons heard of it they said to me, ‘ We who are his sons 
are not willing that you should take more than you have 
already taken from our father.’ Being helpless, therefore, I 
desisted.” What foolish children those of Mahmud Warrak ? 
Who now knows anything of their father ? Where are the 
ten or fifteen works on various subjects of this able writer 



and no doubt learned man ? "^Tiere are tbe numerous works 
of Abu Nacr Mishkan ; of At-Talabi, of ’Imad al-Katib ; 
of Ac-Qabi, the author of the Tdji ; of Abu Raihan al-Biruni, 
the philosopher and astronomer royal of Mahmud ; of ’AH 
al-Busti, Subuktagin’s Katib ; of Ibn al-Mastaufi, and hun- 
dreds of other authors of this period, who were contemporaries 
with Al-Baihaki or immediately preceded him, and of those 
whose names even are no longer known ? Where is the 
Nasah Ndmah-i Saldtin-i Ghor, compiled in verse bj^ Fakhr 
ud-din Mubarak Shah, and dedicated to ’Ala ud-din Hosain 
Jehan Soz, and the abridgement of Baihaki’s own work, 
which Minhaj ud-din tells us was made by one of the illus- 
trious men of Ghaznin in the times of Mu’izz ud-din Moham- 
mad Sam (602 h) ? A1 ’Otbi mentions the names of nine or 
ten poets of celebrity of his time, scarcely one of whom Ibn 
Khallikan or others have given us any notice of whatever ; 
besides a whole host of other authors might be mentioned 
whose works have been involved in the general destruction of 
MSS. which has been steadily progressing with the revolu- 
tions of the seasons and the wars of Islam. If anything is to 
be done in India it must be done quickly, for our climate is 
very different from that of the dry climate of Arabia, where 
neither the worm nor the moth abound. But I wander some- 
what from the immediate subject in hand. 

There are other special histories of the kings of Ghaznin, 
and perhaps of the kings of other dynasties, which it would 
be desirable to publish in a series devoted to the histoiA^ of 
India ; but as I see no present prospect of obtaining materials 
in India for giving editions of them, I may pass on to the 
histories of those sovereigns of the house of Ghaznin who 
maj'^ legitimately be styled kings of Delhi. The first on the 
list is the Tdj ul-JIadsir, by Hasan Kizami,^ who wrote the 
history of the times of Kutb ud-din Aibak and Shams ud-din 
Ailtimash, the first Mohammadan conquerors of Delhi, with 
whom he was a contemporary, and at whose courts he resided. 
Contemporary historians of this early period are very scarce ; 

1 Haji Khalifah calls the author Cadr ud-din Mohammad hin Hasan-i-Nizami ; 
Zia-i-Bami calls him KwSjah Cadr Nizhmi. 



and although Hasan Nizami’s history, in regard to style, is 
open to the same objection as A1 ’Otbi’s, it will be published 
as soon as a sufficient number of good copies can be obtained. 
I have at present only one copy, but other copies are procur- 
able in India. The author’s preface breathes the same spirit 
as that of A1 ’Otbi, that, indeed, of the times in which he 
lived — the true spirit of Islam, “universal dominion.” AVe 
find in it also the same complaint of want of appreciation of 
learning and learned men, which scholars have been making 
from the earliest ages down to our own times, and consider- 
ably more egotism and vanity than could well be tolerated at 
present. Still he was an accomplished scholar, and he has so 
truthfull}’’ given expression to the Mohammadan “ idea,” that 
I think it worth while to make a short abstract of a portion 
of his remarks : — 

“ Be it known,” says he, “ that in accordance alike with 
the canons of the law and the dictates of the understanding, 
to wage war with the enemies of religion is both desirable 
and incumbent. The virtue of a religious war (jihad) has 
been made evident by many very clear texts, viz., ‘Fight in 
the path of God the righteous fight.’ Again, ‘ Fight the un- 
believers in God and the last day.’ Again, ‘Figlit the poly- 
theists {munhrikin) every one of them.’ All persons of in- 
telligence and understanding very well know that the sta- 
bilit)^ of religion and good government, and the maintenance 
of the integrity of the law, are dependent upony//m^^ ; and that 
the prosperity and vigour of the Church and State are bound up 
with it. The administration of the affairs of a State without 
the intervention of the sword is impossible ; and although the 
government of a country without the instrumentality of the 
pen or the civil power is equally so, still until the foundations 
of empire have been laid and strengthened by the sword, and 
the boundaries about and around the frontiers of Islam are 
cleared of the enemies of religion ; until laws and regulations 
of justice and right are enforced for the protection of the 
cultivators and the poor, — who are a sacred trust bequeathed 
(to kings) by the Creator, — and the hand of oppression and 
persecution is stayed from the shedding of blood, and the 
rapine and plunder of the property of the Moslims ; until aU 
this has been accomplished by the sword, the orders and legal 
decisions of the learned, who are the inheritors of the laws of 
the Prophets, can meet with neither honour nor respect, nor 



can tlie affairs of a kingdom be well administered.” The 
author then goes on to say that “ proof of his position lies in 
the fact which is fully borne out by history, that in every 
age some one ‘defender of the true faith’ has arisen to fulfil 
the requirements of this theory ; as, for instance, in the time 
of Mu’izz ud-din Abu’l-Muzafiar Mohammad bin Sam bin al- 
Husain, AbuT Harith Kutb ud-din Aibak,^ who having cleared 
Hindustan of the enemies (of Islam) by the sword, has left us 
the evidences and signs of his greatness and prowess to be the 
ornament of history.” 

Regarding the author himself, we glean from his work that 
he was born at Nishapur, whence he came and settled at 
Ghaznin. He was a man of considerable attainments, and 
writes with much elegance, according to the Oriental idea, 
and consequently with great verbosity. He has devoted no 
less than fifty- seven pages to a recital of his objects and rea- 
sons for setting out from Ghaznin for Delhi, the objections 
his friends raised to it, and the circumstances which induced 
him to write his history. I can therefore only give a precis 
of his remarks. He sa}"s — 

“I, Hasan Nizami, although it is desirable to abridge 
my remarks, yet since elegaht writing hath charms which 
dispel weariness, before commencing on my subject, I may 
as well acquaint my readers with certain misfortunes 
which befel me, and a few of the events of the times. 
And, first, I would observe that I had never before 
travelled, or even contemplated travelling, until wars and 
rebellion in Khorasan became the rule, and no one any longer 
paid the slightest attention to persons of learning or erudi- 
tion. Then, certainly, I resolved firmly to get out of the 
countiy. My friends opposed my intention, and this caused 
me to Avaver. At last, however, I left Nishapur, and, follow- 
ing the advice of Shaikh Muhammad Kuf, I went to Ghaznin, 
where I had the distinguished honor of kissing the feet of 
Shaikh Muhammad Shirazi, and through the kindness of the 
Lord Chief Justice, Majd al-Mulk, my lucky star became in 
the ascendant. Some time I spent very pleasantly with him, 
but afterwards I was so unfortunate as to be separated from 
the companionship of these two most exalted personages. I, 
then, with a party of learned men and scholars, set out for 

' Aibalc finger-cut; Kutbuddm tlie finger-cut, as we say Taimiir lang 

or Taimur the lame. He had lost his Uttle finger. 



and arrived at Delhi, which is tlie seat of honor and the 
centre whence liberality radiates. The fatigues of the journey 
caused me to fall sick, but my illness was not very serious, 
and after a little I recovered. Sharf al-MuUi,^ the Lord Chief 
J ustice of Delhi, was very kind to me, and showed me, as his 
father had done before him, great attention. Other digni- 
taries also, seeing this, showed me the attention due to a 
stranger. Soon afterwards some of my intimate friends 
hinted to me that ‘ if a work in Persian, — because the inclina- 
tion of the jDeople of the times either from want of ambition 
or deficiency in scholarship is more partial to that [language 
than to Arabic], — were prepared, having a few couplets in 
praise of the men of the age interspersed throughout it, it 
would be very opportune at the present moment ; it would 
remain as a memento of my scholarship for future ages, and 
the undertaking would certainly not be without some profit.’ 
I naturally felt annoyed at this suggestion ; lost my temper 
to such an extent that my sensative understanding deserted 
me. I said to myself, is it not passing strange that the men 
of these times should think the highest residt of education 
and the ripe fruit of hard and laborious study is the compila- 
tion of a book in Persian and the writing of a few verses ? 
Nevertheless, reflecting upon the following words of the holy 
text, ‘ AVhen the ignorant address ye, agree with them, or 
assent to what they say and ‘after many and extreme argu- 

ments I said to myself, after all the meaning of the proverb, 
‘ a man is known by his parts,’ ^ will not be hid from the 
observant. More especially, since I had been instructed to 
write an account of the victories of the king, it did not seem 
to me that I had the power longer to refuse, and that I ought 
to comply with the royal order, and relate the events and 
victories of his imperial reign, and at the same time do so in 
a composition which by its language and style would lead 
captive the hearts of all who should read it, while rendering 

1 The words I have translated are (^adr-i-AdlL Sharf al-Mulk is a title 
similar to Majd al-Mtdk of Ghaznin. The Chief Justice was generally known by 
his title and not by his name. Sadt-i-J ihdn was not common. From Taimhr’s 
time they were more generally known by the designation of Kazi al-Kuzht, 
though this title is also used in India earlier, as Akza’l-Kuzht in Arabic. 

2 Koran 9th S. 3 v. : \ “ they say, peace be 

unto them,” and the meaning is precisely, “ keep the peace with them, do not get 
into arguments or quarrels with the ignorant.” 

^ K hadith <ij jLalj “ by his heart and tongue.” The author appa- 

rently means to imply that whatever he 'writes, men of understanding will easily 
perceive that it bears the impress of genius. 



conspicuous the eloquence and rhetorical power of the author. 
I commenced to write my work in one of the months of the 
year 602 a.h.” 

The headings of the chapters of the Taj al-Madsir are as 
follows : “ An account of the march [of Kutb ud-din Aibak] 
to conquer Hindustan and the battle of Ajmir in the year 
585 A.H. ; of the consignment of the Governorship of Ajmir 
to the son of Rai Pithora ; of the conquest of Delhi, may God 
protect its good fortune, and perpetuate its glory ; of the 
Governorship of Kahram and Samanah ; of the defeat of Khun- 
wan ? and the killing in battle of the Rai ; of the rebellion of 
Harraj, brother of the Rao of Ajmir ; of the march of his 
Highness towards Ghaznin ; of his march towards Kol (Koil 
or Alighur) and Banares ; of the battle of Banares ; of his 
march towards Kol, and the consignment of its Govern- 
ment to Malik al-Umam Hisam ud-din TJghlabak ; of Ajmir 
again ; of the consignment of the Government of Thankar to 
Baha ud-din Tughral ; of the conquest of Kalewar (Gualior) ; 
of the battle of Nahrivalah, and the defeat of the Rao ; of the 
consignment of the Fort of Kalingar to Muzah ud-din Hasan 
Arnab ; of the return of the Emperor {Sultan us-Sald(in) 
from Khwarazm and the battle of Kokar ; of the martjHdom 
of the Emperor Mu’izz ud-din Mohammad bin Sam ; of the 
resignation of the neighbouring Princes and of the accept- 
ance of Islam by the kingdoms of Hindustan ; of the death of 
his Majesty the Emperor S. S. Kutb ud-din ; of the accession 
to the throne of his Majesty the Emperor Shams ud-din, may 
his reign last for ever ; of the defeat of the army of Ghaznin, 
and the capture of Malik Taj ud-din (Yaldoz) ; of the fight 
with, and defeat of, Kacir ud-din, and the conquest of Luhur 
(Lahor) ; of the consignment of the Government of Lahore 
to his Majesty’s son Kacir ud-din.” 

The book is brought down to the year 614 a.h., but having 
but one copy I am not certain that it is complete throughout. 
The above is sufficient to show that the author was a com- 
petent chronicler of the events of his own times, and that his 
history contains matter of interest ; in short, that the selec- 
tion is a fit one. It wiR be observed that Hasan Nizami 



omits all mention of i^ram Shah, who has been included by 
later historians amongst the Sovereigns of Delhi, between 
Kutb ud-din Aibak and Shams ud-din Ailtimash. The truth 
appears to be that one party set up Aram Shah and another 
Ailtimash, and the latter was victorious ; and of those who 
admit him to the honours of sovereignty, some say he reigned 
less than a year and others accord him only two or three days. 
None of his coins I believe are known to exist. 

Another work which I have had before my mind’s eye, 
and which should be published in this series, if materials can 
be obtained for an edition, is the JamH td-Hikdydt wa lam'i 
ur-Rhcdydt of Jam’ul ud-din Mohammad A1 ’Aufi, who also 
wrote in the time of the Emperor Shams ud-din Ailtimash, 
and by order of his Wazir Nizam ul-Mulk. It is in Persian, 
and was translated into Turkish by Ahmad bin Mohammad, 
commonly called Ibn ’Arab Shah (d. 854). Zia-i-Barni, 
Khwandahmir and others quote it ; but as I have not seen 
the work I say nothing more about it, except that if any one 
has a copy I hope he will lend it to me. A copy is in the 
Paris Library, and copies could possibly be obtained elsewhere 
if they were sought for. These two works, the Taj ul-Madsir 
and Janii nl-IIikdydt, will give us a ver}^ near view of the 
events of the reigns of — I. Kutb ud-din Aibak. II. Shams 
ud-din Ailtimash. 

The next work of importance on the list, and which has 
already been published under my editorship in this series, is 
the Tuhakdt-i-Ndgiri, by the Lord Chief Justice Abu ’Omar 
Minhaj ud-din ’Othman bin Siraj ud-din al Jauzjani. He 
was born at Firozkoh, in Khorasan, 590 a.h., and came to 
India in the year 624 a.h., where he was made Principal of 
the College of Uchh, in Sindh. This was very shortly after 
Hasan Nizami, the author of the Idj ul-Madsir, died. "\Ye 
subsequently find him in Oudh, at Lakhnauti, and at Gualior, 
always holding the highest legal and ecclesiastical offices ; 
and finally at Delhi, first in the reign of Bahram Shah, and 
afterwards in that of Naqir ud-din Mahmud, as Chief Justice. 
His work, as its name imports, is rather a book of dynasties 
than a history of any particular dynasty or number of reigns ; 



and owing to the number of Emperors, Kings, and Princes, 
he has given us notices of in the portion which I have printed, 
viz., ninety-seven, many of them are extremelj" brief. Indeed, 
with the exception of the reign of Kacir ud-din, in whose 
honour he compiled his work, and in the fifteenth year of 
whose reign he wrote it (658 a.h.), most of his biographical 
notices contain a mere outline. It must be borne in mind, 
however, that in Minhaj-i-Siraj’s time Mohammadan India 
was divided into four kingdoms, the three minor ones acknow- 
ledging but a very nominal subordination to the Central 
Government, and that only under powerful Sovereigns. These 
were Hindustan, Bengal, the Punjab, and Sindh, each having 
their seats of Government at Delhi, Lakhnauti, Lahore, and 
TTchh. Now the peculiar and most important feature of the 
Tahakdt-i-Ndciri is that it gives us a biographical sketch of 
the contemporary rulers of all these kingdoms, as also of the 
Kings of the countries beyond the Indus, as well as of the 
Emperors of Delhi. An objection to the Talakdt-i-Ndciri, 
however, is, that in the author’s treatment of his subject he 
has generally applied his kingdoms to his kings instead of 
the reverse ; and we therefore find Kings of Bengal mixed up 
in the same chapter, or tabakah, with Emperors of Delhi, and 
^nce versa, becaiise they were of the same lineage. Another 
very unsatisfactory point about his work is that he seldom 
names his authorities, contenting himself with that abomin- 
able habit, so sparingly adopted by good Arabian authors, of 
commencing a passage with “trustworthy persons relate.” 
The brevity of the notices too, even of many of the Emperors 
under whom Minhaj-i-Siraj himself held office, excludes them 
from the category of history. Still, short though they he, 
they are of the utmost importance as a means of checking the 
accounts of later and less trustworthy authors ; and, looking 
to the comprehensive scope of the work and the very scanty 
remnants of the manuscript histories of the dynasties of 
which he has given us an account, the Tahakdt-i-Ndgiri is 
certainly the most valuable historical record of the period 
which has been preserved. 

Minhaj-i-Sir^j, in the preface, gives the following statement 

VOL. III. — [new series.] 29 



of the objects and reasons for compiling his work. lie says, 
briefly : — 

“ I found a chronological table of historical events which 
had been compiled by certain learned men in the times of 
the successors of Na^'ir ud-din Subuktagin with the view 
of enlightening posterity regarding the history of the Pro- 
phets, Khalifahs, and Kings, and their descendants in times 
past ; and in the preparation of which they had indented 
on evcr}^ available source of information.^ After treating of 
the affairs of the prophets and their pure descendants and the 
Khalifs of the TJmaUjah, and the Bani’l-’ Abbas, and the 
Kings of Persia and the Khusroes, they concluded with an 
account of the affairs of the house of the auspicious Sultan 
Mahmud Subuktagin, excluding the history of other Kings, 
and Emperors, and their collateral branches, anterior and 
contemporary. I therefore desired to enlarge this abridge- 
ment so as to include the history of all the Mohammadan 
Sultans of Arabia and ’Ajam, both in earlier and later times ; 
and throw some light on the affairs of each sepai’ate house 
and family, such, for instance, as the Tobb’as of Yaman, and 
the Himyarite Kings ; and after treating of the Khalifahs, 
recount also the affairs of the ’Al-i-Boyah, and the Tahirian, 
Saflarian, the Samanian, Saljukian, Rumian, Shansbanian, 
who were the Sultans of Ghor, and Ghaznin, and Hind, and 
the Khwarazmshahian, and the Kings of Kurd, who were the 
Sultans of Syria, and the Kings and Saldtin-i-Mo’ izziyah, 
who sat on the thrones of Ghaznin and India down to the 
auspicious times of the present reigning Sovereign Kagir ud- 
din AbiVl-Muzaffar Mahmud bin us-Sultan, who is of the 
dynasty of Ailtimash, and who has inherited the throne by 
regular succession. I wrote this history and adorned it by 
entitling it after this auspicious Sovereign, ‘ The Tahakdt-i- 
Nd^iri.’ Minhaj-i-Siraj continues in the introduction to his 
chapter on the Ghaznavi Kings : ‘ The Imam Abu T-Fazl 
al-IIusain Baihaki in the Tdrikh-i-Nd^'iri relates on the autho- 
rity of the Sultan Sa’id Mahmud, that he (Mahmud) had 
heard from his father Subuktagin,’ etc. ; ‘ and the Imam 
Mohammad ’Ali Abu ’1-Kasim Ilammadi, in the chronological 
or historical table (Tdrikh-i-MajadicnJ) relates as follows,’ 
etc. He also quotes the Tanlih-i-Mukaddasi, and a work by 

1 Literally, “from every p^arden a flower, from every ocean a drop, they had col- 
lected. It is a pity Minhaj-i-Siraj did not mention the names of these authors or 
the name of their book. Possibly it was Mahmdd Warrak of whom Baihaki 



Abu 1-Hasan al-Haidbam an-Nabi (?) ; but generally, as be- 
fore mentioned, be has not given his authorities.” ^ 

He concludes his chapter of the biographies of the Emperors 
of Delhi with an account of the events of the fifteenth year of 
Xacir ud-din’s reign (658 a.h.), or up to the date ol his 
writing his book ; and he there expressed a hope that if he 
lived he would be able to continue his history ; but he does 
not seem to have done so. He wrote another work, however, 
named the Kagiri-ndmah, but I have no information of it 
except that it contains an account of the siege of the Fort of 
Xandanah, near Kinnouj, by General Balban, then styled 
Ulugh Khan, and afterwards Emperor, and of the capture 
and imprisonment of Dalki and Malki.^ 

Taking up the history where the author of the Taj nl- 
Jtladsir lays it down, Minhaj ud-din has given us an account 
of the reigns of the following Emperors of Delhi : — 

II. Shams ud-din Ailtimash. 

III. Kuhn ud-din Firoz Shah. 
lY. Eadhiyah, the Queen. 

Y. Mu’izz ud-din Bahram Shah. 

YI. ’Ala ud-din Mas’iid Shah. 

YII. Ka9ir ud-din Mahmud Shah, first 15 years. 

Following ill the wake of Minhaj-i-Siraj, but about half a 
century later, Zia ud-din Barni wrote a standard history of 
very great merit, which has already been published in this 
series, under its title, the Tdrikh-i-Firoz- Shdhi. The author 
was born about the year 684 a.h. At least he says in his 
history that in the year 758 a.h. he was then 74 years of age. 
He frequent!}' says throughout his book, “ I heard so and so 
from my father and taking dates, and the standing and 
position of the authorities, I think I am authorised in includ- 
ing these two histories in the historical chain without any 
connecting Hnk. 

The preface of the Tdrikh-i-Firoz-Shdhi is rather long and 
somewhat bombastic. The author enters into a Ions: dis- 

* [A full list of the contents of the Tabakdl-i-Xdfiri is to be found in Mr, 
iMorley’s Catalogue of the MSS. of the Royal .Asiatic Society (1854.) — Ed.] 

2 The copulative has puzzled Orientalists, as it is plain from the context that 
one individual only is meant. 



quisition on the value of history, and has given at length 
seven reasons for its superiority over other branches of know- 
ledge, and why very few are competent to undertake the task 
of writing a history, and why he himself was possessed of 
peculiar fitness for it. I give a few extracts from it and his 
book below; but I may mention here, that my main object 
here is to show that the works selected for publication in the 
Persian series are the best available sources for the history of 
Hindustan under the Mohammadan Sovereigns of Delhi, and 
that the authors of them are trustworthy, and have been con- 
sidered so by their contemporaries and those Mohammadan 
historians of